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THE WORKS 


OF 


THE REV. JOSEPH BINGHAM, M.A. 


EDITED BY 


HIS LINEAL DESCENDANT 


THE REV. R. BINGHAM, JUN,, M.A. 


FORMERLY OF MAGDALENE HALL, OXFORD, 
AND 


FOR MANY YEARS CURATE OF TRINITY CHURCH, GOSPORT. 





A NEW EDITION, IN TEN VOLUMES. 


VOL. I. 





OXFORD: 
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 


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Digitized by {he Internet Archive 
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THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS 
‘GRISCHOVIUS’S - 


LATIN VERSION OF THE WORKS 


OF 


JOSEPH BINGHAM. 





ITA tandem multorum satisfieri ceepit votis, qui, ut Binghami Ort- 
eres Eccuss1 alia, quam Anglicana lingua, legi possent, vehementer 
optarunt. Ex quo enim per varias eruditorum ephemerides innotuit, 
quanto studio, quanta industria Auctor doctissimus in hocce argu- 
mento versatus sit, quam exactam et exquisitam eorum omnium, 
que, ut solide illud pertractaretur, requirebantur, secum attulerit 
notitiam, non poterant non ingenti cupiditate ad illud legendum in- 
flammari, quotquot antiquitatibus historizque ecelesiastice justum 
statuere pretium didicerunt. Hi ergo jam invenient, quo suam 
abunde expleant sitim, dum prima operis hujus pars, in Latinum 
translata sermonem, omnium se oculis offert, atque deprehendent 


_ 1 (John Francis Buddeus was born at Aclam in Pomerania in 1667. He com- 
pleted his education at the University of Wittemberg, where he was Assistant- 
Professor of Philosophy in 1689. He was afterwards Professor of Moral and 
Political Philosophy at Halle in 1693, and eventually Professor of Theology at 
Jena in 1705, where he died in 1729. This Lutheran divine was a man of great 
learning and industry, as his rather numerous works, chiefly on theological sub- 
jects, declare. Ep.| 
a 2 


1V THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED TO 


nihil tam preclare de eo dictum esse aut dici posse, ut non multis 
modis illud superet. 

Ecclesiastice antiquitatis qui contemnunt aut in minimis ponunt 
cognitionem, se ignaros eorum, que theologiz, immo et jurispruden- 
tie, vel maxime inserviunt, demonstrant. Jucundum non tantum est 
eorum, que hinc inde adhuc in nostris Ecclesiis conspiciuntur, cog- 
nitam perspectamque habere originem, sed utile etiam, immo neces- 
sarium, ut nostre veterisque Ecclesie comparatione instituta, inde 
discamus, quousque conveniant inter se, aut a se invicem dissentiant. 
Non is equidem sum, qui veterem Ecclesiam omnis plane nevi ex- 
pertem fuisse existimem, aut nostre hanc esse conditionem, ut, ad 
ritus et ceremonias quod attinet, cum veteri conspirare prorsus in 
omnibus aut possit, aut debeat: nec tamen iis profecto suffragari 
possum, qui veterum Christianorum instituta deprimunt nimis et ex- 
tenuant, eorundemque vestigia quevis remota atque omnino deleta 
cupiunt. Multa apud eos occurrunt, que et pietatem singularem, et 
fervorem zelumque ardentem pro gloria Dei, et indefessum studium 
vitee sanctitatem castitatemque cum doctrine puritate conjungendi, 
demonstrant ; qua quo magis hodie nonnullis, effrenz vivendi cunc- 
taque pro lubitu agendi libertati faventibus, eumque in finem vete- 
rum Christianorum dicta, facta, consuetudines, ritus, aut irridenti- 
bus, aut sinistra interpretatione depravantibus, displicent ; eo majo- 
rem promerentur laudem, qui ea contra, recte explicata et luce ma- 
jori collustrata, omnium oculis exponunt, ut quo jure aliquid aut lau- 
detur aut vituperetur, rursusque aut ceu spurium rejiciatur, aut ceu 
genuinum retineatur, quilibet, animum ad hec advertens, dijudicare 
queat. lLatissime quidem hec omnia patent, et tum in Ecclesiz 
regimine recte instituendo et administrando, tum et illorum, qui se 
Christianos profitentur, vita moribusque dijudicandis, usum suum de- 
monstrant: accedit tamen, quod ipsa quoque Ecclesize evangelice 
doctrina haud leve in antiquitate ecclesiastica presidium inveniat. 
Non utique eodem magnopere indigemus, quum Romanensibus ex 
sola Scriptura Sacra ita obviam ire queamus, ut victas dare manus 
cogantur ; provocandoque ad Ecclesiz auctoritatem id demum effi- 
ciant, ut omnes intelligant, apud verum legitimumque judicem se 
causa cecidisse. Quum vero illud insuper, quo unice adhuc se tuen- 
tur, munimentum, veteris Ecclesiz auctoritatem, illis itidem eripi- 
mus nobisque vindicamus, nostra eo certior non minus, quam cla- 
rior et evidentior redditur victoria. Errantque magnopere, si nos 
hocce pugne genus detrectare sibi persuadeant ; ad quod eo luben- 
tius potius descendimus, quo eo certiores sumus, potiorem saltem 
melioremque veteris Ecclesiz partem a nostris stare partibus. Que 


THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM’S WORKS. Vv 


omnia ut aliunde constant, ita in hisce ipsis Originibus Ecclesiasticis 
ita subinde confirmantur, ut quod cordatis et ingenuis harum rerum 
existimatoribus dubium movere queat, supersit nihil. 

Non desunt, fateor, qui in antiquitatibus ecclesiasticis illustrandis 
operam suam studiumque collocarunt. Ingens cumprimis illorum est 
numerus, qui partes quasdam singulatim sibi sumpserunt explican- 
das; quorum precipuas selectioresque commentationes in Thesauro, 
quem una cum viro clarissimo, Joanne Georgio Walchio2, molior, 
Ecclesiastico, junctim aliquando per Numinis propitium favorem ex- 
hibere est animus. Sed paucis admodum tantam librorum multitu- 
dinem legere, paucioribus sibi comparare, paucissimis eadem recte 
uti, datum est. Sunt porro, qui unico velut fasce cuncta complecti, 
aut integrum quoddam apteque coherens antiquitatum ecclesiastica- 
rum corpus proferre in lucem conati sunt, ut Joannes Baptista Casa- 
lius3, Guil. Caveus4, Gothofredus Arnoldus5,et alii quidam, certe 
non adeo multi. At, si dicendum quod res est, nemo illorum ita 
cuncta persecutus est, ut non semper exstiterint, qui plenius aliquod, 
et exquisitiori studio elaboratum ecclesiasticarum antiquitatum sys- 
tema desiderarent. Quz quidem gloria Binghamo nostro reservata 
videtur ; qui, si ad supremum fastigium non pervenit, quod nemini 
mortalium temere dabitur, omnium tamen, qui ante eum huncce 
campum ingressi sunt, industriam superavit, et longissime post se re- 
liquit. Conspirant in hocce opere cuncta, que pretium ejus augere 
possunt : tractatio plena, in qua nec desint necessaria, nec superflua 
tedium creent, ordo concinnus, probationes solide, et ex ipsis fonti- 


2 [John George Walch was very much younger than Buddeus, who at this 
time was full fifty-seven years of age. But in the year 1724, when Buddeus 
wrote this Preface, Walch was Extraordinary Professor of Theology at Jena, and 
in 1726 Ordinary Professor. He was born at Meiningen in 1693. He died in 
1775. Perhaps we owe his Miscellanea Sacra (Amstel. 1744,) or his Bibliotheca 
Theologica (Jenz, 1757,) to his intimacy with Buddeus. I am not aware that 
any Thesaurus Ecelesiasticus is extant, as the joint work of these divines. Ep. ] 

3 [He was the author of several books on subjects of antiquities, e.g., De Pro- 
fanis et Sacris Ritibus Veteribus, Rome 1644. 4to. De Ritu Nuptiarum et Jure 
Connubiali Veterum, &c., in his book De Tragedia et Comedia Lucubratio, 80.» 
Lugd. Bat. 1699. 4to. Ep.] 

4 [The well known author of the Historia Literaria, &c. Ep.) 

5 [Geoffrey Arnold, born at Annaberg in Sept. 1665. Died in 1714. He was 
Minister of Paleberg and Historiographer to the King of Prussia. He is said 
to have been a very zealous partizan of the sect of the Pietists among the German 
Protestants. He was the author of A Histery of the Church and Some Heresies, 
Leipsic, 1700. 8vo. He also wrote A History of Mystical Theology, his only 
work in Latin. See De Feller’s Biographie Universelle, vol. 1. p- 298. Ep.) 


vl THE PREACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED ΤΟ 


bus, ubique diligenter indicatis, hauste, perspicuitas summa, omni 
proscripta obscuritate. 

Nec offendet, puto, quenquam, quod ‘Saab doctissimus senten- 
tias, auctoritatis episcopalis seu hierarchize in Anglia defensoribus 
proprias, defendat. Hisce enim partibus quum ipsemet addictus sit, 
nemo ei hoc vitio vertere poterit. Quod si etiam, qui cum hisce fa- 
ciunt, in veteris Ecclesiz institutis ad sua placita flectendis nimii 
sunt, in idem tamen haud raro incurrunt vitium, qui illis, sepe sine 
pregpanti ratione, sese opponunt. Preterea, quum utraque pars in 
veteris Ecclesie disciplina et institutis causze suze presidium queerat, 
illud ex hisce certaminibus exstitit commodum, ut scriptis subinde 
egregiis nova lux antiquitatibus ecclesiasticis affunderetur, certe ma- 
jori studio ac industria in iis eruendis ac investigandis viri quidam 
eruditi versarentur, quam forte ceteroquin factum fuisset. Certe 
inter eos, qui pro episcoporum auctoritate et veteri disciplina reti- 
nenda militarunt, viros fuisse exquisita rerum veteris Ecclesiz no- 
titia imbutos, Joannis Pearsonii, Henrici Hammondi, Henrici Dod- 
welli, aliorumque, quorum nomina orbis eruditus veneratur, exempla 
testantur. Binghamo vero nostro hoc pre reliquis proprium est, 
quod magna animi moderatione judicioque singulari in hisce omni- 
bus versetur, adeo ut, si in quibusdam emendatione quadam opus. 
habet, longe plurima contra sint, ex quibus insignem lector capere 
queat utilitatem. 

Ut exemplis quibusdam, que diximus comprobemus, quando 
Auctor (1.1. c. 5.) de Distinctione inter Laicos et Clericos®, verba fa-. 
cit, antiquitatem simul hujus distinctionis evincere annititur. Eum 
in finem primum producit testimonium Clementis Alexandrini7: tum 
vero ulterius progreditur, et ab Ecclesia Judaica originem suam du- 
cere asserit ; idque hocce Clementis Romani® testimonio confirmat : 
Τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ ἴδιαι λειτουργίαι δεδομέναι εἰσί. καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἴδιος ὁ τόπος 
προστέτακται, τοῖς Λευΐταις ἴδιαι διακονίαι ἐπίκεινται" ὁ λαϊκὸς ἄνθρωπος τοῖς 
λαϊκοῖς προστάγμασιν δέδεται. Summo sacerdoti sua munera tributa sunt, 
sacerdotibus locus proprius assignatus est, et Levitis sua ministeria in- 
cumbunt : laicus preceptis laicis constringitur. (Ep. 1. ad Corinth. ἢ. 
40.) Quemadmodum vero in eo, quod a Judeis, apud quos sacri 
ordinis viri specialiori quodam sensu Sors Dei dicebantur, distinctio- 
nis hujus derivanda sit origo, me aliosque facile secum consentientes 
habet ; ita non zeque omnes inter se conveniunt, quando, et qua ra- 
tione, eadem ad Christianos sit translata. Enimvero, si testimonio 


6 [Vol. 1. pp. 36-45. 7 Quis dives salvetur. See ibid. p. 36. n. 76. 
8 Ibid. p.°37. n. 77. Ep.] phe 


THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM'S WORKS. vil 


Clementis Alexandrini locus concedatur, circa finem sezculi secundi 
eam in usu fuisse, inde colligetur, quod et Tertulliani auctoritate, si 
opus esset, confirmari posset. Ex Clementis autem Romani verbis 
id quidem conficitur, in Ecclesia Judaica hocce inter clericos et 
laicos discrimen obtinuisse, quod et positum est extra controversiam ; 
apud Christianos id jam ea etate in usu fuisse, nec Clemens dicit, 
nec ideo hocce comprobari potest effato. Scopus enim ejus atque 
totus sermonis nexus ostendunt eum, Ecclesie Judaice exemplo, 
tantum ostendere voluisse, ordinem certum in Ecclesia quoque Chris- 
tiana observandum esse. Quod si itaque probari nequit, tempore 
Clementis Romani hancce distinctionem atque appellationem in usu 
fuisse; multo minus asseri poterit eam ab ipsis Apostolis originem 
ducere, quod praeunte Cesare Baronio, contendit Petrus de Marca, 
in Dissertatione de Discrimine Clericorum et Laicorum ; refutante et 
rejiciente hance sententiam beato Christiano Kortholto nostro9, in 
Disquisitionibus anti-Baronianis ; (Disquisit. 5. ὃ. 4. p. 151.) 

. Atque hee quum ita se habeant, valde dubito, an doctissimus 
Binghamus noster distinctionis hujus veritatem, contra Rigaltium, 
Salmasium, Seldenum, satis in tuto, quod pollicetur, collocaverit '°. 
Enimvero, discrimen aliquod inter eos, qui docentium munere aut 
aliis Ecclesie ministeriis fungebantur, et reliquos, qui nullum sibi 
impositum habebant officium, fuisse, ipsa ratio docet; indeque cla- 
rissime evincitur, quod Servator certas in Ecclesia functiones con- 
stituerit, docente Apostolo, Eph. 4, 11. Quare si quis clericorum 
et laicorum vocibus, nihil aliud, quam quod inter docentes et audi- 
tores, aut eos, qui certis muneribus funguntur vel iis non funguntur, 
intercedit, denotare vellet; tum quidem ipsum hocce haud dubie a 
divina institutione derivandum esset discrimen; parumque referret, 
guando demum voces iste ad illud significandum adhiberi ccepissent. 


9 [I do not meet with any account of these Disquisitions against Baronius. 
Christian Kortholt the Elder certainly was not the author of any such book; and 
from the expression nostro it is evident that Buddeus speaks of a contemporary 
and a member too of the same University. Such was Christian Kortholt the 
Younger, the grandson of the former and son of Sebastian Kortholt, who suc- 
ceeded his father in the professorship at Kiel. The Younger Kortholt was born 
in that city in 1709; and such were his attainments in early life, that when only 
twenty years of age he was admitted to the Journal of Leipsic, and therein are 
many good pieces of his writing to be found till 1736. He was afterwards Chap- 
lain to the Danish Ambassador at Vienna, and was appointed in 1742 Professor 
of Divinity at Gottingen, where he died in 1751. His best work was entitled De 
Ecelesiis Suburbicariis. See more in Chalmers, vol. 19. p. 422. Ep.] 

10 [Bearing in mind the low church views which Buddeus entertained of a 
hierarchy, we shall estimate the following passage accordingly. Ep.] 


Vili THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED TO 


Quum vero, ut antea observavimus, et Auctor eruditissimus fatetur, 
ex Ecclesia Judaica voces iste derivate sint, et altera quidem, seu 
vox clericus singularem quandam ἐξοχὴν, ministris Ecclesiz in Novo 
Testamento non debitam, et cum quodam illorum, qui laici dicuntur, 
contemptu conjunctam, indicare videatur, aliter censendum esse res 
ipsa ostendit. Non equidem puto, id sibi voluisse, qui primum 
hisce vocibus in Ecclesia usi sunt; fierique potuit, ut innocenti hoc 
facerent consilio, nec sacri ordinis viris aliam, quam que jure illis 
tribuitur, vindicare vellent dignitatem. Occasionem tamen hine ena- 
tam non diffiteor, qua sequiori «tate nonnulli ad imperium aliquod 
in reliquos, sacri ordinis viris vindicandum, abusi sunt. Horum 
enim ambitioni quum, sub Romanorum Pontificum tyrannide, nec 
modus nec finis poneretur, peropportunum illis hocce accidebat dis- 
crimen, quo eleric?, uti vocabantur, velut supra humanam sortem 
evecti, Jaicos, ceu infra eandem positos, contemnebant, et alto 
despiciebant supercilio. Et hactenus quidem distinctionem hancce 
inter causas, que imperio potestatique Papali incrementum dederunt, 
me non invito referre licebit. Nec tamen hoc obstabit, quo minus 
in sano sobrioque sensu in Ecclesiis Protestantium retineatur; ut ea 
nihil aliud, quam, quod ex ipso docentium munere oritur, discrimen 
mnuatur. Voces istas si quis ferre nolit, per me quidem non stabit, 
quo minus abrogentur, modo res ipsa secundum divinam institu- 
tionem salva maneat. Nec enim super iis magnopere cum quoquam 
contendendum existimo. 

Dum Auctor noster in eo est, ut discrimen inter clericos et laicos 
edisserat, ad celeberrimum illud Petri Apostoli 11 effatum devolvitur, 
quo presbyteros adhortatur, Ne dominentur cleris, μήδ᾽ ὡς κατακυ- 
ριεύοντες τῶν κλήρων, Observatque post alios, verba hecce tam bona 
Ecclesize quam ipsum populum significare posse. Recte itaque ab 
illis episcopalis auctoritatis defensoribus discedit, qui τῶν κλήρων 
nomine ordines sacros inferiores denotari putant, ut adeo suprema 
episcoporum potestas hic vel maxime stabiliatur. Quod tamen quam 
absonum sit, vel inde intelligitur, quod Apostolus statim addit,— 
᾿Αλλὰ τύποι γενόμενοι Tod ποιμνίου, Sed qui exempla sitis gregi. Per 
τοὺς κλήρους eosdem intelligi, quos τοῦ ποιμνίου seu gregis nomine 
designat, oppositionis ratio docet. At per gregem non clericos in- 
᾿ ferioris ordinis, sed omnes generatim, qui ecclesiam constituebant, 
significari, vel inde manifestum est, quod hisce non minus, quam 
illis, vitee sanctitate ac integritate exemplum preire episcopus debeat, 
ad quod sese componant. Atque consentit hac in re nobiscum eru- 


11 [t Pet. 5, 3. See Antiquities, as before, v. 1. p- 38. Ep.] 


THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM’S WORKS. 1x 


ditissimus Auctor noster, τῶν κλήρων nomine ipsum hic venire popu- 
lum: sed addit, Nihil tamen dicunt amplius (qui populum intelligunt) 
quam quod de-populo Israélitico legimus, qui vocabatur Dei κλῆρος et 
λαὸς ἔγκληρος, “‘ Dei hereditas” et “ Populus possessionis.”’ (Deut. 9, 
29; 4, 20.) Sicut et Judai et Christiani erant in oppositione Genti- 
lium ; hoc non obstante, Deus peculiarem in populo suo habebat κλῆρον, 
qui ipsius sors erant et hereditas, et hoc nomine distincti a laicis, hoc 
est, reliqua multitudine. At vero licet distinctionis hujus origo a 
Judeis peti queat, non eodem tamen modo sensuque eam apud 
Christianos locum invenire antea monuimus. Atque hinc reliqua, 
que clarissimus Auctor dicit, facili negotio dijudicari possunt. 
Accedimus ad id, yuod caput cause est, et de quo vel maxime 
inter episcopalis potestatis propugnatores, et eos qui eidem adver- 
santur, disceptari solet, originem episcoporum, et eorundem a pres- 
byteris distinctionem ; de qua Auctor, (1. 2, c.1,) verba facit 12, 
Talem, inquit 13, distinctionem in Ecclesia semper fuisse observatam 
liquet ex plerorumque veterum scriptorum testimoniis, qui de episcopis, 
presbyteris, et diaconis, tanquam distinctis in Ecclesia gradibus, et de 
duobus quidem posterioribus, ut primo subordinatis, loqguuntur. Lubens 
fateor statim post Apostolorum tempora distinctionem hanc inter 
episcopos et presbyteros exortam esse, adeoque longe esse antiquis- 
simam. Quum enim quibusdam in locis plures essent presbyteri, et 
vero inter hosce ordo aliquis observandus esset, non poterat non, qui 
primus inter eos erat 14, ἐξοχὴν quandam pre reliquis obtinere. Que 
quidem ἐξοχὴ quum sola virtutis, integritatis, sanctitatisque preestan- 
tia niteretur, ut ab imperio et auctoritate potestateque magistratui 
propria quam longissime aberat, ita veneratio quedam equidem, 
minime autem obsequium, vel etiam munerum aut prestationum 
diversitas, illi ex parte reliquorum presbyterorum respondebat. 
Preterea quum illi quibus Ecclesiz salus cure cordique erat, per- 
spicerent hanc unius presbyteri pre reliquis ἐξοχὴν ad concordiam 
conservandam funestasque evitandas dissensiones valere plurimum, 
eam non approbarunt solum sed commendarunt vehementer, eosque, 
qui ei se opponerent, objurgarunt. Nec erat, quod ea in re repre- 
hendi poterat, si intra primos limites substitisset. Hos vero quum 
migrarent, quibus honoris commodorumque suorum potior cura erat, 
quam salutis Ecclesie ; mirum non est, brevi temporis spatio episco- 
palem auctoritatem tantum cepisse incrementum, ut non modo pres- 
byteris multum se superiores esse contenderent, sed prestationes 


12 [See vol. 1. pp. 46—59. 13 Jbid. 5. 2. p. 48. 
14 The argument for the view of a primus inter pares which virtually denies 
episcopacy as a separate order, and regards a bishop as a ruling elder only. Ep.] 


Χ THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED TO 


quasdam functionesque ita sibi vindicarent, ut presbyteris easdem 
obire fas esse negarent diserte.. Jam ad Veterum testimonia quod 
attinet, ejusmodi distinctionem, quam proxima post Apostolos zetate 
inter episcopos et presbyteros fuisse diximus, omnino confirmant, 
plura inde non elicias. 

Testimonia Ignatii, ita Auctor eruditissimus pergit 15, hue facientia 
tam firma sunt atque luculenta, ut nihil unquam adversus ea afferri 
potuerit, nisi quod non sint genuine antiqui istius auctoris reliquie ; ad 
guod vero a viris doctis toties responsum fuit, ut isti opinioni cum 
ratione nemo amplius inherere possit. Verissimum utique est Ignatii 
tam luculenta esse testimonia, ut iis refragari non liceat. Nec hodie 
quisquam harum rerum peritus temere invenietur, qui Epistolas istas — 
pro spuriis minusque genuinis habeat. Nec tamen aliud quid inde 
condiscas, quam tempore Ipnatii jam discrimen aliquod inter epi- 
scopos et presbyteros obtinuisse, ejusmodi videlicet, quale statim 
post Apostolorum tempora, aut forte circa extremam illorum etatem, 
exortum antea docuimus. Atque hoc modo reliqua etiam, que Auctor 
affert, testimonia recte sese habent. | 

Quum vero ulterius asserit ordinem episcoporum ab Apostolis in- 
stitutum, preter episcopalis potestatis in Anglia propugnatores, (de 
Romanensibus enim ut quidquam dicam, necesse non est,) paucos 
forte secum consentientes habebit. Non tantum enim nullum hujus 
rei in Scriptura Sacra exstat vestigium, sed contra, eosdem plane 
et episcopos et presbyteros tempore Apostolorum fuisse innuitur. 
Certe presbyteros etiam episcopos dictos ex Act. 20, 17 et 28, con- 
discimus. lidem enim presbyteri, quos Epheso ad se arcessivit 
Paulus, ver.17, diserte episcopi vocantur, ver.28. Sic et quum Paulus 
jussisset, ut Titus oppidatim constitueret presbyteros idoneos, qui essent 
inculpati, tanquam dispensatores rerum divinarum, non luxu infames, 
aut contumaces, (Tit. 1,5, 6,) statim rationis loco subjicit, quod tales 
deceat esse episcopos. Qui pro episcopatus origine divina pugnant, 
simul asserere solent unius urbis unicum tantum esse posse epi- 
scopum. At Ephesi plures fuisse episcopos itidem ex Actor. 20, 
17—28, patet. Nec est, quod excipias, non Ephesine solum sed 
aliarum simul Asie urbium episcopos intelligi. Ejus enim rei 
nullum apud Lucam deprehendimus vestigium. Accedit, quod et 
ex Philipp. 1, 1, recte colligatur, Philippis quoque plures fuisse 
episcopos, seu, quod perinde est, plures presbyteros, qui et epi- 
scopi dicti sint, et qui omnes fuerint xquales. Quum vero etiam 
Actor. 20, 17—28, de episcopis seu presbyteris dicatur, quod 
attendere gregi et pascere ecclesiam Christi debeant, unum omnium 

| “15 [Ibid. p. 48. Ep.] 


THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM’S WORKS. ΧΙ 


fuisse officium, nec ‘episcopos peculiare aliquod pre presbyteris 
habuisse, inde edocemur '6. Idque confirmat Petrus, quando inquit, 
Presbyteros obsecroego compresbyter (συμπρεσβύτερος), pascite gre- 
gem, qui in vobis est. (1 Ep. 5,1, 2.) Ubi, quum se συμπρεσβύτερον 
appellitet, et tamen episcopos alloquatur, nullum inter presbyteros et 
episcopos eum constituisse discrimen manifestum est. Diserte quo- 
que, quod episcoporum munus est, pascere gregem presbyteris tribuit. 
Atque, hee quum ex Sacris Literis constent, testimonia scriptorum 
ecclesiasticorum, que episcopatus originem ab apostolica derivare 
institutione videntur, non multum nobis facessent negotii: quan- 
quam si paulo accuratius considerentur, nec nostre repugnent sen- 
tentiz. 

Lidem auctores, inquit Binghamus noster 17, ceteris omnibus con- 
sentientibus declarant, non esse eum (episcoporum ordinem) ab homi- 
nibus inventum, sed initio ab ipsis Apostolis ex divina ordinatione 
constitutum. Episcoporum ordinem, in se spectatum, non esse ab 
hominibus inventum,.sed ab Apostolis, quin ipso Christo institutum, 
lubentes fatemur, idque nos ipsemet condocet Apostolus, Eph. 4, 11. 
Sed questio est de ejusmodi ordine episcoporum, qui a presbytero- 
rum ordine non tantum distinctus, sed eodem etiam multum est 
superior, ita ut munera quedam illi tribuantur, quibus presbyteris 
fungi non licet; quem si secundi tertiive seculi Patres apostolicz 
constitutioni tribuerent, mirum equidem id non esset, cum jam ea 
tempore episcopi se supra presbyteros efferre inceperint; facileque 
contingere potuerit, ut eam quam animo conceperant, episcopi no- 
tionem in Ecclesia apostolica se invenisse sibi persuaderent: nec 
tamen istud ex illorum, que proferuntur, testimoniis colligas. Pro- 
vocat Auctor 18 ad illud Tertulliani: Ordo episcoporum, ad originem 
recensus, in Joannem stabit auctorem 19, (Adv. Marcionem, 1. 4. c. 5:) 


_ 16 [This argument against the Author’s use of Act. 20, 17—28, is surely not 
of much weight. If these elders were presdbyters literally in our sense and only 
so, then, I grant, Paul terms them dishops, or rather overseers, as they over- 
looked and watched for their respective flocks. But it is scarcely likely that 
Ephesus alone had so many pastors already at that time of day. Is it not more 
probable that the chief ministers or ruling elders of Ephesus and the regions 
around had assembled at the metropolis expecting that Paul might meet them 
there, which being unable to accomplish, he summoned them to the sea-coast, 
and so held a council of chief pastors or real-bishops at Miletus? Eb. ] 

17 [Ibid. 5. 3. vol. 1. p. 51. 

18 Ibid. Vid. nn. 46, 47. Ep.] 

19 [I may take this opportunity of replying to a most needless stricture, which 
Dr. George Campbell, in his Lectures on Ecclesiastical History, (Aberdeen, 1815, 
Y. 1. p. 169.) has thought proper to pass on the way in which my Ancestor has 


xii THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED TO 


Addit : Quocum exacte congruit, quod Clemens Alexandrinus de eo 
(Joanne) memoria prodidit, nimirum quod, quum ex insula Patmo 
Ephesum rediisset, ad finitimas quoque provincias se contulerit, ut 
episcopos constitueret, et homines sibi a Divino Spiritu indicatos in 
clerum quendam seu sortem Domini seponeret ; (In libro, Quis dives 
salvetur? p.185.) Verum Clementem Alexandrinum in hisce verbis 
nihil aliud dicere video, quam, Joannem, cum ex Patmo insula Ephe- 
sum rediisset, in provinciis finitimis episcopos constituisse. Num 
tales, quia presbyteris fuerunt distincti, iisque multum superiores ? 
Id vero Clemens non dicit ; nec ex verbis ejus hoc colligere possum. 
Alibi equidem, (scilicet Pedag. 1. 3. c. 12.) presbyterorum episcopo- 
rum, et diaconorum ita mentionem facit, ac si jam tempore Joannis 
ista ordinum distinctio in usu fuerit: quemadmodum autem ibidem 
presbyteros ante episcopos ponit, ita si vel maxime aliquale discri- 
men, Joannis tempore, inter episcopos et presbyteros existere coepisse 
largiamur, nondum tamen inde consequi, discrimen hoc apostolica 
niti constitutione, ex iis que dicemus constabit. Tertullianus nimi- 


happened to render these words of Tertullian,— The order of bishops, when it is 
traced up to its original, will be found to have St. John for one of its authors. 

‘It was doubtless,’ says Dr. C., ‘ the distinction of one pastor in every church, 
marked by this Apostle, though not made by any who had written before him, 
which has led Tertullian, whose publications first appeared about a century after 
the Apostles, to consider him [St. John] as the institutor of episcopacy. These 
are his words,—Ordo &c. ; which Bingham translates thus,— The order of bishops 
&c.; a palpable misinterpretation of our antiquary. Tertullian says expressly, 
Our inquiries into the origin of the episcopal order terminate in John the author. 
Had that Father said, Mundus ad originem recensus in Deum stabit creatorem, © 
would Bingham have rendered it, The world, when it is traced up to its original, 
will be found to have God for one of its authors 2 I cannot allow myself to think 
it. Yet the interpolation in rendering creatorem one of its creators, is not more 
flagrant than in rendering auctorem one of its authors. By this version he avoids 
shewing, what is extremely plain from the words, that Tertullian did not think 
there was any subordination in the pastors of the churches instituted by the 
other Apostles.’ 

I confess I do not quite comprehend Dr, Campbell’s drift, except that he seems 
to take great pains in setting up a man of straw for the purpose of knocking 
him down. But I fancy my learned Ancestor understood Tertullian much 
better, and could translate his hard Latin much more correctly, than Dr. C. him- 
self appears to do; and surely the merest tyro might be justly reproved for ren- 
dering stabit in Joannem auctorem by will terminate in John the author! The 
author of what? Perhaps if my Ancestor had written will rest in John, or with 
John as an author of it, he would have rendered the place somewhat more 
literally. But if so, if John were an author of episcopacy, or an authority for it, 
what does that mean but that he was one of its authors or founders? Now that 
really is just what Tertullian does mean, though Dr. C. does not seem to think 
so, and, finding fault with the scholarship of another, he betrays the want of 


THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM’S WORKS. ΧΗΣ 


rum Joanni episcopalis ordinis originem tribuere videtur. Quo jure, 
nescio; nec satis perspicio, quid sibi velit, quum verba ejus sint ob- 
scuriora. Certe et Paulum jam antea presbyteros, quos et episcopos 
dictos jam docuimus, constituisse Actor. 14, 23, legimus; immo 
Tito, ut idem in Crete insule urbibus faceret, mandasse. (Tit. 1, 5.) 
Idem si et Joannes fecit, nihil fecit, quod non et alii fecerunt Apo- 
stoli; adeoque non video, cur ordinis episcopalis auctor dici debeat. 
Aliter si hoc intelligat Tertullianus, et de ordine episcoporum ab 
ordine presbyterorum distincto loquatur, primum quidem, an ejus 
hic unice standum sit auctoritate, merito quis dubitaverit. Quod si 
tamen quis concedat, quod supra etiam significavimus, forte circa 
finem zvi apostolici, vivente adhuc Joanne, discrimen aliquod inter 
episcopos et presbyteros, usu et consuetudine invaluisse, istudque 
institutum, utpote ad ecclesiarum commodum comparatum, calculo 
suo approbasse Joannem ; porroque contendat, hoc sensu Tertullia- 
num episcopatus originem ad Joannem retulisse ; non magnopere 
repugnabimus, quum rursus inde non sequatur episcopalem ordinem, 
eo sensu intellectum, ex apostolica constitutione originem suam ac- 


accuracy in himself. In fact, if Dr.C. would draw an argument against episcopacy 
and in favour of presbyterianism from the passage of Tertullian, it is he who per- 
verts and misapplies, and not the author of the Origines, who knew far better 
what he was doing. However, I would add in the Doctor’s own words, that the 
distinction of one pastor in every church is in truth just what episcopacy originally 
was and ought to be. A bishop’s diocese, which primitively was styled a parish, 
was the one church where the ruling elder was distinguished from all others by 
holding office over the rest and having rank above them, for the government of 
the people and control of the subordinate presbyters in charge respectively of 
the subdivisions of that one great parish in the details of their own peculiar 
cures. 
I would just observe, too, that I quite agree with Dr. Campbell that Josern 
BrineGHamM would never have rendered Mundus &c., by will be found to have God 
Sor one of its authors. 1 should think not indeed! Had my Ancestor been called 
upon to translate such an awkward sentence, he would have said,—not, Wiil be 
found to terminate in God the author,—but, Will be found to have God for its 
author. Accordingly I could wish the passage from Tertullian had been rendered 
just so, mudatis mutandis ; but, however, that is exactly what my Ancestor did 
mean to say by the phrase, Will be found to have St.John for one of its authors ; 
and he purposely translated the place as he has done, lest he should seem to 
make Tertullian say too much by a phraseology implying that the African Father 
spoke of John as the only author of episcopacy, which was not his meaning, who 
knew full well that other Apostles were authors of it likewise, and St. John only 
one among many. 

The subject is scarcely worth so long a note, and yet the Doctor’s critique is 
too unjust for me to have passed it by without this defence of the Author so 
unreasonably blamed. Ep.] 


Xiv THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED TO 


cepisse. Dudum enim antea ejusmodi Ecclesie regimen, in quo 
nulla episcoporum pre presbyteris fuit ἐξοχὴ, obtinuit; quodve usu 
et consuetudine introductum calculo suo approbavit Joannes, id mi- 
nime ipsemet apostolica auctoritate instituisse dici potest. 

Quum ea, que Auctor subjicit, et ex allatis istis testimoniis con- 
cludit, ex dictis dijudicari queant, de Irenzeo tantum queedam obser- 
vabimus. Jreneus, inquit 2°, in eandem sententiam mentem suam de- 
clarat, Apostolorum tempore tam episcopos quam presbyteros fuisse in 
Ecclesia. Conventum enim in Mileto dicit episcopis constitisse et pres- 
byteris, qui ab Epheso et a reliquis proximis civitatibus Asia! eo 
toiissent, (1.3. c.14.) Verum, quum Irenzus ibi ad ea respiciat, que 
Lucas Actor. 20, 17, seqq. refert, dispiciendum, utrum, que dicit, 
cum narratione sacri scriptoris consentiant, an minus? Si consentire 
dicas, admittas quoque necesse est, eum vocibus episcopis et presby- 
teris συνονυμικῶς usum; quum Lucam eas ita usurpasse longe sit 
manifestissimum. Si non consentiat, cui magis credendum, Luce, 
an Irenzeo? Atque sic quidem in eo quoque errat,’quod episcopos 
et presbyteros non modo ab Epheso, sed a reliquis proximis civi- 
tatibus, Miletum convocatos dicit: quod apud Lucam non exstat ; 
quippe qui tantum presbyterorum, quos Epheso Miletum arcessi- 
verit Paulus, meminit. Comprobari autem hoc Irenzi exemplo po- 
test, quod antea observavimus, veteris Ecclesiz doctores haud raro, 
quam ipsimet animo conceperant episcoporum imaginem, horum- 
que a presbyteris distinctionem, incaute admodum vo apostolico 
tribuisse, licet inde tam procul nondum remota esset, quam sequenti 
factum est tempore. De Irenzeo hzc equidem porro Auctor doctis- 
simus subjicit 22: Favens igitur huic hypothesi, episcoporum succes- 
sionem eorumque originem ubique ab Apostolis deducit. Ut quando Hy- 
ginum nonum locum episcopatus per successionem ab Apostolis habuisse 
dicit. Et alio loco, exhibens nobis accuratum catalogum duodecim 
episcoporum Romanorum, qui usque ad ipsius etatem successive isti 
sedi prefuerunt, de Lino eorum omnium primo, dicit eum ab ipsis 
Apostolis, Ecclesia primum fundata, episcopum esse ordinatum; et de 
eorum postremo Eleutherio, eum duodecimo loco episcopatum ab Apo- 
stolis habuisse. Exhibet deinceps sect. 4.23 Indicem seu catalogum 
episcoporum primum ab Apostolis ordinatorum. Sed nec hecce nos- 
tram evertere aut labefactare possunt sententiam. Quum enim con- 
cedamus, immo lubentes profiteamur, a Paulo aliisque Apostolis hinc 
inde presbyteros in Ecclesiis a se plantatis constitutos fuisse; et 


20 [lbid. p. 51. n. 50. 21 See my suggestion at n. 16, preceding. 
22 Ibid. p. 52. n. 51. 23 Ibid. pp. 53; seqq. Ep.] 


THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM’S WORKS. XY 


vero, aut circa finem evi apostolici, aut statim post illud, primo 
precipuoque presbyterorum, ubi plures erant, nomen episcopi, quod 
omnibus antea-commune fuit, κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν heserit ; nihil obstat, quo 
minus in quibusdam Ecclesiis successio episcoporum ab uno quodam, 
ab ipsis Apostolis constituto, repetatur. De ipsa primorum, qui 
Rome fuisse dicuntur, episcoporum successione multa adhuc dispu- 
tari solent, que hujus loci non sunt. 

- Quze Auctor noster doctissimus, libri secundi capite secundo 24, de 
diversis honorum titulis, quibus in primitiva Ecclesia episcopi ornati 
fuerint, disserit, prorsus egregia sunt, rebusque obscurioribus lucem 
affundunt. Quum docuisset, veterumque testimoniis comprobasset, 
omnes episcopos primum vocatos apostolosy deinde apostolorum suc- 
cessores ; recte inde concludit probatque unamquamque episcopi se- 
dem apostolicz sedis nomine venisse ; fallique adeo magnopere, qui 
hancce appellationem soli episcopo Romano vindicare annitantur. 
Offendere quenquam posset, quod olim episcopi etiam principes 
populi, itemque principes ecclesia, ἄρχοντες ἐκκλησιῶν, appellati sint. 
Nec tamen puto, eos qui istis nominibus usi sunt, imperium aliquod 
aut potestatem civilem iis tribuere voluisse, quippe quam ab Aposto- 
lorum, et qui in eorum locum successuri essent, munere longissime 
abesse, ipse Servator voluit. Nimia episcoporum veneratio ejusmodi 
voces quibusdam extorsit, que tamen ut ad alendam ac fovendam 
episcoporum ambitionem plurimum valebant, ita non negaverim, eas 
reliquis causis accessisse, que effecerunt ut ex episcopis imperantes 
rerumque domini fierent. Quemlibet episcopum olim papam, sive 
patrem dictum, notum est. Nicephorus equidem fidenter asserit, 
Cyrillum Alexandrinum primum istius regionis episcopum fuisse, cui 
honor iste obtigerit, ut papa salutaretur; et quidem ideo, quod (ε- 
lestini papz, seu Romani pontificis, in Concilio Ephesino fuerit lega- 
tus. Scriptores vero Arabici Homaidius et Abubacrus Habbasides 
aliter sentiunt, idque nominis patriarche Alexandrino primum datum, 
et postea Romam delatum esse, contendunt; hoc ipso significantes, 
Romanos pontifices appellationis hujus privilegium perperam sibi 
solis vindicare. Sed Auctor noster luculenter demonstrat non uni 
alicui episcopo aut patriarche hocce nomen olim fuisse tributum, 
quin potius communem omnium fuisse appellationem; quippe qui 
ecclesia patres itemque patres clericorum dicti sint; papam autem 
nihil aliud significare, quam patrem: immo Tertullianum (in Libro 
de Pudicitia, c. 13.) de episcopo quodam, pcenitentes recipiente, lo- 
quentem, eum benedictum papam appellitare. Ejusdem generis est, 


24 [Ibid. pp. 60-72. Eb.) 


Xvi THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS. 


quod itidem preclare docet, non solis episcopis Romanis, sed et aliis 
quandoque patris patrum et episcopi episcoporum nomen datum. 
Unde rursus maximopere falluntur Romanenses, quando, in ejusmodi 
appellationibus singulare causze suz se invenisse presidium, sibi per- 
suadent. Immo et hoc addit Auctor, atque luculenter evincit, omnes 
episcopos olim vicarios Christi nuncupatos esse: Que appellatio, in- 
quit 25, non minori eis jure competebat, quam illis qui, posterioribus 
temporibus, eam sibi solis vindicare ausi sunt. Quo ipso iterum Ro- 
manensibus argumentum eripitur, quo ad tuendam Pontificis sui 
supremam potestatem uti illis solemne est. Ultimo denique loco 
observat, episcopos etiam angelos ecclesie dictos, et hinc verbis Apo- 
stoli, 1 Cor.11, 10, de quibus acriter viri docti inter se disputant, 
lucem affundit. 

Atque hee eum in finem a nobis allata sunt, ut preestantiam operis 
hujus omnes inde intelligerent; et licet eruditissimus Auctor aliquando 
Ecclesiz sue placita sequatur, hec tamen non obstare, quo minus 
plurima inde ad omnes, qui illud legerint, redundare queant com- 
moda. Id certum positumque extra controversiam, nullum in hoc 
genere exstare scriptum, quo integra velut totius antiquitatis eccle- 
siastice imago exhibeatur, quod cum hocce comparari, multo minus 
eidem preeferri queat. Hinc et nullus plane dubito, quin vir ille cla- 
rissimus, qui in Latinum sermonem ex Anglicano illud transtulit, 
omnibus, qui hasce literas recte estimare didicerunt, rem fecerit longe 
gratissimam. Eoque majori laude dignus est, quo exquisitiorem ad- 
hibuit diligentiam, ut mentem sententiamque accurate non minus, 
quam perspicue et eleganter, exprimeret. Immo ne quid deesset, 
quod librum huncce omnium usibus aptum redderet, testimonia Pa- 
trum ab Auctore laudata ipsemet evolvit, et, ut summa fide exhiberen- 
tur, omnem navavit operam. 

Plura non addo, quum ipsa operis hujus lectio, quid ex eo speran- 
dum aut exspectandum sit, quemlibet omnium optime condocere 
queat: Scribebam Jenz, die 11 Febr. 1724. 


Joan. Franciscus Buppzus, 
Theol. D. et P. P. O. 


25 [Ibid. pp. 70 et 71. Ep.] 


THE PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS 


TO THE FIRST PART OF HIS LATIN VERSION OF 


THE ORIGINES ECCLESIASTICE. 


Quanpo ipse celeberrimus harum Oricinum sive ANTIQUITATUM 
Ecc.estAsticarum, quarum libri duo priores, in Latinum sermonem 
a me translati, nunc in publicum prodeunt, Auctor de tota instituti 
sui ratione lectorem, quantum satis est, monuit; Venerandus etiam 
Theologus Jenensis, D.D. Jo. Franc. Buddeus, in Preefatione sua, in 
laudem et commendationem hujus operis, multa preclare et vere 
dixit; non est, quod aliqua hujuscemodi monitionum accessio a me 
expectetur. Pauca tamen habeo, que ad hanc Latinam editionem 
precipue attinent, non omnino pretermittenda. 

Primum quidem de libri versione Benevolo Lectori asseverandum 
duxi, me in ea adornanda id egisse fideliter, ut verbis Anctoris mei 
non tantum alienum sensum ne darem, sed ut ea etiam perspicue et 
plane redderem. Quod an ubique satis feliciter et ex sententia a me 
prestitum sit, alii utriusque linguz callentes judicabunt. Qui sicubi 
me aberrasse deprehendent (neque enim, ut cum Auctore loquar, 
mihi adeo Suffenus>6 sum, ut hoc a me alienum putem); veniam mihi 

26 [Suffenus was a poetaster of the age of Catullus, as remarkable for his bad 
verses as he was for the most exalted notions of his own abilities. Consequently 


he was the butt for the just ridicule of his contemporaries. See Catullus, (Epigr. 
22. ad Varrum,) where he thus speaks of him :— 


Suffenus iste, Varre, quem tarde nosti, 
Homo est venustus, et dicax, et urbanus, 
Idemque longe plurimos facit versus. 


Hee cum legas, tum bellus ille urbanus, 
Suffenus, unus caprimulgus aut fossor 
Rursus videtur; tantum abhorret et mutat. 


Idem inficeto est inficetior rure 

Simul poemata attigit, neque idem unquam 
JEque est beatus ac poéma cum scribit ; 
Tam gaudet in se, tamque se ipse miratur. 


BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


XVlil THE FIRST PREFACE 


eo confidentius promitto, quod Belgicz Versionis auctor27, ipsa na- 
tione et lingua Anglus, et idoneus alioquin popularis sui interpres, 
hic ibi errasse28 mihi observatus est. Taceo, quod semel atque ite- 
rum quedam omissa29 esse viderim. Latinitatis studiosus quidem, 
sed non superstitiose tenax fui. Christianis enim, quorum in ritus et 
consuetudines commentatus est Auctor noster, nomina et res multze 
peculiares atque proprize sunt, auctoribus, ut vocantur, classicis 
ignote, que idcirco horum vocabulis et phrasibus non semper per- 
spicue satis reddi possunt. Malui igitur nonnunquam minus Latine 
quam minus significanter loqui. 

Deinde de testimoniis, ab Auctore allegatis, nonnihil dicere visum 
est. Clarissimus videlicet Binghamus ad calcem cujusque paginz 
bene multa auctorum loca notavit, quibus relationes suas super- 
struxit. Ex his quidem nonnulla, presertim ea, que ex Patribus et 
Auctoribus Latinis citavit, Lectoris conspectui plene interdum, ut plu- 
rimum autem carptim descripta, exhibuit. Pleraque vero nominavit 
tantum, ab ipso Lectore evolvenda. Qua de re, ubi ad translationem 
jam aggressus eram, me quidam monuerunt, sibi non utile tantum 
sed necessarium etiam videri, ut omnia testimonia integre exscribe- 
rentur. Paucissimis enim datum esse, ut tot libros evolverent, in 
eorumque allegatis locis probationes quererent examinarentque, ad- 
eoque Lectorem non posse non manere dubium, an ea, que Auctor 


Muretus would read Fufenus for Suffenus. It is remarkable that the name, 
though given in the earlier editions of Lempriere, is omitted in the later, neither 
is it noticed in Mr. Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, London 
1849. I may take this opportunity of remarking, how much it is to be regretted 
that in numerous Biographical Dictionaries and Gazetteers various names, which 
are regarded as unimportant, have been cut out or omitted for the sake of econo- 
mizing space and stinting letter-press and paper. Yet the record of every name, 
however humble, may sooner or later have its use. Ep.] 

27 [I have ascertained through a literary friend that a Dutch version of the 
first two volumes of the Orn1ginres EccLestastic by an anonymous translator 
was published at Amsterdam in 1720, and is still extant in the libraries of 
Holland. I apprehend that, its utility becoming neutralized on the Continent 
by the superior Latin version of Grischovius, it was for that reason carried no 
further. Ep.] . 

28 Vide e.g. lib. 2. c. 11. s. 3. [vol. 1. p. 134. of this edition,] For in Afric at 
the time of the Collation of Carthage, &c., ita contra sensum reddidit: Want als 
in Africa het Bisdom van Carthago stond begeeven te worden. 

29 Vide lib. 2. c. 3. 8.5. [ibid. p. 77.] ubi hee, Which was always performed by 

a synod of bishops, non vertit. Item lib. 2. c.10. s.2. [ibid. p. 124.] omissa sunt, 
- For strangers, who were unknown to the people, were not reckoned qualified by the 
canons. Lib. 2. 0. 15. 8.1. [ibid. p.170.] desunt hec: And from this he had the 
name of Intercessor and Interventor, Lemmata paragraphorum sepissime (culpa, 
reor, typothetarum) absunt. 


OF GRISCHOVIUS. ΧΙΧ 


proponat, indicatis testimoniis satis sint confirmata. δ quum ita 
omnino sese habere persuasus essem, eorum consilio me sequuturum 
recepi. Itaque ingressus sum viam primo quidem intuitu facilem et 
planam, quam vero in progressu satis difficilem et salebrosam esse 
cognovi. Primum enim non multo post auctores quidam mihi de- 
esse cceperunt. Inveni equidem in officina Orphanotrophei nostri 
libraria insignem librorum etiam compactorum copiam, ab eo, qui 
huic officine Divino nutu inde a primis ejus initiis preest, magna 
‘atque laudanda industria per multos annos collectam, ex qua pluri- 
mos eosque utilissimos ac rarissimos depromere mihi licuit. Non 
paucos tamen ad hunc laborem mihi omnino necessarios in ea desi- 
derari animadverti. Horum ergo nonnullos partim e publicis, que 
hie aperiuntur, (inter quas ipsa dicti Orphanotrophei, a memorata 
officina libraria seu bibliopolio diversa, referenda est,) partim priva- 
tis bibliothecis, conquisivi et accepi mutuo. Quosdam vero, cum 
primis Anglicanos, reperiri nusquam potui. Deinde in evolvendis 
istis libris non exigua difficultas szepe mihi subnata fuit. Editiones, 
quas ad manus habui, ab iis, quibus usus fuerat Auctor, plerumque 
fuerunt diverse, ideoque allegata loca iis, quas indicavit, paginis non 
inveni. Preeterea allegationes (quod viri celeberrimi pace dixerim) 
non raro vagas atque erroneas deprehendi. Vagas quidem, dum li- 
brum aliquem longiorem (exempli gratia Justini Martyris et Atha- 
nasii Apologias, Nazianzeni Orationes, Chrysostomi Humilias, Hie- 
ronymi Epistolas, Conciliorum Actiones, &c.) sine ullo sectionis et 
paginee indicio citavit. Hrroneas autem, dum eo loco, ad quem pro- 
vocavit, nihil eorum, que dixit, exstare vidi. Hine vel unius voca- 
buli gratia longam sepenumero Orationem, Apologiam, Epistolam 
aut aliud scripti genus legere atque iterum legere necesse habui. 
Quod si post aliquot horas continuas tandem inveni, quod quzsivi, 
editionis mez librum, sectionem, paginam et id genus indices alios 
adscripsi, Auctoris indicibus vel una additis, vel, si aperte falsi fu- 
erunt, omissis: sin autem in investigando operam et oleum, quod 
aiunt, perdidi; paucis verbis, ut plurimum vero apposito hoc signo f, 
id ipsum indicavi 3°. 

In ipsis autem transcribendis testimoniis ita versatus sum, ut, si 
illa e Grecis Patribus et Auctoribus fuerunt petenda, ipsa illorum 
verba Greeca ponerem, Latinamque eorum versionem, in gratiam 
lingue Greece expertium, simul adderem: nisi hc in ipso Auctoris 
sermone jam exstaret. Ille enim sepissime auctorum suorum verba, 


30 [Nearly the whole of these citations I have succeeded in correcting and sup- 
plying in their proper places, as I have stated in my Introduction prefixed to the 
first volume of this edition. Ep.] 

Ὀ 2 


ί 


ΧΧ THE FIRST PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS. 


Anglice quidem reddita, suis intermiscuit, que ego inibi lingua La- 
tina, versioni mee consentanea, exhibeo. lLatinorum autem verba 
ibidem vel in annotationibus Latine sisti oportuisse, per se patet. 
Non ingratum autem Lectori futurum puto, quod nonnunquam loca 
paullo longiora descripsi, ubi nervum probandi, cui intentus Auctor 
fuit, sepe duobus tribusve verbis indicari potuisse quis existimaverit. 
Etsi enim ipse Auctor multa testimonia hoc modo excerpsit, quod a 
scopo ipsius haud alienum fuit, quando lectori Anglicano vulgari 
potissimum se scripsisse profitetur; mihi tamen testimonia in con- 
textu et coherentia sermonis ob oculos ponere placuit, quod Lecto- 
rem de eorum sensu et probandi virtute alias ex vero judicare non 
posse credidi. Quod si quem locum nimis longum esse vidi, satius 
omnino duxi in sola allegatione acquiescere, quam, aliquot chartze 
latera complendo, libri molem illiusque, simul sumptus atque pretium 
adaugere. 

Heec sunt, que de hac primi voluminis editione monere volui. De 
reliquorum voluminum versione nihil certi promitto, ne Divine Pro- 
videntiz, a qua res mortalium pendent, temere antevertere velle 
videar. Quod si Deus longiorem hujus lucis usuram, vires animi et 
corporis, necessarium etiam otium concesserit, et si has hujus operis 
primitias publico gratas esse intellexero, fieri potest, ut conscientibus 
et approbantibus iis, quorum consilio hunc laborem suscepi, in in- 
cepto pergam. . 

Quod reliquum est, Benevolum Lectorem adhuc rogo, ut si qua 
errata typographica observaverit, ea ipse emendet. In parando enim 
exemplari ad finem usque occupato aliisque negotiis districto mihi 
non licuit ea investigare et colligere. 

Deo autem Optimo Maximo pro auxilio mihi prestito gratias ex 
animo ago; ipsumque oro, ut hanc qualemcumque operam meam in- 
fructuosam esse ne patiatur. Scripsi Glauche ad Halas Magde- 
burgicas, Nonis Martiis 1724. 

Jo. Henr. Griscnovivs. 


THE PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS 


TO THE SECOND PART OF HIS VERSION OF 


THE ORIGINES ECCLESIASTICE. 


LECTORI BENEVOLO S. 


Quvum™ anno superiore libros duos priores OricinuM sive ANTI- 
quitatum Eccuesiasticarum Josephi Binghami Latine redditos, 
unoque volumine comprehensos, in lucem publicam edidi; de reli- 
quorum quidem voluminum subsequutura versione nihil certi polli- 
citus sam; quibusdam tamen conditionibus in incepto me perrectu- 
rum declaravi. 

Quemadmodum igitur, quod ad istarum conditionum ultimam at- 
tinet, non multo post tum privatis non nullorum epistolis ac ser- 
monibus, tum publicis aliorum scriptis, intellexi, laborem istum 
meum non inutilem haberi; ita, quando Deus O. M. priores etiam 
mihi clementissime indulsit, Junio mense exeunte pedem ulterius 
promovi, et mediocre aliquod spatium, quantum per ordinarias oc- 
cupationes licuit, huc usque emensus sum. Quatuor nimirum se- 
quentes libros, tertium, quartum, quintum et sextum, absolvi, quos 
hoe secundo volumine nunc in vulgus exire jubeo. 

Quo modo in hac elaboratione versatus sim, nihil attinet hic 
exponere, quia eandem, quam in primo volumine inii, viam sum 
prosequutus ; qua de re in premissa isti volumini Przefatione, quan- 
tum necesse fuit, dixi, adeoque Benevolum Lectorem eo remitto. 

Indicem ex virorum doctorum desiderio, qui de primo volumine id 
publice monuerunt, in hosce priores sex libros subjungere, animus 
mihi initio fuit; sed re magis deliberata mutavi consilium, satius 
esse ratus, ad totius operis finem hunc ipsum reservare: ubi Lectori 
hac in re, Deo bene juvante, cumulatissime satisfiet. Interim in 
generaliore cujusque voluminis conspectu precipuas materias, quis- 
quis querere volet, reperire facile poterit. 

Supersunt adhuc libri septemdecim: viginti enim tres de hoc. 
argumento Auctor conscripsit, eosque decem voluminibus divulgavit. 


ΧΧΙ THE SECOND PREFACE 


Quorum ultimum quum anno 1722 edidisset, proxime insequuto 
1723 31, diem suum obiit. 

In hujus celeberrimi viri e vita excessum in novis Londinensibus 
inscriptio queedam publicata, et ab honoratissimo quodam amico inde 
excerpta, atque, ubi primum volumen modo prodierat, Londino ad 
me missa fuit: quam si nunc etsi paullo serius cum Benevolo 
Lectore communicavero, rem non ingratam ipsi me facturum con- 
fido. Ita vero se habet: 


Obstupesce, Viator ! 
Venerandi Cineres hic sunt reconditi 82 
Josephi Binghami, M.A. 
Collegii Universalis apud Oxonienses 
Quondam Socii; 
Cujus multiplicem si spectes Doctrinam, 
Si exactam veteris Discipline 
Et consuetudinum Ecclesiasticarum notitiam, 
Quam multis scriptis prodidit, 
Cyprianica A‘tate vel etiam Ignatiana 
Vixisse agnoscas, 
Nisi quod non esset Episcopus. 
At vee seculo meritorum immemori, 
Ingrato, 
Quum, qui Patriarchatum in Ecclesia meruit, 
Non nisi Havanti? in Agro Hantoniensi 
Parochus obiit. 


31 Quo mense et die mortuus sit, resciscere nondum potui. Aiunt auctumno 
inclinato in hiemem id factum esse. [On August the 17th, 1723. See the Life, 
among the Prolegomena, prefixed to the first volume of this edition of the entire 
Works. Ep.] 

32 [This phrase is more classically correct than conduntur, which is the reading 
of the original from the pen of Mr. Edward Clarke. Grischovius has slightly 
altered some other clauses. See the Life, as cited at the end of the preceding 
note. Ep.] 

33 Cl. Binghamus primum Rector of Headborn-Worthy, near Winchester, et 
postea inde Havantum translatus, Rector of Havant sese nominavit, quo ipso non 
ludo literario, uti quidem ista appellatio in nostris oris eum sensum suppeditat, 
sed ecclesiz utriusque loci preefuisse intelligendus est. In Anglia enim, quemad- 
modum interprete eodem amico didici, inter ecclesiz alicujus ministros is Rector 
dicitur, qui primus et ordinarius animarum pastor est, et die Dominica solemni- 
orem ad populum concionem recitat, si quidem simul majores recipiat decimas. 
Quas si non 1116 primarius pastor, sed vel patronus ecclesiz vel ecclesia ipsa 
colligat, tum non Recfor, sed lingua patria Curate * nuncupatur: licet easdem 


* (Or more properly Vicar, the term Curate in our ecclesiastical language, as 
we well know, designating the man who is actually charged with the duties of the 
cure, that is, the care of souls, whether Rector, Vicar, or Stipendiary. It is not 
surprising that the German divine should have written somewhat indistinctly in 


OF GRISCHOVIUS. ΧΧΠ 


Quod reliquum est, operam me daturum, recipio, ut (ἐὰν ὁ Κύριος 
θελήσῃ, καὶ ζήσωμεν) tertium volumen hoc secundo paullo amplius 
vertente anno appareat, et reliqua septem suo quodque tempore 


consequantur..-Scripsi Glauche ad Halas Magdeburgicas 8 Kal. 
Mart. 1725. 


Jo. H. Griscuovivs. 


alioquin, quas Rector, functiones obeat. Eandem appellationem postea in Hen- 
rici Spelmanni Glossario Archaiologico, Londini anno 1687 edito, inveni, ubi 
p- 480 b. hee leguntur: Rector Ecclesiae] Lind. De Abbate dictum. Chart. Ala- 
man. 43. Sacro-sancta ecclesia S. Galluni, qui (leg. que) est constructa in pago 
Durgania, ubi ipsus in corpore requiescit, et Joannes Abbas ad presens Rector 
ecclesie esse videtur. Huc spectant etiam, que Henricus Ludolphus Benthemus 
habet in libro suo Germanico de Ecclesiarum et Scholarum Anglicanarum statu, 
Ρ. 218. π. 7. Nun folgen, inquiens, die Ruraldeans, vor diesem Archipresbyter! 
genennet... Hierauf kommen die priesier eines ieden Kirchspiels, welche von 
ihnen gemeiniglich Rectors oder auch Vicars genennet werden. Confer sis etiam 
ibid. pp. 509, 510, 511, 512, ubi in Constitutionibus Ecclesiz Anglicane, quas 
auctor lingua Latina exhibet, frequens Rectorum mentio fit. Que quum ita 
sint, non dubitavi, ad indicandum Binghami nostri munus, appellationem Rec- 
toris, addito vocabulo Ecclesia, in fronte hujus Latin editionis adhibere: quum 
alias ecclesiarum nostrarum stilo pastorem primarium, vel simpliciter pastorem, 
dicere ipsum potuissem. 


this note, intended not for us but for his countrymen, or that he should have 
confounded our popular use of Curate with its stricter sense. The minister 
officiating in a sole charge, the incumbent being non-resident, was termed Curate 
correctly enough; but in course of time the name has been popularly given to 
any stipendiary doing the duty of another man, and permanently helping him 
under the bishop’s license ; though, strictly, such a hireling is not a Curate, but 
only an assistant minister. Ep. ] 


THE PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS 


TO THE LAST PART OF HIS VERSION OF 


THE ORIGINES ECCLESIASTICS. 


LECTORI BENEVOLO 5. 


Uttimum Orieinum sivé AnTiquITATUM EccLESIASTICARUM Jo- 
sephi Binghami volumen lingua Latina jam edo, simulque fidem 
meam libero, quam in secundi voluminis Preefatione dedi. Monu- 
erant videlicet viri quidam docti, quum primum volumen exiisset, 
addendum fuisse Indicem: quibus ego tum respondi, sub finem 
totius operis desiderio ipsorum me, Deo bene juvante, cumulatissime 
satis esse facturum. Id nunc demum me prestitisse perspicient. 
Triplicem enim sub calcem libri vicesimi tertii, qui in hoc volumine 
continetur, Indicem exhibeo, unum Rerum, alterum Auctorum, ter- 
tium Conciliorum. 

Ipse quidem clarissimus Auctor noster tres Indices operi suo sub- 
junxit: enimvero preterquam quod Index Rerum in hac Latina 
editione multo locupletior, quam in Anglicana, facta est, secundus 
et tertius posteriores duos Binghamianos longissime superant, vel 
alia potius apparent forma. Quanquam enim Vir Doctissimus aucto- 
rum, quibus usus est, non nomina solum, (sicut alias plerumque fieri 
solet,) sed editiones etiam indicavit; locum tamen, ubi hunc istum 
in opere suo allegarit, adscripsit nullum. Eandem rationem se- 
quutus est in Indice Conciliorum, quippe in quo preter nomina, 
numerum canonum et annum, ad quem unumquodque celebratum 
fuit, nihil habet. In hac autem Latina editione singulis Patribus, 
Auctoribus et Conciliis paginas, ubi locus quidam vel canon citatus 
est, annotavi 34: ita quidem, ut, si plures alicujus scriptoris libri 
allegati fuerint, ad evitandam in evolvendis allegationibus con- 


34 [I could have wished to have done so myself. I did think of it, especially 
with respect to the Canons of the Councils. But I found it too great an under- 
taking, not to mention the augmentation of the Indices by several sheets, which 


it would have caused. If considered desirable, it may be supplied in a future 
edition. Ep.] 


THE THIRD PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS. XXV 


fusionem et tedium, distincte eos posuerim. Quam rem multis 
lectoribus gratam me fecisse persuasus sum. Quum enim in hasce 
Oricinzs ingens notabilium sententiarum farrago ex omnis generis 
scriptoribus congesta sit, talis Index, qui, ubicunque ex hoc illove 
auctore auctorisque libro hic ille locus allegatus sit, plane indicat, 
illis mirifice prodesse potest, qui de simili vel cognato argumento 
commentantur, auctores vero quoslibet, quibus opus eis est, nancisci 
nequeunt. Quod ipsum et mihi in hac adornanda versione sepius 
usu venit. Quando scilicet Auctor noster de quadam materia ad 
scriptoris alicujus testimonium provocavit, neque vero illud inter- 
posuit; tum ego, pro instituti mei ratione, illud exscribere cupiens, 
si ipsius libri compos fieri non potui, quzsivi vel in Albertino, vel 
Chamierio, vel alio quopiam auctore; et beneficio istiusmodi Indi- 
cum haud raro eum ipsum locum non sine gaudio reperi, quam 
Binghamus innuit. 

Preeterea in gratiam eorum, quibus Latinam hanc editionem cum 
Anglicana conferendi copia est, hoc quoque de Indice Auctorum 
Binghamiano monendum duxi, viginti circiter scriptores 35, partim 
alios scriptorum allegatorum libros 36, ibi legi, quos, quantumvis 
diligentissime quesitos, nuspiam in ipsis voluminibus allegatos de- 
prehenderim, adeoque in hujus editionis Indice omiserim ; contra 
ea, non paucos omissos esse 37, quos in colligendis allegationibus oc- 


35 Ex. gr. Joannem Baleum, Martinum Chemnitium, Franciscum Halloix, 
Joannem Phocam, Joan. Mariam Thomasium, &c. [These authors and some 
others of the same kind my Ancestor seems to have put down in his Index, 
because, though he does not expressly cite them in the notes, he nevertheless 
distinctly refers to them or mentions them generally in the text. They will be 
found for the most part in my improved Index Auctorum. See, e. g., vol. 8. 
p- 207. No. 72. Ibid. p. 223. No. 163. Ibid. p. 263. No. 365. Ibid. p. 299. No. 
606. Ibid. p. 325. No. 763. Eb.] 

36 Ut Henr. Dodwell. De Jure Laicorum Sacerdotali contra Hugonem Gro- 
tium: Christ. Korthold. De Variis Scripture Editionibus: Jacob. Usser. De Suc- 
eessione Ecclesie, &c. [See my Index Auctorum also, as before, p. 245. No. 
241.2. Ibid. p. 276. No. 439. 3. Ibid. p. 327. No. 782. 2. In those places 
the full titles of these works respectively are given. Ep.] 

37 Constitutiones Apostolorum : Petri Lambecii Comment. de Bibl. Vindobo- 
nensi: Joannis Garnerii Librum Diurnum Romanorum Pontificum, &c. {The 
Apostolical Constitutions, I conceive, my Ancestor regarded as included in his 
allegation of Cotelerius. See the Index, as before, p. 236. No. 204.1. All real 
omissions I believe I have supplied even more minutely than Grischovius himself 
did. See No. 19, 33, 34, 36, 45, 62, 71, 90, 111, 116, 129, 136, 141, 153, 158, 
164, 195, 198, 208, 209, 210, 221, 225, 226, 232, 239, 240, 242, 269, 287, 361, 
363, 365, 367, 371, 414, 426, 438, 450, 453, 468, 473, 474, 484, 490, 503, 521, 
535; 536, 538, 555, 582, 586, 612, 619, 626, 643, 645, 653, 656, 664, 675, 683, 
686, 695, 703, 704, 714, 715, 719, 729, 730, 761, 777, 778, 781, 783, 787, 807, 
820, 829, 838. Eb.] 


XXVvi THE THIRD PREFACE 


cupatus observarim, et hic interposuerim. Quod de Indice etiam 
Conciliorum notatum volo. 

Ceterum uti Auctor noster, sub operis sui finem, gratum animum 
adversus eos, a quibus se adjutum esse intellexit, declaravit publice ; 
ita et meas partes esse arbitror, idem ut faciam. 

Gratias itaque ago iis, qui vel publice38 vel privatim laborem 
meum approbarunt, meque, ut in incepto pergerem, cohortati sunt. 
Plurimum autem illis me debere profiteor, qui ex bibliothecis pro- 
priis 39, vel alienis, quibus preefecti sunt 4°, libros mihi suppeditarunt, 
vel integra loca excerpta mecum communicarunt 41. Pro qua insigni 
liberalitate et humanitate ipsis omnia officia, que quidem a me pro- 
ficisci possunt, promitto. 

Non minus autem cum Auctore nostro Deum Immortalem laudo 
et concelebro, quod et mihi hoc dedit clementissime, ut hane Latinze 
Versionis telam, ante hos sex annos4 exorsam, etsi aliquando morbo 


38 Post D. Joannem Franciscum Buddeum, cujus mortem, de qua his ipsis 
diebus nuntius huc allatus est, cum bonis omnibus, ecclesiz evangelicz causa, 
doleo, in Przefatione volumini primo przmissa, mihi innotuerunt clarissimi auc- 
tores novorum literariorum, que inscribuntur: Auserlesene Theologische Biblio- 
thec, oder, Griindliche Nachrichten von denen neuesten und besten Theolo- 
gischen Bichern; et: Neue Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen. 

39 Ex nostre Academiz doctoribus, honoris causa nomino Nicolaum Hiero- 
nymum Gundlingium, ἢ. t. Pro-Rectorem Magnificum, quem per aliquot heb- 
domades graviter zgrotantem Deus respiciat propitius, et in commoda utilita- 
temque Academize convalescere, si velit, jubeat! Paulum Antonium, Joannem 
Henricum Michaelem, et Justum Henningium Boehmerum. Ex Lipsiensibus, 
Joannem Burcardum Menckenium. 

40 Horum in numero sunt, Christianus Benedictus Michaelis, P. P. O. cui 
Academie Fridericiane ; D.Joannes Fridericus Bieckius, et D. Joannes Georgius 
Franckius JCti, quorum huic post istum Ecclesize Mariane; Joannes Henricus 
Callenbergius, P. P. cui Orphanatrophei; Hieronymus Freyerus, Pedagogii Pegii 
inspector, cui istius Schole bibliotheca commissa est: et, qui hoe nomine pri- 
mum laudandus erat, Henricus Julius Elers, bibliopola quaondam Orphanotrophei 
solertissimus, superiore anno, mense Sept. beate defunctus; cujus e penu ple- 
rosque selectiores et pretiosiores libros, 6. g. Acta Sanctorum; Cesaris Baronii 
Annales ; Bibliothecas Patrum ; Scriptores Byzantinos; Philippi Labbei tomos 
Conciliorum, et Patres Greecos et Latinos tantum non universos depromere mihi 
licuit. Nec pretereundus est, qui illius in locum successit, Henricus Zopfius. 

41 Id iterum iterumque fecerunt Guelpherbyti, Petrus Schillingius, Serenis- 
simo Duci Brunsvicensium et Luneburgensium, Augusto Gulielmo, a concioni- 
bus aulicis, ex Bibliotheca ista celeberrima Ducali: Goth, Joannes Fridericus 
Heusingerus, illustris Gymnasii Sub-Con-Rector, ex Ducali et Vockerodtiana : 
et Lipsize, G. Keyselitius, M. A. et Catecheta ad xdem D. Petri, e publicis pri- 
vatisque. . 

42 [My Ancestor was occupied full twenty years with the original composi- 
tion, Grischovius thus owns to sia for the period of his labours, and I have been 
engaged upon my edition for eight or ten years, though I could perhaps have 


OF GRISCHOVIUS. XXVli 


acutissimo interruptam, salvus et incolumis deduxerim. Faxit Ipse, 
qua est bonitate, ut multa ex hoc, utut in se exiguo, labore in rem 
Christianam pariter ae-literariam redundent emolumenta, et hec ipsa 
cedant in Sanctissimi Nominis sui gloriam laudemque sempiternam ! 
Glauche ad Halas Magdeburgicas, 3 Kal. Decembr. 1729. 


Jo. Henr. GriscHovivus, 
Osterodanus Halberstadiensis. 
done all in four or five, could I have worked continuously. If we were to calcu- 


late the periods which other editors have expended in the same direction, how 
large would be the amount of human lifetime employed on this subject! Ep.] 


THE PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS 


TO HIS 


TRANSLATION OF THE SUPPLEMENTAL PIECES, 


which first appeared in the folio edition of Bingham’s works. 





LECTURIS SALUTEM. 


Post Oriaines Eccuesiasticas Josephi Binghami, quarum volu- 
men decimum et ultimum ante hos octo annos et menses quatuor 
edidi, jam nova scriptorum ejusdem celeberrimi viri collectio in 
lucem prodit. 

Diverso tempore et occasione hee scripta olim ab Auctore edita 
sunt separatim, deinde autem post obitum illius cum Orieinisus 
junctim excusa apparuerunt. Dissertationes quatuor sunt, Sermo 
unus. Tres ex istis in Originipus passim citantur; atque inde 
mihi, in interpretatione illarum occupato, de nomine et argumento 
innotuerunt. Postea ubi, procurante Orphanotrophei nostri biblio- 
pola, novam istam editionem ex Anglia apportatam accepi, opportu- 
nitatem nactus sum hec illis subjuncta opuscula perlustrandi peni- 
tusque pernoscendi. 

Quo facto de tribus prioribus Dissertationibus sic existimavi, non 
utile tantum fore sed necesse etiam esse, in gratiam eorum, qui 
Oricines possident, Latinitate eas donari: quod ad quedam non 
parvi momenti capita, in primis illa de baptismis laicorum et heereti- 
corum, eorumque pretio ac valore; de ordinationibus item heeretico- 
rum, uberius explicanda conscriptas esse cognoveram 43. 

De quarta Dissertatione 44, quum esset ab argumento priorum 


43 Quod ipsum de prima Dissertatione Cl. Auctor in proxime sequenti Preefa- 
tione* claris verbis indicat : de duabus posterioribus ex ipso utriusque argumento, 
magis quidem polemice vel potius apologetice tractato, liquet. 

44 Tempore fuit sine dubio omnium prima f et ante ipsas ORIGINES jam sub 
superioris fortassis seeculi exitum aut certe sub hujus initium edita: quod ex con- 
clusione, ubi Gallos exsules in Anglia compellat, colligi posse videtur. 


* [The Preface to the First Part of the Scholastical History of Baptism by 
Laymen. See vol. 9, of this edition of the entire Works. Ep.] 

+ [The French Church’s Apology for the Church of England, in the year 
1706. Ep.] 


THE LAST PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS. Xxix 


et ipsarum Orictnum diversa, dubium mihi aliquamdiu fuit, quid 
statuerem. Rationibus autem ab utraque parte diligentius perpen- 
sis, pervicit ea cogitatio, que interpretationem suadebat: cujus rei 
etiam eos, quibus illam aperui, inveni approbatores; nec dubito, 
quin emptores et lectores plerique, si non universi, idem hoc institu- 
tum sint comprobaturi. 

Quamvis enim ad Oricines Eccuzstasticas, ut dixi, proprie 
referri nequeat hec Commentatio ; ejusmodi tamen est, ut theologie, 
in primis elenctice, cultoribus valde prodesse possit. Nam contro- 
versias, que inter sic dictos Episcopales ab una, et Presbyterianos 
ab altera parte, in hodicrnum usque diem, agitantur, et quas omnino 
expedit perspectas habere, patefacit et illustrat, vindiciasque Eccle- 
siz Anglicane adversus precipuas Dissentientium objectiones com- 
plectitur. 

Dantur quidem, fateor, libri satis multi, qui de istis controversiis 
tractant, plerique autem lingua Anglica, quam intelligere non omni- 
bus datum est, evulgati sunt; et qui Latini exierunt, in nostris oris 
rariores sunt, et cariores quam ut a quovis, istarum rerum cupido, 
possint comparari. Accedit, quod Auctor peculiarem abalienatos 
Anglos convincendi et ad Ecclesiz suze communionem reducendi 
inierit rationem, a nullo antea initam: quemadmodum ipse in Epi- 
stola Dedicatoria et Prefatione narrat. 

Excipit hanc Dissertationem unus quidam Sermo, quem, quum 
illam interpretatus essem, vel ideo addendum duxi, ut opera Aucto- 
ris plena et integra exhiberem. Brevis quidem est, at argumenti 
prestantia maxime commendabilis. Agit enim de misericordia, qua 
in peccatores ad frugem redeuntes utitur Summum Numen: quam 
doctrinam consolationis plenissimam, licet aliunde jam cognitam et 
ipso fortassis usu perceptam, in fine horum operum recognovisse 
neminem reor pcenitebit. 

Plura in horum scriptorum commendationem non addo. Quando 
enim Auctor in OrierNn1Bus suis incredibilem variarum rerum scien- 
tiam magnumque judicium prodidit, et summam inde famam atque 
existimationem in orbe literato, ipsis etiam adversariis ejus fatenti- 
bus 45, consequutus est; unusquisque conjectura ante, quam ad ip- 
sam lectionem accedat, facile poterit prospicere, quales hasce com- 
mentationes offensurus sit, ab homine tam docto et in primis erudito 
elucubratas. 

45 In Actis Eruditorum, que Lipsie publicantur, singula earum volumina 
magna cum laude recensita leguntur. Postquam Latine prodierunt, iidem viri 
docti, qui ista Acta colligunt, et alii id sibi maximopere probari declararunt pub- 
lice, quod hoc modo communi eruditorum usui eximius iste antiquitatum eccle- 
siasticarum thesaurus reclusus esse. 


ΧΧΧ THE LAST PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS. 


De opera, quam ego ad interpretandas illas contuli, non habeo, 
quod preedicem : hoc tantum, quod olim de primo operum volumine 
dixi, de hoc ultimo etiam affirmare possum, me id egisse fideliter, ut 
verbis Auctoris mei non tantum alienum sensum ne darem, sed ut ea 
etiam perspicue et plane redderem: quam curam illis quoque locis 
adhibui, quee ex aliorum libris, Anglice vel Gallice scriptis 46, inter- 
posuit. Indices hee opuscula non habent preter unum perbrevem 47, 
in quo 150 Binghamus libros, in quarta solum Dissertatione a se 
usurpatos, nominavit. Ego autem auctores omnes, quotquot in 
integro hoc volumine vel Jaudantur vel refutantur, consignavi: et 
paginas, in quibus leguntur, perinde ut in Indice Auctorum Orte1- 
N1BuSs subjuncto, adscripsi. Quam rem lectoribus gratam me fecisse 
confido. 

Quod superest, gratias Deo Optimo Maximo ago, quod vitam 
mihi et vires concessit, ut hunc etiam laborem exantlarim. Faxit 
idem Clementissimus Deus, ut ego et lectores omnes misericordiam, 
quam in scriptorum suorum ultimo commentatus est Auctor, propter 
Jesum Christum, Filium ipsius crucifixum et morti traditum eun- 
demque 6 mortuis resuscitatum, in via vere pcenitentize et fidei con- 
sequamur. Hale Magdeburgice, in Orphanotropheo Glauchensi. 
Pridie Kal. Aprilis, 1738. 

Ji H.-G: 


46 Cujusmodi ex istis sunt collectz, Rubricee et Canones Ecclesiz Anglicanze 
universi et preter libros Anglice inscriptos, alii quidam Latinum titulum in 
fronte gerentes, 6. g. Falkneri Libertas Ecclesiastica, Molinei Novitas Papismi, 
&c. Ex his autem canones e synodis nationalibus et disciplina Ecclesiarum 
Reformatarum Galliz deprompti omnes, nec non diverse epistole et disserta- 
tiones suo quzeque loco nominate, 

47 [It will be observed that I have added separate Indices both of Authors and 
Matter to each of the last two volumes of this edition, containing the Lay- 
Baptism in the ninth volume, and the French Church’s Apology in the tenth 
volume. Ep.] 


CONTENTS 


OF THE 
FOURTH, FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH BOOKS 


OF 


THE ANTIQUITIES OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 





BOOK IV. 


OF THE ELECTIONS AND ORDINATIONS OF THE CLERGY, AND THE 
PARTICULAR QUALIFICATIONS OF SUCH AS WERE TO BE OR- 
DAINED. 


CHAPTER I. 


Of the several ways of designing persons to the ministry, in the 
apostolical and primitive ages of the Church. 

Secr. I. Four several ways of designing persons for the ministry.—Of 
the first way, by casting lots, r.—II. The second way, by making choice 
of the first-fruits of the Gentile converts, 3.—III. The third way, by 
particular direction of the Holy Ghost, 4.—IV. The fourth way, by 
common suffrage and election, 9. 


CHAPTER II. 


A more particular account of the ancient method and manner of elections 
of the clergy. 

Sect. I. The different opinions of learned men concerning the people’s 
power anciently in elections, 10.—II. The power of the people equal to 
that of the inferior clergy in the election of a bishop, 15.—III. This 
power not barely testimonial, but judicial and elective, 16.—IV. Evi- 
dences of this power from some ancient rules and customs of the 


ΧΧΧΙ CONTENTS OF BOOK IV. 


Church. As, first, that no bishop was to be obtruded on an orthodox 
people without their consent, 17.—V. Secondly, this further confirmed 
from examples of the bishops’ complying with the voice of the people 
against their own inclination, r8.—VI. Thirdly, from the manner of the 
people’s voting at elections, 19.—VII. Fourthly, from the use and office of 
interventors, 21.—VIII. Fifthly, from the custom of the people’s taking 
persons, and having them ordained by force, 22.—IX. Sixthly, from the 
title of fathers, which some bishops upon this account by way of com- 
pliment gave to their people, 22.—X. What power the people had in the 
designation of presbyters, 23.—XI. Whether the Council of Nice made 
any alteration in these matters, 23.—XII. Some exceptions to the ge- 
neral rule. First, in case the greatest part of the Church were heretics 
or schismatics, 26.—XIII. Secondly, in case of ordaining bishops to far 
distant places, or barbarous nations, 27.—XIV.Thirdly, in case an inter- 
ventor or any other bishop intruded himself into any see without the 
consent of a provincial synod, 27.—XV. Fourthly, in case of factions 
and divisions among the people, 28.— XVI. Fifthly, the emperors 
sometimes interposed their authority to prevent tumults in the like 
cases, 29.—X VII. Sixthly, the people sometimes restrained to the choice 
of one out of three, which were nominated by the bishops, 30.—X VIII. 
Lastly, by Justinian’s laws the elections were confined to the optimates, 
and the inferior people wholly excluded, 31.—XIX. How and when 
princes and patrons came.to have the chief power of elections, 32. 


CHAPTER III. 


Of the examination and qualifications of persons to be ordained to any 
office of the clergy in the Primitive Church. And first, of their faith 
and morals. 


Sect. I.—Three inquiries made about persons to be ordained, respecting, 
first, their faith; secondly, their morals; thirdly, their outward quality 
and condition, 34.—II. The rule and method of examining their faith 
and learning, 35.—III. The irregular ordination of Synesius considered, 
36.—IV. A strict inquiry made into the morals of such as were to be 
ordained, 38.—V. For which reason no stranger to be ordained in a 
foreign church, 38.—VI. Nor any one who had done public penance in 
the church, 39.—VII. No murderer to be ordained, nor adulterer, nor 
one that had lapsed in time of persecution, 41.—VIII. No usurer, or 
seditious person, 45.—IX. Nor one who had voluntarily dismembered 
his own body, 45.—X. Men only accountable for crimes committed 
after baptism, as to what concerned ordinations, 48.—XI. Except any 
great irregularity happened in their baptism itself. As in the case of 
clinic baptism, 49.—XII. And heretical baptism, 50.—XIII. No man 
to be ordained, who had not made all his family Catholic Christians, 
51.—XIV. What methods were anciently taken to prevent simoniacal 
promotions, 52. 


CONTENTS OF BOOK IV. XXXill 


CHAPTER IV. 


Of the qualifications of persons to be ordained, respecting their outward 
state and condition in the world. 


Sect. I. No soldier to be ordained, 54.—II. Nor any slave or freedman 
without the consent of the patron, 56.—III. Nor any member of a civil 
company or society of tradesmen, who were tied to the service of the 
commonwealth, 57.—IV. Nor any of the curiales or decuriones of the 
Roman government, 58.—V. Nor any proctor or guardian, till his office 
expired, 61.—VI. Pleaders at law denied ordination in the Roman 
Church, 61.—VII. Also energumens, actors, stage-players, &c., in all 
Churches, 62. 


CHAPTER V. 


Of the state of digamy and celibacy in particular ; and of the laws of the 
Church about these in reference to the ancient clergy. 


Sect. I. No digamist to be ordained, by the rule of the Apostle, 63.— 
Il. Three different opinions among the Ancients about digamy. First, 
that all persons were to be refused orders as digamists, who were twice 
married after baptism, 63.—III. Secondly, others extended the rule to 
all persons twice married, whether before or after baptism, 65;.—IV. 
Thirdly, the most probable opinion of those who thought the Apostle 
by digamists meant polygamists, and such as married after divorce, 
65.—V. No vow of celibacy required of the clergy, as a condition of 
their ordination, for the three first ages, 67—VI. The vanity of the 
contrary pretences, 70.—VII. The clergy left to their liberty by the 
Nicene Council, 71.—VIII. And other Councils of that age, 72. 


CHAPTER VI. 


Of the ordinations of the primitive clergy, and the laws and customs 
generally observed therein. 


Sect. I. The canons of the Church to be read to the clerk before the 
bishops ordained him, 74.—II. No clerk to be ordained ἀπολελυμένως, 
.46.—III. Exceptions to this rule very rare, 77.—IV. No bishop to 
ordain another man’s clerk without his consent, 79.—V. No bishop to 
ordain in another man’s diocese, 80.—VI. The original of the four 
solemn times of ordination, 82.—VII. Ordinations indifferently given 
on any day of the week for three centuries, 85.—VIII. The ceremony 
usually performed in the time of the oblation at morning-service, 86.— 
IX. The church the only regular place of ordination, 87.—X. Ordina- 
tion received kneeling at the altar, 87——XI. Given by imposition of 
hands and prayer, 87.—XII. The sign of the cross used in ordination, 
89.—XIII. But no unction, nor the ceremony of delivering vessels 
into the hands of presbyters and deacons, 90.—XIV. Ordinations con- 
cluded with the kiss of peace, 90.—XV. The anniversary-day of a 
bishop’s ordination kept a festival, gr. 
BINGHAM, VOL. Il. Cc 


XXXIV CONTENTS OF BOOK V. 


CHAPTER VII. 
The case of forced ordinations and re-ordinations considered. 

Srcr. I. Forced ordinations very frequent in the Primitive Church, 92.— 
II. No excuse admitted in that case, except a man protested upon oath 
that he would not be ordained, 93.—III. This practice afterward pro- 
hibited by the imperial laws and canons of the Church, 94.—IV. Yet a 
bishop ordained against his will had not the privilege to relinquish, 95. 
V. Re-ordinations generally condemned, 96.—VI. The proposal made 
by Cecilian to the Donatists examined, 97.—VII. Schismatics some- 
times re-ordained, 98.—VIII. And heretics also upon their return to 
the Church, in some places, 100. 





BOOK V. 
OF THE PRIVILEGES, IMMUNITIES, AND REVENUES OF THE CLERGY 
IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 


CHAPTER I. 
Some instances of respect which the clergy paid mutually to one another. 


Sect.I. The clergy obliged to give entertainment to their brethren 
travelling upon necessary occasions, 104.—II. And to give them the 
honorary privilege of consecrating the eucharist in the church, 106.— 
III. The use of the litere formate, or commendatory letters, in this re- 
spect, 107.—IV. The clergy obliged to end all their own controversies 
among themselves, 108.—V. What care was taken in receiving accusa- 
tions against the bishops and clergy of the Church, το. 


CHAPTER II. 
Instances of respect showed to the clergy by the civil government. Parti- 
cularly of their exemption from the cognizance of the secular courts in 
ecclesiastical causes. 


Sect. I. Bishops not to be called into any secular court to give their 
testimony, 113.—II. Nor obliged to give their testimony upon oath, by 
the laws of Justinian, 115.—III. Whether the single evidence of one 
bishop was good in law against the testimony of many others, 116.— 
IV. Presbyters privileged against being questioned by torture, as other 
witnesses were, 117.—V. The clergy exempt from the ordinary cogni- 
zance of the secular courts in all ecclesiastical causes, 118.—VI. This 
evidenced from the laws of Constantius, 119.—VII. And those of Va- 
lentinian and Gratian, 119.— VIII. And Theodosius the Great, 120.— 
IX. And Arcadius and Honorius, 121.—X. And Valentinian the Third, 
and Justinian, 121.—XI. The clergy also exempt in lesser criminal 
causes, 122.—XII]. But not in greater criminal causes, 123.—XIII. Nor 
in pecuniary causes with laymen, 124.—XIV. Of the necessary distinc- 
tion between the supreme and subordinate magistrates in this business 
of exemptions, 125. 


CONTENTS OF ΒΟΟΚΎ. XXXV 


CHAPTER III. 


Of the immunities of the clergy in reference to taxes and civil offices and 
other burdensome employments in the Roman empire. 


Sect. I. No divine right pleaded by the ancient clergy to exempt them- 
selves from taxes, 126.—II. Yet generally excused from personal taxes, 
or head-money, 128.—III. But not excused for their lands and posses- 
sions, 131.—Of the tribute called, aurum tironicum, equi canonici, &c., 
135.—V. The Church obliged to such burdens as lands were tied to be- 
fore their donation, 136.—VI. Of the chrysargyrum or lustral tax, and 
the exemption of the clergy from it, 138.—VII. Of the metatum. What 
meant thereby, and the exemption of the clergy from it, 141.—VIII. Of 
the superindicta and extraordinaria. The clergy exempt from them, 
142.—IX. The clergy sometimes exempt from contributing to the repa- 
ration of highways and bridges, 143.— X. As also from the duty called 
angarie, and parangarie, §c., 144.—XI. Of the tribute called dena- 
rismus, uncie, and descriptio lucrativorum ; and the Church’s exemption 
from it, 145.—XII. The clergy exempt from all civil personal offices, 146. 
—XIII. And from sordid offices both predial and personal, 147.—XI1V. 

_ Also from curial or municipal offices, 148.—XV. But this last privilege 
confined to such of the clergy as had no estates but what belonged to 
the Church, by the laws of Constantine, 151.—X VI. Constantine’s laws 
a little altered by the succeeding emperors in favour of the Church, 152. 


CHAPTER IV. 
Of the revenues of the ancient clergy. 


Sect. I. Several ways of providing a fund for the maintenance of the 
clergy. First, by oblations, some of which were weekly, 157.—II. And 
others monthly, 158.—III. Whence came the custom of a monthly 
division among the clergy, 159.—1V. Secondly, other revenues arising 
from the lands and possessions of the Church, 160.—V. These very 
much augmented by the laws of Constantine, 161.—VI. Whose laws 
were confirmed, and not revoked by the succeeding emperors, as some 
mistake, 161.—VII. Thirdly, another part of church-revenues raised by 
allowances out of the emperor’s exchequer, 165.—VIII. Fourthly, the 
estates of martyrs and confessors dying without heirs settled upon the 
Church by Constantine, 167.—IX. Fifthly, the estates of clergymen, 
dying without heirs and will, settled in like manner, 167.—X. Sixthly, 
Heathen temples and their revenues sometimes given to the Church, 
168.—XI. Seventhly, as also heretical conventicles and their revenues, 
169.—XII. Eighthly, the estates of clerks, deserting the Church, to be 
forfeited to the Church, 170.—XIII. No disreputable ways of augment- 
ing church-revenues encouraged. Fathers not to disinherit their 
children to make the Church their heirs, 170.—XIV. Nothing to be 
demanded for administering the sacraments of the Church, nor for con- 
secrating churches, nor interment of the dead, 171.—XV. The oblations 


Cc 2 


ΧΧΧΥΪ CONTENTS OF BOOK VI. 


of the people anciently one of the most valuable parts of church- 
revenues, 174. 


CHAPTER V. 
Of tithes and first-fruits in particular. 


Sect. I. Tithes anciently reckoned to be due by divine right, 176.—II. 
Why not exacted in the apostolical age and those that immediately 
followed, 178.—III. In what age they were first generally settled upon 
the Church, 179.—The original of first-fruits, and the manner of offering 
them, 181. 


CHAPTER VI. 


Of the management and distribution of the revenues of the ancient 
clergy. 


Srcr. I. The revenues of the whole diocese anciently in the hands of the 
bishop, 182.—II. And by his care distributed among the clergy, 183.— 
III. Rules about the division of church-revenues, 184.—IV. In some 
churches the clergy lived all in common, 185.—V. Alterations made in 
these matters by the endowment of parochial churches, 186.—VI. No 
alienations to be made of church-revenues or goods, but upon extra- 
ordinary occasions, 187.—VII. And that with the joint consent of the 
bishop and his clergy, with the approbation of the metropolitan or some 
provincial bishops, 100. 





BOOK VI. 


AN ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL LAWS AND RULES RELATING TO THE 
EMPLOYMENT, LIFE, AND CONVERSATION OF THE PRIMITIVE 
CLERGY. 

CHAPTER I. 


Of the excellency of these rules in general, and the exemplariness of the 
clergy in conforming to them. 


Sect. I. The excellency of the Christian rules attested and envied by the 
Heathens, 191.—II. The character of the clergy from Christian writers, 
193.—IlII. Particular exceptions no derogation to their general good 
character, 194.—IV. An account of some ancient writers which treat of 
the duties of the clergy, 196. 


CHAPTER II. 
Of laws relating to the life and conversation of the primitive clergy. 


Sect. I. Exemplary purity required in the clergy above other men. 
Reasons for it, 197.—II. Church-censures more severe against them 


CONTENTS OF BOOK VI. XXXVI} 


than any others, 200.—III. What crimes punished with degradation: 
viz. theft, murder, perjury, &c., 202.—IV. Also lapsing in time of 
persecution, 203.—V. And drinking and gaming, 205.—VI. And ne- 
gotiating upon usury. The nature of this crime inquired into, 206.— 
VII. Of the hospitality of the clergy, 212.—VIII. Of their frugality 
and contempt of the world, 214.—IX. Whether the clergy were an- 
ciently obliged by any law to part with their temporal possessions, 216. 
—X. Of their great care to be inoffensive with their tongues, 219.— 
XI. Of their care to guard against suspicion of evil, 221.—XII. Laws 
relating to this matter, 223.—XIII. An account of the agapete and 
συνείσακτοι, and the laws of the Church made against them, 224.— 
XIV. Malevolent and unavoidable suspicions to be contemned, 228. 


CHAPTER III. 


Of laws more particularly relating to the exercise of the duties and offices 

of their function. 

Sect. I. The clergy obliged to lead a studious life, 228.—II. No pleas 
allowed as just apologies for the contrary, 231.—III. Their chief studies 
to be the Holy Scriptures and the approved writers and canons of the 
Church, 233.—IV. How far the study of Heathen or heretical books 
was allowed, 236.—V. Of their piety and devotion in their public 
addresses to God, 239.—VI. The censure of such as neglected the 
daily service of the Church, 240.—VII. Rules about preaching to edi- 
fication, 241.—VIII. Of fidelity, diligence, and prudence, in private 
addresses and applications, 244.—IX. Of prudence and candour in 
composing unnecessary controversies in the Church, 250.—X. Of their 
zeal and courage in defending the truth, 252.—Of their obligations to 
maintain the unity of the Church; and of the censure of such as fell 
into heresy or schism, 258. 


CHAPTER IV. 


An account of some other laws and rules, which were a sort of out-guards 
and fences to the former. 


Secr. I. No clergyman allowed to desert or relinquish his station without 
just grounds and leave, 261.—II. Yet in some cases a resignation was 
allowed of, 263.—III. And canonical pensions sometimes granted in 
such cases, 266.—IV. No clergyman to remove from one diocese to 
another without the consent and letters dimissory of his own bishop, 
267.—V. Laws against the βακάντιβοι, or wandering clergy, 270.—VI. 
Laws against the translations of bishops from one see to another, how 
to be limited and understood, 271.—VII. Laws concerning the re- 
sidence of the clergy, 273.—VIII. Of pluralities and the laws made 
about them, 276.—IX. Laws prohibiting the clergy to take upon them 
secular business and offices, 278.—X. Laws prohibiting the clergy to 
be tutors and guardians, how far extended, 280.—XI. Laws against 
their being sureties, and pleading causes at the bar, in behalf of them- 


BINGHAM, VOL. II. d 


ΧΧΧΥΠῚ CONTENTS OF BOOK VII. 


-selves, or their churches, 281.— XII. Laws against their following 
secular trades and merchandize, 281.— XIII. What limitations and 
-exceptions these laws admitted of, 283.—XIV. Laws respecting their 
outward conversation, 287.—XV. Laws relating to their habit, 288.— 
XVI. The tonsure of the Ancients very different from that of the 
Romish Church, 290.—XVII. Of the corona clericalis, and why the 
clergy were called coronati, 291.— XVIII. Whether the clergy were 
_ distinguished in their apparel from laymen, 292.—XIX. A particular 
account of the birrus and pallium, 295.—XX. Of the collobium, dal- 
matica, caracalla, hemiphorium, and linea, 297. 


CHAPTER V. 


Some reflections upon the foregoing discourse, concluding with an Address 
to the Clergy of the present Church. 


Sect. I. Reflection 1. All laws and rules of the ancient Church not ne- 
cessary to be observed by the present Church and clergy, 301.—iI. 
Reflection 2. Some ancient rules would be of excellent use, if revived 
by just authority, 302.—III. Reflection 3. Some ancient laws may be 
complied with, though not laws of the present Church, 302.—IV. Re- 
flection 4. Of the influence of great examples, and laws of perpetual 
obligation, 303.—V. Some particular rules recommended to observa- 
tion. First, relating to the ancient method of training up persons for 
the ministry, 305.—VI. Secondly, their rules for examining the quali- 
fications of candidates for the ministry, 307.—VII. Thirdly, their rules 
about private address, and the exercise of private discipline, 309.— 
VIII. Fourthly, their rules for exercising public discipline upon delin- 
quent clergymen, who were convicted of scandalous offences, 310.— 
IX. Julian’s design to reform the Heathen priests by the rules of the 
Christian clergy, an argument to provoke our zeal in the present age, 
311.—X. The Conclusion, by way of Address to the Clergy of the pre- 
sent Church, 315. 





BOOK VII. 
OF THE ASCETICS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 


CHAPTER 1. 


Of the difference between the first ascetics and monks, and of the-first 
original of the monastic life. 


Sect. I. Ascetics always in the Church; monks not so, 318.—II. This 
difference acknowledged by some ingenuous writers in the Romish 
Church, 318.—III. What the primitive ascetics were, 319.—IV. When 
the monastic life first began, 323.—V. In what the ascetics differed from 
monks, 326.—VI. What other names they were called by, 327. 


CONTENTS OF BOOK VII. XXX1X 


CHAPTER II. 
Of the several sorts of monks, and their ways of living in the Church. 


Secr. I. Several sorts-of monks distinguished by their different ways of 
living, 328.—II. The first called anchorets, ἀναχωρηταὶ, 528.---111. The 
second, cenobite, or synodite, 329.—IV. The third, sarabaite, 330.—V. 
Of the stylite or pillarists, 331.—VI. Of secular monks, 333.—VII. All 
monks originally no more than laymen, 334.—VIII. In what cases the 
clerical and monastic life might be conjoined, 337.—IX. The original of 
canons regular, 342.—X. Of the monks called acemete, or watchers, 
343.—XI. Of those called βοσκοὶ, or grazers, 344.—XII. Of the Bene- 
dictins and gyrovagi, in Italy, 344.—XIII. Of the Apostolics in Britain 
and Ireland, 346.—X1V. Of some uncommon names of monks in the 
ancient Church, 348. 


CHAPTER III. 


An account of such ancient laws and rules as relate to the monastic life, 
chiefly that of the cenobites. 


Sect. I. The curiales not allowed to turn monks, 352.—II. Nor servants 
without ther master’s consent,353.— III. Nor husbands and wives without 
mutual consent of each other, 354.—IV. Nor children without the con- 
sent of their parents, 357.—V. Children, though offered by their parents, 
not to be retained against their own consent, 357.—VI. Of the tonsure 
and habit of monks, 359.—VII. No solemn vow or profession required 
of them, 362.—VIII. What meant by their renunciation of the world, 
363.—IX. Of the difference between the renouncing and the communi- 
cative life, 366.—X. All monks anciently maintained by their own 
labour, 367.—XI. Proper officers appointed in monasteries for this 
purpose ; viz. decani, centenarii, patres, &c., 370.—XI1I1. The power of 
the fathers or abbots very great in point of discipline over the rest, 371. 
—XIII. Allowed also some peculiar privileges in the Church, 373.— 
XIV. Yet always subordinate to the power of bishops, 374.—XV. The 
spiritual exercises of monks. First, perpetual repentance, 376.—XVI. 
Secondly, extraordinary fasting, 377.—XVII. Thirdly, extraordinary 
devotions, 379.— XVIII. Of laws excluding monks from offices, both 
ecclesiastical and civil, 385.— XIX. No monks anciently encroaching on 
the duties or rights of the secular clergy, 386.—XX. Not allowed at 
first to dwell in cities, but confined to the wilderness, 388.—X XI. What 
exceptions that rule admitted of, 389.—XXIJ. Whether monks might 
betake themselves to a secular life again, 392.—XXIII. Marriage of 
monks anciently not annulled, 394.—X XIV. What punishments were 
ordinarily inflicted on deserters, 395. 


CHAPTER IV. 
The case and state of virgins and widows in the ancient Church. 


Sect. I. Of the distinction between ecclesiastical and monastical virgins, 
397.—II. Whether they were under any profession of perpetual vir- 


xl 


CONTENTS OF BOOK VII, 


ginity, 398.—III. When first made liable to the censures of the Church 
for marrying against their profession, 399.—IV. The marriage of pro- 
fessed virgins never declared null, 400.—V. Liberty granted by some 
laws to marry, if they were consecrated before the age of forty, 401.— 
VI. Of their habit, and form, and manner of consecration, 402.—VII. 
Of some privileges bestowed on them, 407.—VIII. Of the name νονὶς, 
and nonne, and its signification, 408.—IX. Some particular observations 
relating to the widows of the Church, 409. 


THE ANTIQUITIES 


~ THE ANTIQUITIES 


OF THE 


CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 





BOOK IV. 
OF THE ELECTIONS AND ORDINATIONS OF THE CLERGY, 
AND THE PARTICULAR QUALIFICATIONS OF 
SUCH AS WERE TO BE ORDAINED. 





CHAP. L. 


Of the several ways of designing persons to the ministryin + 
the apostolical and primitive ages of the Church. 

1. HAVING thus far given an account of all the orders of Four seve- 
the clergy in the primitive Church, both superior and inferior, ῥερλῶς eby 
together with the several offices and functions that were an- persons for 
nexed to them, I now proceed to consider the rules and me- Pay Ὅτ 
thods that were observed in setting apart fit persons for the frst way, 

os . : : y casting 
ministry, especially for the three superior orders, which were jots, 
always of principal concern. And here, in the first place, it 
will be proper to observe, that in the apostolical and following 
ages there were four several ways of designing persons for the 
ministry, or discovering who were most fit to be ordained; the 
first of which was by casting lots; the second by making choice 
of the first-fruits of the Gentile converts; the third by parti- 
cular direction and inspiration of the Holy Ghost; and the 
last in the common and ordinary way of examination and elec- 
tion. The first method was observed in the designation of 
Matthias to be an Apostle, as we read Acts i, 23—26, where 
it is said, that the disciples themselves first appointed two, 

BINGHAM, VOL. Il. B 


,o 


9 Ways of designing 


Joseph called Barsabas, and Matthias; and then praying to 
God that he would shew whether of those two he had chosen, 
they gave forth their lots, and the lot fell upon Matthias. 
St. Chrysostom! says ‘ they used this method because as yet 
the Holy Ghost was not descended on them, and they had not 
at this time the power of choosing by inspiration; and there- 
fore they committed the business to prayer, and left the deter- 
mination to God.’ The author of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, 
under the name of Dionysius?, fancies that God answered 
their prayer by some visible token: but if so, this had not 
been choosing by lot, as the Scripture says it was, but a quite 
different method of election. However, interpreters generally 
agree that there was something extraordinary in it. Dr. Light- 
foot? thinks Matthias had no other ordination to his apostleship ; 
for the Apostles did not give him any ordination by imposition of 
hands after this, as they did to presbyters afterwards; and 
that, if true, was extraordinary indeed. Others reckon the 
extraordinariness of it to consist in the singular way of elect- 
ing and designing him to that office by lot; for they say? all 
ecclesiastical history scarce affords such another instance: and 
I confess there are not very many, but some few there are, 
which shew that that method of electing was not altogether so 
singular as is commonly imagined. For in Spain it was once 
the common practice,.as may be concluded from a canon® of 


1 Hom. 5. in τ Tim. 1, 18. (t. 11. 
Ρ. 574 ¢.) “Emel οὐδὲ of ᾿Απόστολοι 
IIvevpatos μετεῖχον, ὅτε τὸν Ματθίαν 
ἐξελέξαντο" ἀλλ᾽ εὐχῇ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐπι- 
τρέψαντες ἐγκατέλεξαν αὐτὸν TO, τῶν 
᾿Αποστόλων ἀριθμῷ. 

2 Hierarch. Eccles. c. 5. p. 367. 
(t. 1. p. 238 ἃ.) Δοκεῖ μοι τὰ Λόγια 
κλῆρον ὀνομάσαι θεαρχικόν τι δῶρον, 
ὑποδηλοῦν ἐκείνῳ τῷ ἱεραρχικῷ χορῷ 
τὸν ὑπὸ τῆς θείας ἐκλογῆς ἀναδεδειγ- 
μένον. 

3 On Act. 1, 21. (v.8. p. 38.(..... 
The Apostles could not ordain an 
Apostle, &c. 

4 Vid. Dodwell. Dissert. 1. in 
Cypr. s..17. p. 4. (p. 7.).... Hujus 
sortium, in sacrorum ministrorum 
electione, usus post tempora Apo- 
stolorum vel nulla exstant omnino, 
vel quam paucissima, vestigia..... 
Miminerunt et alii episcoporum ma- 


nifestissimis Dei suffragiis consti- 
tutorum, Gregorii Thaumaturgi et 
Alexandri Carbonarii Gregorius Nys- 
senus, Alexandri Hierosolymitani 
Eusebius et Fabiani Romani. De 
sortitione tamen altissimum ubique 
silentium, &c. 

5 C. 3. (t.5. p. 1605 e.) Hoc etiam 
innovandum custodiendumque in 
omnibus sancta statuit synodus, ut 
secundum priscorum canonum con- 
stituta vel synodalium epistolas 
presulum premonentes, nulli dein- 
ceps laicorum liceat ad ecclesiasti- 
cos ordines, pretermisso canonum 
preefixo tempore, aut per sacra re- 
galia, aut per consensionem cleri, 
vel plebis, vel per electionem assen- 
sionemque pontificum, ad summum 
sacerdotium aspirare ac provehi : 
sed cum per canonum conscripta 
tempora ecclesiasticos per ordinem, 


§ I, 2. persons to the ministry. 3 


the Council of Barcelona, anno 599, which orders ‘ that when 
a vacant bishopric is to be filled, two or three shall be elected 
by the consent ofthe clergy and people, who shall present 
them to the metropolitan and his fellow-bishops, and they, 

7 haying first fasted, shall cast lots, leaving the determination to 
Christ the Lord; then he on whom the lot shall fall shall be 
consummated by the blessing of consecration.’ There is nothing 
different in this from the first example, save only that in 
this there is express mention of a consecration afterward, which 
is not in the history of Matthias; and yet perhaps there might 
be a consecration in his case too, though not expressly men- 
tioned; but I leave this to further inquiry. 

2. The second way of designation was by making choice of The second 
the first-fruits of the Gentile converts to be ordained to the nia ὅπ 
ministry. For these, expressing a greater zeal than others, by choice of 
their readiness and forwardness to embrace the gospel, were ἐμ ἤτδι 
generally pitched upon by the Apostles as best qualified for Gentile 
propagating the Christian religion in the world. Clemens ἜΠΠ 
Romanus, in his Epistle to the Corinthians®, says ‘ the Apo- 
stles, in all countries and cities where they preached, ordained 
their first converts bishops and deacons for the conversion of 
others; and ‘that they had the direction of the Spirit for doing 
this. And hence the author that personates the same Cle- 
mens, in his pretended Epistle to James, bishop of Jerusalem, 
giving him an account of the reasons that moved St. Peter to 
ordain him, says’? ‘it was because he was chief of the first- 
fruits of his converts among the Gentiles.’ Some compare this 
to the right of primogeniture among the ancient patriarchs, 
which entitled the first-born to the priesthood; and I will not 
deny but there might be something of allusion in it: but then 
the parallel will not hold throughout, for in the latter case it 


rit, benedictio consecrationis accu- 
mulet. 


speciali opere desudando, probate 
vitz adminiculo comitante, conscen- 


Es  —S sl 
- . 


—— eS 


derit gradus, ad summum sacerdo- 


tium, si dignitati vita responderit, 
auctore Domino provehatur. Ita ta- 
men, ut duobus aut tribus, quos 
ante consensus cleri et plebis elege- 


rit, metropolitani judicio ejusque co- 
episcopis przsentatis, 
_preeunte episcoporum jejunio, Chri- 


uem sors, 


sto Domino terminante, monstrave- 


6 Ep. 1. ad Corinth. ἢ. 42. (Cotel. 
V. I. p. 170.) Kara χώρας οὖν καὶ πό- 
λεις κηρύσσοντες καθέστανον τὰς 
ἀπαρχὰς αὐτῶν, δοκιμάσαντες τῷ 
Πνεύματι εἰς ἐπισκόπους καὶ διακόνους 
τῶν μελλόντων πιστεύειν. 

7 Ἐρ. δα Jacob. n. 3. (ibid. p. 606.) 
Σὺ yap δι’ ἐμοῦ τῶν σωζομένων ἐθνῶν 
εἶ κρείττων ἀπαρχή. 

B 2 


The third 
way by 
particular 
direction 


of the Holy 


Ghost. 


4 Ways of designing 


was not any natural right, but personal merit attending their 
primogeniture, that entitled the first converts to the Christian 
priesthood. ‘ 

8. Which will appear further by considering that many of 
them were ordained by the particular direction of the Holy 
Ghost: for so the words δοκιμάζοντες τῷ Πυεύματι, in Clemens 
Romanus, may be understood to signify the Spirit’s poimting 
out the particular persons whom he would have to be ordained; 
which I observed to be the third way of designation of persons 
to the ministry, very usual in those primitive times of the 
Church. Thus Timothy was chosen and ordained “ according 
to the prophecies that went before on him,” 1 Tim. i, 18; whence 
his ordination is also called, “ the gift that was given him by 
prophecy,” 1 Tim. iv, 14. In regard to which the ancient in- 
terpreters, Chrysostom’ and Theodoret?, say ‘ he had not any 
human vocation, but was chosen by divine revelation, and or- 
dained by the direction of the Spirit.’ Clemens Alexandrinus, 
in his famous Homily entitled Quis Dives salvetur, observes 
the same of the clergy of the Asiatic Churches, whom St. John 
ordained after his return from the isle of Patmos; he says}, 
‘they were such as were signified or pointed out to him by the 
Spirit. I know indeed Combefis puts a different sense upon 
these words, and says"! ‘the designation here spoken of means 
not any new or distinct revelation, but I know not what divine 
predestination of the persons; or else their ordination itself, 
which was the seal or consignation of the Spirit;’ and ‘that 
there is no authority for the common sense which interpreters 
put upon this passage.’ But as he owns his notion to be sin- 


8 Hom. 5. in 1 Tim, τ, 18. (t. 11. Yeas προβληθῆναι διδάσκαλον" ἀλλὰ 


p- 574 ἃ.) Τί ἐστιν, ἀπὸ προφητείας ; 
ἀπὸ Πνεύματος ᾿Αγίου᾽ προφητεία γάρ 
ἐστιν, οὐ τὸ τὰ μέλλοντα λέγειν, ἀλλὰ 
καὶ τὸ τὰ παρόντα" ἐπεὶ καὶ ὁ Σαοὺλ 
κατὰ προφητείαν ἐδείχθη ἐ ἐν τοῖς σκεύ- 
εἐσι κρυπτόμενος. ὁ γὰρ Θεὸς τοῖς δι- 
καίοις ἀποκαλύπτει. προφητεία ἢ ἦν καὶ 
τὸ λέγειν, ᾿Αφορίσατέ μοι τὸν Παῦ- 
λον καὶ τὸν Βαρνάβαν. οὕτω καὶ ὁ 
Τιμόθεος ἡρέθη. 

91ὴ eund. loc. (t. 3. part. I. p. 
645.) Ov yap ἀνθρωπίνης, φησὶ, τε- 
τύχηκας κλήσεως" ἀλλὰ κατὰ θείαν 
ἀποκάλυψιν τὴν χειροτονίαν ἐδέξω" 
εἰκὸς δὲ οὐ μόνον αὐτὸν ἐξ ἀποκαλύ- 


καὶ κατὰ τοιοῦτόν τινα τρόπον καὶ τῆς 
ἐξ a ἀρχῆς κλήσεως ἀπολαῦσαι. 
10 Ap. Euseb. 1. 3. Ὁ. 23. (v. 1. 
Ρ- 113. 5: ). εν (Ὅπου μὲν ἐπισκόπους 
καταστήσων, ὅπου δὲ ὅλας ἐκκλησίας 
ἁρμόσων, ὅπου δὲ κλήρῳ ἕ ἕνα γέ τινα 
κληρώσων τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Πνεύματος 
σημαινομένων.---ΟΟηξ, ap. Combefis. 
Auctar. Noviss. (part. 1. p. 185 a. 8.) 
11 In loc. cit. (p. 192 6. 15.).. 0. 
Quos Spiritus designasset divina po- 
tius preedestinatione, quam nova ali- 
qua et distincta revelatione, quam 
nec Clemens significavit, nec ulla 
probat auctoritas, &c. 


IV. 1 


ve ὙΡ - 





persons to the ministry. 5 


gular, and contrary to the sense of all other learned men, so it 


is evidently against matter of fact and ancient history, which 


affords several other instances of the like designations in the 
following ages. I will give an instance or two out of many. 
Eusebius says!? ‘Alexander bishop of Jerusalem was chosen 
κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν, by revelation, and an oracular voice, which 
signified to some ascetics of the Church that they should go 
forth out of the gates of the city, and there meet him whom 
God had appointed to be their bishop ;’ which was this Alex- 
ander, a stranger from Cappadocia, coming upon other busi-: 
ness to Jerusalem. He was indeed bishop of another place 
before, but his translation to the see of Jerusalem was wholly 
by divine direction; which is the thing I allege it for. We 
have another such instance in the election of Alexander, sur- 
named Carbonarius, bishop of Comana, mentioned by Gregory 
Nyssen in the Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus. This Alexan- 
der was a Gentile philosopher, and a very learned man, who 
upon his conversion to Christianity, that he might avoid ob- 
servation, and follow his philosophical studies with the greater 
privacy, in his great humility betook himself to the trade of a 
collier, whence he had the name of Carbonarius. Now it hap- 
pened, upon the vacancy of the bishopric of Comana, that the 
citizens sent to Gregory Thaumaturgus to desire him to come 
and ordain them a bishop; but they not agreeing in their 
choice, one, by way of jest and ridicule, proposed Alexander 


the collier; who being discovered!3 by special revelation to 


Gregory Thaumaturgus to be a man of extraordinary virtues 
and worth, who had submitted to that contemptible calling 
only to avoid being taken notice of, and being found, upon a 
due inquiry, to be the man he was represented to be, was 


121, 6. c. 11. (v. 1. p. 268. 17.) 
Καὶ δὴ μηκέθ᾽ οἷού re ὄντος λειτουρ- 
γεῖν διὰ λιπαρὸν γῆρας, τὸν εἰρημένον 
᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐπίσκοπον ἑτέρας ὑπάρ- 
χοντα παροικίας, οἰκονομία Θεοῦ ἐπὶ 
τὴν ἅμα τῷ Ναρκίσσῳ λειτουργίαν 
ἐκάλει, κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν νύκτωρ αὐ- 
Ὁ ῆρῇ ὁράματος φανεῖσαν" ταύτῃ δ᾽ 

ὥσπερ κατά τι θεοπρόπιον ἐκ τῆς 
τῶν Καππαδοκῶν γῆς, ἔνθα τὸ πρῶτον 
τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἠξίωτο, τὴν πορείαν ἐπὶ 
τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα εὐχῆς καὶ τῶν τόπων 
ς ἕνεκεν πεποιημένον, φιλο- 


ρονέστατα οἱ τῇδε ὑπολαβόντες ἀ- 
ελφοί" οὐκέτ᾽ οἴκαδε αὐτῷ παλι- 
νοστεῖν ἐπιτρέπουσι, καθ᾽ ἑτέραν ἀπο- 
κάλυψιν καὶ αὐτοῖς νύκτωρ ὀφθεῖσαν, 
μίαν τε φωνὴν σαφεστάτην τοῖς μά- 
λιστα αὐτῶν σπουδαίοις χρήσασαν" 
ἐδήλου γὰρ προελθόντας ἔξω πυλῶν 
τὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ προωρισμένον αὐτοῖς ἐπί- 
σκοπον ὑποδέξασθαι. 
13. Greg. Nyssen. ap. Vit. Greg. 
Thaumaturg. ({. 3. p. 562 a.) Ei 
ταῦτα κελεύεις, κι τ. A. 


6 Ways of designing ΤΥ 
thereupon unanimously chosen by all the Church to be their 
bishop, and immediately ordained by St. Gregory. Cyprian 
often speaks of this divine designation in the case of Celeri- 
nus!+ and Aurelius!’, when they were but to be ordained 
readers. And he says also!® ‘he had a divine direction to 
translate Numidicus from another Church to the Church of 
Carthage. And Sozomen? tells us, from Apollinarius, ‘ that 
Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, appointed Athanasius his 
successor by divine command. For some time before his 
death it was signified to him by divine revelation that no one 
should succeed him but Athanasius; and therefore when he 
lay upon his death-bed he called Athanasius by name, who 
was then absent, and fled for fear of being made bishop; and, 
another of the same name who was present answering to the 
eall, he said nothing to him, but called Athanasius again ; 
which he did several times, whereby it was at last understood 
that he meant the Athanasius that was fled, to whom, though 
absent, he then prophetically said, Thinkest thou that thou art 
escaped, Athanasius? No; thou art not escaped.’ It were 
easy to add many other instances of the lke nature, but these 
are sufficient to shew against Combefis, that in those early 
ages men were sometimes designed to the ministry by parti- 
cular divine revelation and prophecy, or else the ancients 
themselves were wonderfully deceived. 

Whilst I am upon this head, I must suggest two things further. 
First, that a dove’s lighting upon the head of any man at an 
election was usually taken for a divine omen ; and commonly the 
person who had that sign was looked upon as pointed out by 
’ the Spirit, and accordingly chosen before all others as having a 
sort of emblem of the Holy Ghost. Eusebius 18 observes, it was 


14 Kp. 34. [al. 39.] ad Cler. Carth. 
(p. 223.) Referimus ad vos Celeri- 
num fratrem nostrum..... clero 
nostro non humana suffragatione, 
sed divina dignatione conjunctum. 
Qui cum consentire dubitaret, ec- 
clesiz ipsius admonitu et hortatu in 
_visione per noctem compulsus est, 
ne negaret nobis, suadentibus, &c. 

15 Ep. 33. [al. 38.] (p. 222.)..... 
Expectanda non sunt testimonia 
humana, cum precedunt divina 
suffragia. 


16 Ep. 35. [al. 40.] (p. 225.)..-.. 
Admonitos nos et instructos sciatis 
dignatione divina, ut Numidicus 
ge ἀμ adscribatur presbytero- 
rum Carthaginiensium numero. 

17 L, 2. c. 17. (v. 2. p. 66. 8.)... 
᾿Αλέξανδρος ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπος, 
διάδοχον αὐτοῦ κατέλιπεν ᾿Αθανάσιον, 
θείαις προστάξεσιν, ὡς ἡγοῦμαι, ἐπὶ 
αὐτὸν ἀγαγὼν τὴν ψῆφον. . 

18 ΕΣ. 29. (ν. : p- 204...}.».. 
Ὃ Φαβιανὸς παρὼν, οὐδενὸς μὲν ἀν- 
θρώπων εἰς διάνοιαν ἤει" ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν 


45: 


this that turned the election upon Fabian bishop of Rome, and 


—I ee ail 





persons to the ministry. 7 


gave him the preference before all others, though he was a 
stranger. ‘No-one at first thought of choosing him, but a 
dove being observed by the people to settle upon his head, 


they took it for an emblem of the Holy Ghost, which hereto- 


fore descended upon our Saviour in the form of a dove; and 
thereupon with one consent, as if they had been moved them- 
selves by the Holy Ghost, they cried out ἄξιον, he was worthy,’ 
which was the word then used to signify their consent ; ‘and so 
without more ado they took him and set him upon the bishop’s 
throne.’ The election of Severus bishop of Ravenna, and that 


οὗ Euortius bishop of Orleans, were determined the same way, 


as Blondel!9 has observed out of their Lives in Surius; and 


ἀθρόως ἐκ μετεώρου περιστερὰν κα- 
ταπτᾶσαν ἐπικαθεσθῆναι τῇ αὐτοῦ κε- 
“φαλῇ μνημονεύουσι, μίμημα ἐνδεικνυ- 
“μένην τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Σωτῆρα τοῦ ἁγίου 
Τινεύματος ἐν εἴδει περιστερᾶς καθό- 
δου" ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὸν πάντα λαὸν ὥσπερ ὑφ᾽ 
ἑνὸς Πνεύματος θείου κινηθέντα ὁμόσε, 
προθυμίᾳ πάσῃ καὶ μιᾷ ψυχῇ, ἄξιον 
ἐπιβοῆσαι" καὶ ἀμελλήτως ἐπὶ τὸν 
θρόνον τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς λαβόντας αὐτὸν 


t tvat. 

19 Apol. s. 3. (p. 426.) Anno cir- 
citer 345 veniens in ecclesiam [ Ra- 
vennatem,| ubi erat populus cum 
sacerdotibus congregatus, quod es- 
set vili et deformi opertus habitu, 
post templi ostium latitabat Severus, 
&c.—Conf. Sur. Vit. Sanctor. seu 
de SS. Histor. Febr.1. (t.1. p. 809.) 
Accidit, ut Ravenne episcopus ex 
hac vita migraret, et ecclesia illa 
pastore orbaretur. Conveniunt igi- 
tur frequentes episcopi et ex propin- 
quis et remotis locis, ut tante civi- 
tati pontificem solito more preefice- 
rent atque consecrarent. Illis vero 
co tis, Severus domi laborans, 
uxori dicit, Vadam ocius, et videbo 
quis sit futurus antistes noster. Cui 
uxor, Sede hic, inquit, et tuum ne- 
gotium age. Nam si velis vacare 
otio, non erit in rem nostram. Sive 
vero tu illic adsis, sive domo resi- 
deas, te pontificem non creabunt. 
Mlle porro, Liceat mihi, ait, cum bo- 
ma pace tua illue ire. Respondit 
conjunx, Fac ut lubet; nam, sine 


dubio, simulatque fueris ingressus, 
episcopus ordinaberis. Dixit hoc 
illa salse et irridicule: sed vir Dei 
illico abiit ; et veniens in ecclesiam, 
ubi erat populus cum sacerdotibus 
congregatus, quod esset vili et de- 
formi opertus habitu, post templi 
ostium latitabat. Precibus vero pro 
more absolutis, ecce columba nive 
candidior e clo descendens ejus 
capiti insidet. Id ille conspicatus, 
columbam a se abigit: at illa per 
aéra circumvolitans tertio rediit su- 
per caput ejus, tamquam in columba 
diceret Spiritus Sanctus, Ad quem 
respiciam, nisi ad pauperculum et 
contritum spiritu, et trementem ser- 
mones meos? Ea autem res stupo- 
rem attulit omnibus, qui ibi tum 
aderant e clero et populo, et in 
commune laudes gratesque egerunt 
Deo, bonorum omnium largitori. 
Mox igitur productus est e suo lati- 
bulo vir sanctus, et vel invitus rap- 
tus ad sedem pontificiam, unctusque 
oleo exsultationis et unguento sacri 
chrismatis, ut fieri solet ad eam dig- 
nitatem vocatis.—Sur. ibid. Sept. 7. 
(t. 5. p. 124.) Ubi eo [ad ecclesiam 
S. Stephani Aureliz] ventum est, 
Euortius tamquam ignotus stat jux- 
ta ostiarium. Paulo post jubent epi- 
scopi obserari fores; et ipsi, humi 
prostrati, cum multo gemitu et la- 
crimis rogant Deum, ut indicet 
quem velit ordinari episcopum. Con- 
jungebat vero etiam suos gemitus 


8 Ways of designing IV. i. 


the inquisitive reader may furnish himself with other instances 
from his own observation. The other thing I would suggest 
is, that sometimes an accidental circumstance was so providen- 
tially disposed, as to be taken for an indication of the divine 
will, and approbation of an election. Sulpicius Severus makes 
this observation particularly upon a circumstance that hap- 
pened in the election of St. Martin, bishop of Tours. Some 
of the provincial bishops, who were met at the place, for very 
unjust reasons opposed his election; and more especially one, 
whose name was Defensor, was a violent stickler against him. 
Now it happened that the reader, who was to have read that 
day, not being able to get in due time to his place, by reason 
of the press and crowding of the people, and the rest bemg in 


populus universus, jurgiorum finem 
petens a Domino, et exspectans quid 
dicturi essent episcopi. Illis ergo 
sic orantibus et plangentibus, colum- 
ba, divinitus missa, per fenestram 
mirabili splendore radiat: atque in 
ecclesiam involans, cum claro stre- 
pitu totam fere zdem pervagatur, 
tamquam investigans quippiam. Cer- 
nens autem beatum Euortium januze 
inherentem in ejus capite residet. 
Ille vero manibus eam abigit. Eo 
signo valde permotus populus tanto 
instantius orabat Dominum, ut il- 
lum Spiritum mitteret, qui in co- 
lumba in Christum baptizatum de- 
scendit. Columba autem, ut se suo 
functam ministerio ostenderet, per 
ostium ,quo ingressa erat, rursus avo- 
lavit. ‘lum vero perstrepens popu- 
lus letitie effertur: episcopi vero 
et ordines omnes accurate perqui- 
runt, quisnam ille sit, in cujus ca- 
pite columba sederit? Ibi rursus 
quedam exstitit et sermonum et 
hominum discrepantia, aliis dicen- 
tibus, ostiarium esse: aliis vere non 
ostiarium, sed ejus similem quem- 
dam. Iterum ergo ad preces re- 
deunt sacerdotes, rogantque Domi- 
num, ut jubeat redire denuo colum- 
bam. Non sprevit Deus illorum 
preces: columba redit, per omnem 
fere ecclesiam circumvolitat, et tan- 
dem in caput beati Euortii advolat. 
Ille, rei novitate perterritus, rursus 
eam repellit, eaque repulsa exit e 
templo. Exoritur populi strepitus ; 


jubent episcopi hominem, in quo 
tantum miraculum visum esset, ad 
se accedere; rogant ab eo, quibus 
ex locis eo venerit? aut quo profi- 
cisci velit? Respondet ille, quem- 
admodum jam ante responderat os- 
tiario. Ih igitur, se exauditos a 
Domino sentientes, gratias ei agunt, 
quod ex ea urbe ad ipsos pastorem 
miserit, ex qua priscis temporibus 
religionis propagandz causa piissi- 
mos predicatores misisset. Deinde 
precipiunt beatissimo Euortio, ut 
cum ipsis ad orationem se submit- 
tat, et in altare caput immittat : 
orantque Dominum, ut tertio mira- 
culo ostendere velit, num ille sit, 
we elegit ad ecclesiam illam tuen- 

am ac fovendam. Nondum finie- 
rant preces, et ecce columba, plausu 
ingenti alas concutiens, ad locum, 
in quo prius vir Dei steterat, se 
confert ; et eum non inveniens, tam- 
quam inquirens ubi sit; coram omni- 
bus circumvolitat. Erant tum ibi non 
pauci episcopi, qui dicerent acciri de- 
bere etiam eos, quorum electio eccle- 
siam illam vulnerasset, ut viderent, 
num illis presentibus ad Euortium 
columba se reciperet. Acciti sunt 
igitur, et cum starent cum Euortio 
inter episcopos, columba circumvo- 
litans sensim ferebatur in sublime, 
tandemque se submittens, in unius 
Euortii capite requievit. ‘Tum om- 
nes acclamarunt, dignum illum esse 
sacerdotio, quippe quem ipse Domi- 
nus eligeret, &c. 


§ 3, 4. persons to the ministry. 9 


a little confusion upon that account, one of those that stood by, 
taking up a book, read the first verse that he lighted upon, 
which happened to be those words of the 8th Psalm, “ Out of 
the mouth of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise, 
because of thine enemies, that thou mightest destroy the enemy 
and defensor.” For so it seems the vulgar Gallican translation 
then read it, — ut destruas inimicum et defensorem. These 
words were no sooner read but the people gave a shout, and 
the adverse party were confounded. ‘And so,’ says our 
author 2°, ‘it was generally believed that this Psalm was read 
by divine appointment, that Defensor the bishop might hear 
his own work condemned, whilst the praises of God were per- 
fected, in St. Martin, out of the mouth of babes and sucklings, 
and the enemy was at once both discovered and destroyed.’ 

By what has been said the reader now will be able to judge 
of the meaning of the ancients when they speak of parti- 
cular divine designations of persons to the ministry of the 
Church. 

4. The fourth and last way of designation was by the ordi- The fourth 
nary course of suffrage and election of the Church: the method pir 
of which in general was so accurate and highly approved, that frage and 
one of the Roman emperors, though an heathen, thought fit to “°°#°™ 
give a great character and encomium of it, and propose it to 
himself as an example proper to be imitated in the designation 
and choice of civil officers for the service of the empire. For so 
Lampridius?! represents the practice of Alexander Severus. 

‘ Whenever he was about to constitute any governors of pro- 
vinces, or receivers of the public revenues, he first proposed 
their names, desiring the people to make evidence against 
them, if any one could prove them guilty of any crime; but if 


20Sulpic. Sever. Vit. B. Martin.c.7. vel procuratores, id est, rationales, 

. 225. (p. 472.) Ita habitum est, ordinare, nomina eorum proponebat, 

ivino nutu Psalmum hune lectum hortans populum, ut si quis quid 
fuisse, ut testimonium operis sui haberet criminis, probaret manifes- 
Defensor audiret, quia ex ore infan- tis rebus; si non probasset, subiret 
tium atque lactentium in Martino pcenam capitis: dicebatque grave 
Domini laude perfecta, et ostensus esse, quum id Christiani et Judzi 
pariter et destructus est inimicus. __ facerent in’ preedicandis sacerdoti- 

21 Vit. Alexandr. Sever. c. 45. (int. bus, qui ordinandi sunt, non fieri in 
Aug. Hist. Scriptor. p. 570.) Ubi provinciarum rectoribus, quibus et 
aliquos: voluisset vel rectores pro- δον hominum committerentur 
vinciis «dare, vel preepositos facere, et capita. 


10 Method of the 


they accused them falsely, it should be at the peril of their own 
lives; saying, it was unreasonable, that, when the Christians 
and Jews did this in propounding those whom they ordained 
their priests and ministers, the same should not be done in the 
appointment of governors of provinces, in whose hands the 
lives and fortunes of men were intrusted.’ This argues, that 
all imaginable care was taken in the election of Christian 
ministers, since their practice in this respect has such ample 
testimony from the heathens. And indeed all modern writers 
agree upon the matter in general, that anciently elections were 
made with a great deal of caution and exactness: but as to the 
particular methods that were used, men are strangely divided 
in their accounts of them; by which means, there is no one 
subject has been rendered more intricate and perplexed than 
this of elections, which has even frighted some from attempting 
to give an account of it. But I must not wholly disappoint my 
readers through such fears; and therefore I shall briefly ac- 
quaint them with the different sentiments of modern authors, 
who have handled this subject, and then clear what I take to 
be the true state of the case, from evident proofs of ancient 
history, which shall be the business of the next chapter. 


CHAP. II. 


A more particular account of the ancient method and manner 
of elections of the clergy. 


The differ. 1. ΤῊΝ grand question in this affair, upon which learned 


ent sas men are so much divided, is concerning the persons who had a 
10ns O 


learned Tight to vote in the elections of the clergy. Some think the 
aceite ae people were never allowed any other power save only to give 
people’s their testimonials to the party elected, or to make objections, 


tiently in. if they had any just and reasonable exceptions, against him ; 


elections. go Habertus22, and Sixtus Senensis23, and Bellarmin2¢. Others 


22 Archierat. ad Rit. Elect. ob- ani] verba expendantur, neuter eo- 
serv. I. (p. 436.).... Plena illa et rum jus eligendi episcopum populo 
absoluta per populum electio, nun- attribuit; sed hoc tantum fuisse in- 
quam ecclesiz presertim Grecize dicant a rectoribus ecclesie plebi 
placuit; bene quidem consensus ple- concessum, ut ipsi, populo presen- 
bis et approbatio, vel etiam postu- te, sub oculis omnium delegerentur, 


latio, sed electid neutiquam. ut digni atque idonei publico judicio 
23 Biblioth. 8S. 1. 5. annot. 118. comprobarentur, ne ulla post ordi- 
(t. 2. p. 88 ἅ. 9.) ... Si recte utri- nationem retractandi occasio rema~ 


usque doctoris [Origenis et Cypri-. neret: unde et Lampridius, scriptor 


IV. i. 


election of the clergy. 1 


say the people were absolute and proper electors, and that 
from apostolical right, which they always enjoyed for a succes- 
sion of many ages. This opinion is advanced, and with great 
show of learning asserted by Blondel?>, against Sancta Clara 
and the rest of the other opinion. De Marca®6 takes a middle 
way between those two extremes: he says the people had as 
much power anciently as any of the clergy below bishops; 
that is, their consent was required in the promotion of a bishop 
as well as their testimony; yet he will not allow this to be 
called electing: for the designation election or judgment, he 
says, still belonged only to the metropolitan, together with the 
synod of provincial bishops. And though we read sometimes 
of their giving their vote or suffrage; yet that, he says, ‘is 
only to be understood of suffrage of consent, not the suffrage 


of election.” But Mr. Mason27, in answer to Pamelius, who had 


advanced something of this notion before De Marca, rejects 
this as a deluding distinction, and asserts that the people had 
properly a voice or suffrage of election; and he quotes Bishop 
Andrews?’ for the same opinion. Yet he does not carry the 
point so high as to maintain with Blondel, that it was of un- 
alterable right, but left by God as a thing indifferent, to be 
ordered by the discretion of the Church, so all things be done 


a nostra religione alienus, in Vita 


signandi episcopi clero et populo 
Alexandri Augusti refert consue- 


tribuit ; ipsam vero designationem 


visse prius nomina eorum, qui ec- 
clesiz preficiendi erant, proponi 
palam, ut si quid contra eum popu- 
us haberet, id in medium proferret, 


&e. 

- 24 De Cler. 1.1. ¢. 7. (t.2. p. 246d.) 
Jus eligendi summum pontificem 
ceeterosque ecclesiz pastores et mi- 
nistros, non convenit populo jure 
divino. Sed si quid aliquando in 
hac re populus potuit, id totum ha- 
buit ex conniventia vel concessione 
pontificum, &c. 

- 2 Apol. s. 3. (pp. 379, seqq.) No- 
vatianum a Novato, &c. 

. 26 De Concord. 1.8. c. 2. n. 2. 
(p. 1112.) Ceterum si negotium is- 
tud referatur ad primam originem, 
morumque vetustz ecclesie et anti- 
quorum canonum ratio habeatur, 
constans est illa sententia, que so- 
lum testimonium et consensum de- 


sive electionem et judicium metro- 
politano una cum synodo provincia- 
lium episcoporum. In quo testimo- 
nio dando non reperio discrimen 
aliquod constitutum a veteribus in- 
ter clerum civitatis et populum. 
A®quo enim jure hac in parte ute- 
bantur, et utriusque consensus ad 
suscipiendum episcopum exspectan- 
dus erat. Tota quippe, ut jam dixi, 
auctoritas erat penes episcopos, et 
precipue penes metropolitanum, qui 
rebus gestis τὸ κῦρος adhibebat, ut 
is aed Synodus Niczena. 

Consecration of Bishops, b. 4. 
ch. 4. (pp. 159, 160.) Yet the suf- 
frages of the people, &c. 

Respons. ad Apol. Bellarmin. c. 
13. (p. 313.) Preesentia quidem ple- 
bis apud Cyprianum includit testi- 
monium de vita, nec excludit suffra- 
gium de persona, &c. 


12 


honestly and in order. 


Method of the 


And this seems to have been the 


opinion of Spalatensis29, Richerius®°, Justellus*}, Suicerus®?, 


and some other learned men of both Churches. 


Others there 


are who distinguish between the times preceding the Council 
of Nice and those that followed after; for they think, whatever 
power was allowed the people in the three first ages, was taken 
away by that Council, and the Councils of Antioch and Lao- 


dicea that followed not long after. 


29 De Repub]. Eccles. 1. 3. c. 3. 
Ὡ. 42. (t. 1. p. 411 ἃ. 10.) Et quo- 
niam qui excludunt plebem nostri 
ab electionibus episcoporum, plebis 
partes non alias ponunt antiquitus, 
nisi ut testimonium reddat de vita 
et moribus promovendi: ut errare 
se cognoscant, si non sint satis tot 
testimonia jam allata, in quibus 
multo plus tribuitur plebi quam tale 
testimonium ; legant Acta Concilii 
Chalcedonensis ...legant etiam Al- 
cuinum, [de Divin. Offic. c. 36.4 
ubi sic scribit; Cum episcopus ci- 
vitatis fuerit defunctus, eligitur alius 
a clero seu populo, &c. 

80 Hist. Concil. 1. 1. ¢. 12. ἢ. 18. 
(p. 389.) C. 22. [C. 4. Constant. ] 
sic habet: Promotiones atque con-~ 
secrationes, &c. .... Huic canoni 
concordat 12..... ad cujus intelli- 
gentiam Cardinalis Cusanus, (lib. 2. 
de Concordantia, cap. 32.) demon- 
strans invitis dari non posse episco- 
pum: quam in rem laudat Can. de 
Neptis 31, quest. 2, quo docetur, 
sicut in matrimonio carnali, sic in 
ecclesia, unum corpus _ spirituale 
constitui debere ex episcopo et 
plebe, ac proinde consensum neces- 
sarium videri: quoniam non du- 
bium, inquit, inter episcopum et 
ecclesiam matrimonium esse, (3. 
quest. 1. can. Audivimus.) et 
propterea (1. quest. 1. can. Ordi- 
nationes,) dici ordinationes, que 
non fiunt communi consensu cleri 
et populi secundum canonicas sanc- 
tiones, et ab iis, ad quos consecratio 
pertinet, non comprobari et falsas 
judicari; quoniam qui taliter ordi- 
nantur, non per ostium, id est, per 
Christum intrant, sed, ut ipsa veri- 
tas testatur, fures sunt et latrones. 
Et ratio hujus est, quoniam consen- 


So Schelstrate33, in his 


sus de essentia matrimonii est. Di- 
versitas enim ordinum preposito- 
rum et subjectorum pro conserva- 
tione reipublice ordinata est; ut 
dum reverentiam exhibent minores 
potioribus, et potiores minoribus 
dilectionem, vera concordia ex di- 
versitate contexeretur, ut recte offi- 
ciorum gereretur administratio ; ut 
Dist. 89. can. Ad hoc, et Dist. 45. 
can. Licet. Igitur ex concordan- 
tia subsistit ecclesia. Quare invitis 
preses non recte preponitur, de 
quo pulcre Dist. 95. can. Esto. 
Sed oportet quod ille, qui preest, 
ab omnibus quibus preest consti- 
tuatur, tacite vel expresse: sin au- 
tem aliter presumtum fuerit, viri- 
bus carere dubium non est, quia 
irritum est: Dist. 66. can. Archi- 
episcopus: qui dicit alibi, Oportet 
ut ille, qui omnibus preesse debet, 
ab omnibus eligatur, &ce. 

31 Not. inc. 6. C. Chalced. (t. 1. 
Ρ- 92.) Is fuit vetus mos ecclesiz in 
episcopis ordinandis, ut rogarentur 
suffragia non modo cleri, sed etiam 
populi, atque ut omnium de eo, qui 
ordinandus erat, judicia sciscitaren- 
tur, illius nomen plebi publice pro- 
ponebatur, facta omnibus potestate 
quidquid vellent eis objiciendi, &c. 

32 thes. Eccles. in voce ἐπίσκο- 
mos. (t.1. p. 1181 a.) Antiquissimis 
temporibus episcopi a tota ecclesia, 
ex pastoribus et plebe composita, 
fuerunt electi. .... Usque ad Inno- 
centium IJ. mos ille in Ecclesia Ro- 
mana fuit observatus, ut plebis con- 
sensus in electionibus et suffragium 
requireretur. Ep. 

C. Antioch, Restitut. ap. Schol. 
in ¢. 19. (p. 599.) Canon imnovat 
quartum Niczenum, et eadem statuit 
cum duodecimo Laodiceno: id quod 


IV. ἢ. 


§1. 


election of the clergy. 


13 


Dissertations upon the Council of Antioch, where he quotes 
Christianus Lupus and Sirmond for the same opinion. But this 
is exploded as a-groundless fiction, not only by Spalatensis3+ 
and Bishop Pearson, but also by Richerius®®, Cabassutius37, 
Valesius**, Petavius®°, De Marca?°, and other learned persons 


statuit, ubique observatum fuit a 
tempore Niczeni Concilii, a quo om- 
nes fatentur plebis suffragia non 
amplius fuisse in usu. , 

De Republ. Eccles. part. 1. 
1, 3. 6. 3. n. 12. (p. 402. a. 10.) Jam 
vero post concilium Niczenum, in 
electionibus eumdem prorsus vete- 
rem morem perpetuo ecclesiam ad 
nostra pene tempora servasse, ut a 
clero et populo fieret, ex patribus et 
rebus gestis; ex conciliis et juribus; 
ex Rom. pont. attestationibus et de- 
cretis, jam sumo probandum, &c. 

35 Vindic. Ignat. part. 1. ¢. 11. 
(Cotel: v. 2. p. 324.) O preclaram 
et subtilem distinctionem, &c. 

86 Hist. Concil. 1. 1. c. 2. n. 7. 
(p. 18.) Notandum contra Valesium 
(tertia libri de Suprema Po- 
testate Pape, questione sexta, circa 
medium, ubi canonem quartum 
Niczenum explicat,) patres Niczenos 
non abstulisse populo jus eligendo- 
rum episcoporum, sed tantum pre- 
cepisse electionem populi et cleri a 
metropolitano confirmari, et ab epi- 
scopis provincie fieri oportere. 
Nam dehinc semper populus in sua 
possessione Ὃς ae pastores conti- 
nuavit, idque hac synodali epistola 
clare ostenditur, ubi nominatim ha- 
betur episcopum Alexandriz debere 
populi electionem confirmare. 

Notit. Concil. c. 17. [ad ce. 4. 
C. Nicen.] p. 83. (p. 109.) Nulla- 
tenus hic audiendus Theodorus Bal- 
samon, scribens in hunce can. 4, epi- 
scopos olim quidem fuisse ab uni- 
versa plebe electos. Quia tamen 
in hisce popularibus comitiis multa 
jactabantur indecora in eos, quorum 
proponebatur electio, fuisse isto Ni- 
ceno canone consuetudinem illam 
abrogatam, statutumque ut soli epi- 
scopi eligerent. Sed errat Balsa- 
mon, cum nullum hic appareat ab- 
rogationis vestigium : et constet 
pereeque post Nicenum concilium, 


ut prius, admissa in episcopis eli- 
gendis populorum suffragia: sic 
tamen ut moderationi et regimini 
subessent episcoporum. Quemad- 
modum in Atheniensium olim re- 
publica πρόεδροι popularibus suf- 
fragiis preerant, ut docet Julius 
Pollux, 1. 8. 

38 Not. in Euseb. 1. 6. c. 43. (v. 1. 
p- 314. n. 3.) Presbyteri olim ab 
episcopo ordinari non poterant sine 
consensu cleri et populi. Ac de 
populi quidem suffragio in electio- 
ne presbyterorum testantur patres 
concilii Niczeni in Epistola Synodica 
ad episcopos Aigypti (d.1.) Deni- 
que adeo necessarium fuit plebis 
suffragium in electione presbytero- 
rum, ut szpenumero in ecclesia 
plebs tumultuosis vociferationibus 
presbyterum aliquem fieri postula- 
ret et cogeret, &c. 

39 Not. in Synes. Ep. 67. (p. 56.) 
Quo in canone [Niceno 4.] de epi- ‘ 
scopi creatione ipsa, sive electione, 
agitur ; que ita populi suffragiis 
permitti solebat, ut iis moderandis 
ac gubernandis adessent, imo pre- 
essent episcopi. Nec audiendus 
Balsamo, ‘qui ad hunc canonem 
observat, ‘ Olim quidem episcopos 
a populo consuevisse deligi; sed 
quod in suffragiis ferendis, de eo- 
rum vita quedam interdum minus 
decora et honesta jactarentur, mo- 
rem illum hoc canone abrogatum 
fuisse ; ac deinceps statutum, ut ab 
episcopis ea fieret electio.? Quo 
nihil dici potest absurdius. Non 
enim popularia suffragia Niceenus 
iste canon sustulit; sed his, uti dixi, 
moderandis, vel cum illis etiam 
episcoporum auctoritatem jussit ad- 
hiberi. Quemadmodum Athenis po- 
pularibus concionibus aderant πρό- 
εδροι, ut docet Julius Pollux, lib. 8, 
et Harpocratio. Quin etiam multo 
post Niczenum concilium tempore 
perseveravit in ecclesia, ut a populo 


14 


Method of the 


of the Roman communion, who think the fathers of the Nicene 
Council made no alteration in this matter, but left all things as 
they found them. Some again distinguish between the election 
of bishops and the other clergy, and say the people’s consent 
was only required in the election of bishops, but not in the 
promotion of the inferior clergy. So Cabassutius4! and Bishop 
Beveridge ‘2, who reckons this so clear a point, that there is no 


dispute to be made of it. 


Yet Valesius disputes it, and asserts 


the contrary 48, ‘that anciently presbyters were not to be or- 


crearentur episcopi; idque et pon- 
tificum Romanorum et conciliorum 
decreta sanxerunt. 

40 De Concord. 1. 8. c. 3. n. 4. 
(p. 1117.) Ex quibus canonibus [c. 
Niceen.4, Antioch. 19, Laodic. 13. | 
aperte conficitur, episcoporum pro- 
motionem judicio synodi plenissime 
permissam. Et ne consultatio, que 
cum clero et plebe habenda est, 
auctoritate canonis fulta, contuma- 
ces redderet civium animos episco- 
porum judicio, ejus mentio omissa 
est in canonibus; relicta interim 
consuetudine jam recepta de trac- 
tatu electionis habendo cum clero 
et plebe civitatis. Jus itaque epi- 
scoporum canone firmatum est. 
Quod pertinet ad populum, consue- 
tudini relictum est. 

41 Notit. Concil. c. 36. (Ed. Lug- 
dun. 1670. p. 196. et Venet. 1703. 
Ρ. 136.) Probatum invictis testimo- 
nis fuit superius ad Niceenum ca- 
nonem quartum, ad episcoporum 
electionem admissa olim fuisse ple- 
bis suffragia. Secus tamen fieri so- 
litum fuit circa minorum sacerdo- 
tum et inferiorum ecclesiz mini- 
strorum electionem, ut ex isto ca- 
none decimo tertio perspicuum sit. 
Populi quidem testimonium de vita 
et moribus ordinandi requirebatur. 
Juxta illud 1 Tim. 3. oportet illum 
et testimonium habere bonum ab 
iis, qui foris sunt. Quin immo non- 
numquam populus ipse aliquem 
proponebat, et postulabat ordinari : 
testatur enim Paulinus, Ep. 45, se 
Barcinone in Hispania fuisse ab 
episcopo Lampio initiatum clero, et 
sacratum ad illius populi postulatio- 
nem. Item refert Aug., Ep. 225, 


fuisse Pimanum ab Hipponensi po- 
pulo instanter postulatum, ut ad 
clerum promoveretur. Insuper, ne 
quid huc pertinens omittatur, Ac- 
tuum Apost. 1, non soli Apostoli, 
sed tota ecclesia Matthiam elegit, et 
Joseph Barsabam, ut ex eis unus 
adsumeretur. Et Act. 6. credentium 
convocata multitudo septem diaco- 
nos elegit. Verum ad illud primum 
caput testatur Chrysostomus, Pe- 
trum potuisse quidem per se ipsum 
merito eligere, sed maluisse per mo- 
destiam et prudentiam universe ec- 
clesize gratificari. Postulationis au- 
tem, que fiebant episcopis a populo, 
nihil habuisse preter supplicationes: 
eet jus ullum, aut obligationem 
induxisse, certum est. [ Differently 
worded in the larger editions, Lugd. 
1680. (p.153.) and 1685. (p. 152.) 
ῃ. 9. ad c. 13. Synod. Laodic. sub 
Damaso. Ep. |] 

42 Not. in c. 6. C. Chalced. ad 
vocab. ἐπικηρύττοιτο. (t. 2. append. 
p. 113.) Non quidem inficias eam, 
quin ἐπικηρύττω sepius palam et 
per preconem aliquid denuntiare et 
predicare significet, neque etiam 
me latet, suffragia olim cleri popu- 
lique publice rogata esse, priusquam 
episcopus ordinaretur: sed qua ta- 
men ratione Christophorus Justellus 
hane vocem eo. sensu hic usurpari 
asseruerit, non video. Etiamsi enim 
episcoporum nomina publice propo- 
sita fuerint priusquam antiquitus 
ordinarentur; idem tamen in pres- 
byterorum, aliorumque inferiorum 
clericorum ordinationibus numquam 
obtinuisse, notius est, quam ut pro- 
batione indigeat, &c. ᾿ 

43 See note 38, preceding. 


5 1s 2. election of the clergy. 15 


dained by the bishop without the consent of the clergy and 
people.’ Bishop Stillingfleet, who is one of the last that has 
considered this matter, gives us his sense in these following 
observations. First‘+, ‘that the main ground of the people’s 
interest was founded upon the Apostle’s canon, “ that a bishop 
must be blameless and of good report;” and therefore,’ he 
Says*>, ‘the people’s share and concern in elections, even in 
Cyprian’s time, was not to give their votes, but only their tes- 
timony concerning the good or ill behaviour of the person.’ 
Secondly*®, ‘that yet upon this the people assumed the power 
of elections, and thereby caused great disturbances and dis- 
orders in the Church.’ Thirdly, ‘that to prevent these, many 
bishops were appointed without their choice, and canons made 
for the better regulating of them.’ Fourthly, ‘ that when there 
were Christian magistrates, they did interpose as they thought 
fit, notwithstanding the popular claim, in a matter of so great 
consequence to the peace of Church and State.’ Fifthly, ‘ that 
upon the alteration of the government of Christendom, the in- 
terest of the people was secured by their consent in parlia- 
ments; and that, by such consent, the nomination of bishops 
was reserved to princes, and the patronage of livings to parti- 
cular persons.’ 

In this great variety of judgments and opinion of learned men, 
it will be no crime to dissent from any of them; and therefore I 
shall take the liberty to review their opinions, and express impar- 
tially what I take to be agreeable or disagreeable in any of 
them to ancient history and the rules and practice of the Church. 

2. And here, first of all, it will be proper to observe, that The power 
there was no one universal unalterable rule observed in all κε goede 


times and places about this matter; but the practice varied fo that of 
according to the different exigencies and circumstances of the pray 
Church, as will evidently appear in the sequel of this history. a ors 
In the meantime, I conceive the observation made by De bishop. 
Marea thus far to be very true: ‘that whatever power the in- 

ferior clergy enjoyed in the election of their bishop, the same 

was generally allowed to the people, or whole body of the 


Church, under the regulation and conduct of the metropolitan 


44 Unreasonableness of Separation, is plain even from St. Cyprian, &c. 
part ἢ 8. 25. p. 312. (ν. 2. p. O11.) 46 Ibid. p. 317. (p. 614.) That the 
45 Ibid. p. 316. (p. 61g.) And this people, &c. 


16 Method of the 


and synod of provincial bishops.’ For their power, whatever it 
was, is spoken of in the very same terms, and expressed in the 
same words. Some call it consent; others, suffrage or vote; 
others, election or choice; but all agree in this, that it was 
equally the consent, suffrage, vote, election, and choice both of 
clergy and people. Thus Cyprian‘? observes of Cornelius, 
‘that he was made bishop by the testimony of the clergy and 
suffrage of the people;’ where it is evident the words testi- 
mony and suffrage are equally ascribed both to clergy and 
people. Socrates+’, speaking of the election of Chrysostom, 
says ‘he was chosen by the common vote of all, both clergy 
and people.’ And Theodoret describes the election of Eusta- 
tius, bishop of Antioch, after the same manner, when he tells 
Ὁ519. ‘he was compelled to take the bishopric by the common 
vote of the bishops and clergy and all the people.’ Siricius 5° 
styles this ‘the election of the clergy and people;’ and Ce- 
lestin>!, ‘the consent and desire of the clergy and people ;’ and 
Leo>?, both ‘the consent, and election, and suffrage’ or votes ‘ of 
the people ;’ who adds, also, ‘that in case the parties were di- 
vided in their votes, then the decision should be referred to the 
judgment of the metropolitan, who should choose him who had 
most votes, and greatest merit to recommend him.’ From all 
which, and many other passages that might be alleged to the 
same purpose, it is very evident that the power of the clergy 
and people was equal in this matter, and that nothing was 
challenged by the one that was not allowed to the other also. 
3. And hence it appears further, that this conjunctive power 
of clergy and people was not barely testimonial, but, as bishop 


This power 
not barely 
testimo- 


47 Ep. 52. [al. 55.] ad Antonian. p. 
104. (p. 243.) Factus est ... autem 
Cornelius episcopus . . de clericorum 
pene omnium testimonio, de plebis, 
que tum adfuit, suffragio. 

550.0. 2.18, Ὁ; Pp. σοῦ. 232) οἷς 
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ρου τέ φημι καὶ λαοῦ, κ.τ.λ. 

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ριστος. 

50 Ep.1.ad Himer. Tarracon. c.10. 
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vel episcopatum {al. presbyterio vel 
episcopatui] si eum cleri ac plebis 


evocaverit electio, non immerito so- 
cietur. 

51 Ep. 2. c. 5. (ibid. p. 1621 a.) 
Nullus invitis detur episcopus: cle- 
ri, plebis, et ordinis consensus et 
desiderium requiratur. 

52 Ep. 84. ad Anastas. c. 5. (CC. t. 
3. p. 1385 a.) Cum de summi sacer- 
dotis electione tractabitur, ille omni- 
bus preeponatur, quem cleri plebis- 
que consensus concorditer postula- 
rit; ita ut si in aliam forte perso- 
nam partium se vota diviserint, me- 
tropolitani judicio is alteri preefera- 
tur, qui ae et studiis juvatur 
et meritis, &c. 


election of the clergy. 17 


§ 3, 4. 
Andrews and Mr. Mason assert, a judicial and effective power, nial, but 
by way of proper suffrage and election; and that as well in the ee its 
time of Cyprian-as afterwards, For Cyprian speaks both of 
testimony and suffrage belonging to both clergy and people; 
and says further 58, ‘ that that is a just and legitimate ordina- 
tion which is examined by the suffrage and judgment of all, 
both clergy and people.’ So that they were then present at 
the choice of their bishop, not merely to give testimony con- 
cerning his life, but, as bishop Andrews words it, to give their 
vote and suffrage in reference to his person. Which observa- 
tion will be further evidenced and confirmed by proceeding with 
the account of several rules and customs generally observed in 
these elections. 

4. One of these was, that no bishop was to be obtruded on Evidences 
any orthodox people against their consent. I say, an orthodox hows ὩΣ 
people; for in case the majority of them were heretics or some an- 
schismatics, the practice was different, as will be shewed here- °°? beergg 
after: but where they were all Catholics, and could agree upon 8 = the 
a Catholic and deserving bishop, they were usually gratified in As first, 
their choice, and no person was to be put upon them against ἘΝ no δὰ: 

gy igi p was to 
their inclination. Sometimes the bishops in synod proposed a be obtruded 
person, and the people accepted him: sometimes, again, the Sisdat pea 
people proposed, and the bishops consented; and where they ple without 
were unanimous in a worthy choice, we scarce ever find they μετ Ἔ 
were rejected. If they were divided, it was the metropolitan’s 
care to unite and fix them in their choice, but not to obtrude 
upon them an unchosen person. This we learn from one of 
Leo’s Epistles>4, where he gives us at once both the Church’s 
rule and practice, and the reasons of it. ‘In the choice of a 
bishop,’ says he, ‘let him be preferred whom the clergy and 
people do unanimously agree upon and require: if they be di- 
an, 68, [al. 67.] ad Fratr. His- 54 Ep. 84. ut supra. (CC. ibid. a.) 


; pan. p. 172. (p. ob ) Coram omni Si in aliam forte personam partium 
: synagoga ju Deus constitui sa- se vota diviserint, metropolitani ju- 


cerdotem, id est, instruit et ostendit 
ordinationes sacerdotales non nisi 
sub populi adsistentis conscientia 
fieri oportere, ut plebe presente vel 
detegantur malorum crimina, vel bo- 
norum merita preedicentur, et sit or- 
dinatio justa et legitima, que omni- 
um suffragio et judicio fuerit exami- 
nata. 


BINGHAM, VOL. Il. 


dicio is alteri preeferatur, qui majo- 
ribus et studiis juvatur et meritis : 
tantum ut nullus invitis et non pe- 
tentibus ordinetur, ne plebs invita 
episcopum non optatum aut con- 
temnat, aut oderit, et fiat minus re- 
ligiosa quam convenit, cui non licu- 
erit habere quem voluit. 


σ 


18 Method of the - IV. i 


vided in their choice, then let the metropolitan give preference 
to him who has most votes and most merits: always provided, 
that no one be ordained against the will and desire of the 
people, lest they contemn or hate their bishop, and become ir- 
religious or disrespectful, when they cannot have him whom 
they desired.’ The transgression of this rule was objected as 
a great crime to Hilarius Arelatensis, by the emperor Valenti- 
nian the Third >>, ‘that he ordained bishops in several places 
against the will and consent of the people, whom when they 
would not admit of, because they had not chosen them, he used 
armed force to settle them in their sees, introducing the 
preachers of peace by the violence of war.’ Leo>® objects the 
same thing to him, saying, ‘that he ought to have proceeded 
by another rule, and first to have required the votes of the 
citizens, the testimonies of the people, the will of the gentry, 
and the election of the clergy: for he that was to preside over 
all, was to be chosen by all.’ This evidently shews that the 
suffrage of the 8 was then something more than paeuy 
testimonial. 
Secondly, 5. Another asipsitaton is, that in many cases the voices of the 
ἜΣ people prevailed against the bishops themselves, when they 


ther con- 


Spel ΤῸΝ happened to be divided in their first proposals. Thus it hap- 
xam ο 
ehebiuhone? pened in the famous election of St. Martin, bishop of Tours, 


comets which has been mentioned in the last chapter, sect.3. The 
voice of the people were unanimously for him; Defensor, with a great party 


tie τοὶ of bishops, at first was against him: but the voice of the people 


their own prevailed, and the bishops complied and ordained him.  Philo~ 
eames storgius gives us such another instance. Demophilus, bishop of 
Constantinople, with some other bishops suspected of Arianism, 
meeting at Cyzicum, to ordain a bishop there, the people first 
made a protestation against them, ‘that unless they would 
anathematize publicly Aétius and Eunomius, both in word and 
writing, they should ordain no bishop there.’ And when they: 


᾿ 59 Novel. 24. ad calc. Cod. Theod. dicaturos] per bella ducebat. 

(t. 6. append. p.12.)....Indecenter δ0 Ep. 89. ad Episc. Vienn. (CC. t. 
alios, invitis 0) apna civibus, 3. p. 1398 c.) Expectarentur certe 
ordinavit. Quiquidem,quoniam non vota civium, testimonia populorum, 
facile ab his, qui non elegerant, re- quereretur honoratorum arbitrium,’ 
cipiebantur, manum sibi contrahe- electio clericorum....... Qui pre-’ 
bat armatam....et ad sedem qui- fecturus est omnibus, ab omnibus 
etis pacem predicaturus [leg. pre-  eligatur. 


5; 6. election of the clergy. 19 

had complied to do this, they still insisted on their privilege 57, 

‘that no one should be ordained but one of their own choos- 

ing;’ which was one who, as soon as he was ordained, preached 

the catholic doctrine of the Ὁμοούσιον, that the Son was of the 

same substance with the Father. Ancient history will furnish 

the reader with many other instances of the like nature. 

- 6. Another evidence of the people’s power in elections is the Tiirdly, 
d Ξ aie . from the 

manner of their voting, or the way of giving their assent or manner of 

dissent to the ordination of any person; which was threefold. the people’s 

: . . . ° voting at 

For either, first, they were unanimous in their vote for or elections. 

against a man, and then their way was to express their mind 

by a general acclamation, crying out with one voice, ἄξιος, or 

ἀνάξιος, dignus or indignus, as the word then was, he is worthy 

or unworthy. Instances of which form the reader may find in 

St. Ambrose**, St. Austin, Eusebius ©, Philostorgius®, Pho- 

tius®, the author of the Constitutions®, and several others. 

Or else, secondly, they were divided in their choice, and then 

they expressed their dissent in particular accusations of the 

parties proposed, and sidings, and sometimes outrageous tu- 

mults. St. Chrysostom reflects upon this way in his Books 

of the Priesthood, when he tells us, ‘that in those popular 

solemnities,’ which were then customarily held for the choice of 

ecclesiastical rulers, ‘ one might see a bishop exposed to as many 

accusations as there were heads among the people.’ And the 


ἄξιός ἐστιν ἀληθῶς τῆς λειτουργίας... 

καὶ συνθεμένων αὐτῶν ἐκ τρίτου ἄξιον 
7 

εἶναι, ἀπαιτείσθωσαν of πάντες σύν- 


57 L. 9. 6. 13. (V. 3. Ρ. 531. 4. ++: 
Οὐχ ἕτερόν τινα ταύτην ἐλθεῖν ἀνα- 
σχόμενοι, GAN ὃν αὐτῶν αἱ ψῆφοι 
προσέταττον. θημα, κ. τ.λ. 

88 De Dignit. Sacerdot. c. 5. (t. 2. 64 De Sacerdot. 1. 3. c. 15. (t. 1. p. 
φρο Ρ. 363 a.) ... In ordinatio- 793 6.) Βούλει σοι καὶ ἕτερον ἐπι- 
nibus eorum clamant et dicunt, δείξω ταύτης τῆς μάχης εἶδος, μυρίων 
. » 


us es,’ et ‘ Justus es.’ 


59 Ep.110. [al.213.](t. 2. p. 789 g.) 
Dignus et Justus est, dictum est 
vicies 


60 L. 6. c. 29. See ch. 1. s. 3. the 

latter part of n. 18. p. 7. 

“611, 9. δ. 10. (v. 3. p. 580. 10.) 
.« «Πολλοὶ δὲ τοῦ παρόντος ὄχλου, ἐν 
τῇ Δημοφίλου καθιδρύσει, ἀντὶ τοῦ 
Δξιος ἀνεβόων τὸ ᾿Ανάξιος. 

Biblioth. cod. 256. (p. 1413. 35.) 

Ὁ λαὸς μιᾷ φωνῇ σὺν αὐτῷ βασιλεῖ 
ἐπὶ πλείους ὥρας ἐβόα rd” Agus. 

6 1. 8. c. 4. (Cotel. v. 1. p. 391.) 


» 
... Ek τρίτου πάλιν πυθέσθωσαν, εἰ 


ἐμπεπλησμένον κινδύνων ; ἴθι δὴ καὶ 
διάκυψον εἰς τὰς δημοτελεῖς ἑορτὰς, 
ἐν αἷς μάλιστα τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν 
ἀρχῶν τὰς αἱρέσεις ποιεῖσθαι νόμος" 
καὶ τοσαύταις ὄψει κατηγορίαις τὸν 
ἱερέα βαλλόμενον, ὅσον τῶν ἀρχομέ- 
νων τὸ πλῆθός ἐστι. πάντες yap οἱ 
δοῦναι κύριοι τὴν τιμὴν, εἰς πολλὰ 
τότε σχίζονται μέρη" καὶ οὔτε πρὸς 
ἀλλήλους, οὔτε πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν λα- 
χόντα τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν, τὸ τῶν πρεσβυ- 
τέρων συνέδριον ὁμογνωμονοῦν ἴδοι 
τις ἄν" ἀλλ᾽ ἕκαστος καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἑστή- 
κασιν, ὃ μὲν τοῦτον, ὁ δὲ ἐκεῖνον αἷ- 
ρούμενος. 


C 2 


20 Method of the IV. ii. 


account that is given not only by Ammianus Marcellinus®, but 
by Socrates ®, and the other historians, of the tumult raised at 
Rome in the election of Damasus, shews that the people were 
indulged in something more than barely giving testimony, else 
they had hardly run into so great a heat and ungovernable tu- 
mult. There was also a third way of expressing their consent, 
which was by subscribing the decree of election for greater 
security, that no party might pretend afterward that they had 
not given assent to it. Thus it was in the election of Meletius, 
bishop of Antioch, who was chosen by common consent both of 
Catholics and Arians, each party presuming him to be of their 
own opinion. The election-paper was subscribed by all, Theo- 
doret says®7, and put into the hands of Eusebius Samosatensis, 
which Constantius, when Meletius proved a Catholic, demanded 
to have had destroyed, but with all his menaces he could not 
extort it from him. St. Austin 68 gives the like account of the 
election of Eradius, his successor at Hippo, which for some 
reasons he got done in his own lifetime. He first ordered the 
notaries of the Church to take the acclamations of the people 
in writing, and then required all that could write to subscribe 
the instrument themselves. And this was the common way, 
whenever the metropolitan could not be present at the elec- 
tion; then the decree of the whole Church was drawn up in 
writing, and carried to him for his consent and approbation. 
The remains of which custom may still be seen in the ancient 
Ordo Romanus®?, where there is a form of a decree, which 
the clergy and people were to sign upon their choice of a 


65 L, 247. c. 3. (p. 480.) Damasus 
et Ursinus, supra humanum modum 
ad rapiendam episcopatus sedem 
ardentes, scissis studiis asperrime 
conflictabantur, ad usque mortis 
vulnerumque discrimina adjumentis 
utriusque progressis: que nec cor- 
rigere sufficiens Juventius nec mol- 
lire, coactus vi magna secessit in 
suburbanum. Et in concertatione 
superaverat Damasus, parte que ei 
favebat instante, &c. 

66 L. 4. c. 29. tot. (v. 2. p. 251. 
20.) 

67 L, 2. 6.31. tot. (v. 3. p. 118. 5.) 

68 Ep. 110. [al. 213.]. (t. 2. p. 
789 6.) A notariis ecclesiz, sicut 


cernitis, excipiuntur que dicimus, 
excipiuntur que dicitis, et meus 
sermo, et vestre acclamationes in 
terram non cadunt.—Ibid. (p. 790 f.) 
... Hoc ad ultimum rogo, ut gestis 
istis dignemini subscribere qui po- 
testis. 

69 Ap. Bibl. Patr. t. 10. p. 104. 
(ap. Bibl. Max. t. 13. p. 708 b.) Tit. 
Decretum, quod clerus et populus 
firmare [al. formare] debet de electo 
episcopo. .... Ut omnium nostrum 
vota in hanc electionem convenire 
noscatis, huic decreto canonico 
promptissima voluntate singuli ma- 
nibus propriis roborantes subscrip- 
simus. 


§ 6, 7. election of the clergy. 21 


bishop, and present it to the metropolitan and the synod, in 
order to his consecration: in which case, if the metropolitan 
found him upon examination to be a person every way quali- 
fied, as they represented him, he then confirmed and ratified 
their choice, and so proceeded immediately to his ordination. 
All which argues that the people had something of a decisive 
power in elections, and that their suffrage was not merely 
testimonial. ἢ 

7. This is further evident from the use and office of inter- Fourthly, 
ventors in the Latin Church, whose business was to promote ἤρα ‘he | 
and procure a speedy election of a new bishop in any vacant νυ δ" οὐραῖς 
see, as I have had occasion to shew in another place7°. For 
in the Roman and African Churches, upon the vacancy of a 
bishopric, it was usual for the metropolitan to grant a com- 
mission to some of his provincial bishops to go to the vacant 
church, and dispose the clergy and people to be unanimous in 
the choice of a new bishop; and when they were agreed, they 
petitioned the metropolitan by the interventor to confirm their 
choice, and with a synod of provincial bishops to come and 
ordam him whom they had elected. Or else they drew up an 
instrument in writing, subscribed both by the interventor and 
themselves, and presented the new elect bishop to the metro- 
politan, who ordained him in his own Church. This was the 
practice of the Roman province in the time of Symmachus and 
Gregory the Great, as appears from their Epistles, which give 
directions to the interventors, or visitors, as they call them, 
concerning their behaviour in the present case. ‘ Let no one,’ 
says Symmachus’!, ‘ draw up an instrument of election without 
the presence of the visitor, by whose testimony the agreement 
of the clergy and people may be declared.’ And Gregory, 
writing to Barbarus, bishop of Beneventum and visitor of the 
Church of Palermo, bids him7? endeavour to make the clergy 
clerum plebemque ejusdem ecclesiz 


admonere festinet, ut, remoto stu- 
dio, uno eodemque consensu talem 


v.1. p. 170. 


70 B. 2. ch. 1 
(06. +. 4. p.1296 a.) 


71 Ep. 5. c. 6. 
‘Decretum sine visitatoris presentia 


nemo conficiat, cujus testimonio 

clericorum ac civium possit unani- 

mitas declarari 

- 21.11. Ep. 16. (CC. t. 5. p. 

1521 .).. Dilectio tua ad preedictam 
[Panormitanam] ire pro- 

perabit, et assiduis adhortationibus 


sibi preeficiendum expetant sacerdo- 
tem, qui et tanto ministerio dignus 
valeat reperiri, et venerandis cano- 
nibus nullatenus respuatur. Qui 
dum fuerit postulatus cum solemni- 
tate decreti omnium subscriptioni- 
bus roborati, et dilectionis tue testi- 


a2 - Method of the IV. ii. 


and people unanimous in their presentation of a worthy person 
to be their bishop, who could not be rejected by the canons ; 
and then drawing up their petition in form of a decree, signed 
with all their hands, and the letters testimonial of the visitor, 
they should send him to Rome for consecration.’ Nothing can 
be plainer than that here the clergy and people made the 
choice of their bishop, with the assistance of a visitor or inter- 
ventor, and. then presented him to the metropolitan, who, if he 
had no canonical exception against him, confirmed their choice, 
and proceeded to his ordination. 

Fifthly, 8. As a further evidence of this power and privilege indulged 

from the ς . : ‘ 

custom of 0 the people, it may be observed likewise, that it was custom- 

thepeople’s ary in those days for the people in many places to lay violent 


taki : 
sone, and hands upon persons, and bring them by force to the bishop to 
σφώ, .- be ordained. Thus Possidius7 tells us it was in the ordination 


dained by of St. Austin: ‘the people seized him and brought him to the 


sia bishop, requiring, with one voice, that he would ordain him 
presbyter, whilst he in the mean time wept abundantly for the 
force that was put upon him.’ Paulinus’* says the same of 
himself, ‘ that he was ordained presbyter by force and the irre- 
sistible violence of an inflamed and zealous people.’ And there 
are many other instances of the like nature. 

Sixthly, 9. I observe but one thing more relating to this matter, 

Ba fe: which was the compliment that some bishops passed upon their 


ose saggy people upon this account, styling them fathers, in regard to the 
shops upon Share and influence they had in their designation and election. 
op gg St. Ambrose himself75, speaking to his people, addresses him- 
compliment self to them in this style: ‘Ye are my fathers, who chose me 
en gg to be bishop; ye, I say, are both my children and fathers ; 

children in particular, fathers all together.’ In which words 


he plainly refers to that providential consent of the people of 


monio literarum, ad nos sacrandus 
occurrat. 

73 Vit. August. c. 4. (t. 10. ap- 
pend. p. 260 c.) Eum ergo tenue- 
runt, et, ut in talibus consuetum 
est, episcopo ordinandum intule- 
runt, omnibus id uno consensu et 
desiderio fieri perficique petentibus, 
magnoque studio et clamore flagi- 
tantibus, ubertim eo flente, &c. 

- 74 Ep. 35. [al.24.|imt. Epp. August. 


(t. 2. p. 35 e.)... A Lampio apud 
Barcilonem in Hispania, per vim 
inflammate subito plebis, sacratus 
sum.—Vid. Paulin. Ep. 6. ad Sever. 
p- Iol. 

75 In Luce. 1. 8. c. 17. [corrige, 
c. 18. v. 20.] (t. 1. p. 1489 e.) Vos 
enim mihi estis parentes, qui sacer- 
dotium detulistis: Vos, inquam, 
filii vel parentes, filii singuli, uni- 
versi parentes. 


68... election of the clergy. 23 


Milan, who, when they were divided before into several fac- 
tions, as soon as Ambrose was named, all unanimously con- 
spired together in his election. These are some of those col- 
lateral evidences that may be brought to prove that anciently 
the clergy and people joined in a common vote in the election 
of their bishop, and that their suffrage was something more 
than testimonial, especially in the fourth and fifth ages, in the 
Latin Church; where, as De Marca owns, the people’s request 
was chiefly considered. 

10. Nor was this privilege only indulged them in the election hig pow- 
of their bishop, but sometimes in the designation of presbyters ple hed in 
also. For St. Austin and Paulinus were but to be ordained the desig- 
| presbyters, when that forcible constraint just now spoken of presbyters. 
was laid upon them by the people. Besides, St. Jerom says 
expressly, ‘that presbyters and the other clergy were as 
much chosen by the people as the bishops were.’ And Possi- 
dius?7 notes this to have been both the custom of the Church 
and St. Austin’s practice in the ordinations of priests and clerks, 
to have regard to the majority or general consent of Christian 
people. And Siricius, who speaks the sense and practice of the 
Roman Church, says7®, ‘ that when a deacon was to be ordained 
either presbyter or bishop, he was first to be chosen both by 
the clergy and people.’ And therefore I cannot so readily 
subscribe to the assertion of those learned men, who say that 
bishops before their ordination were propounded to the people, 
but not presbyters or any other of the inferior clergy. 

11. As to those who assert that the people were anciently Whether 


indulged in these matters before the Council of Nice, but that ay ae ay 


—s 


76 Ep. 4. [al. 125.] ad Rustic. 
(t. τ. p. 938 d.e.) .. Cum te vel po- 
pulus vel pontifex civitatis in clerum 
elegerit, agito que clerici sunt.—In 
Ezek. 1. 10. c. 32. p. 609. (t. 5. p. 
396 a.)... Speculator ecclesiz, vel 
episcopus vel presbyter, qui a po- 
pulo electus est. 


77 Vit. August. c. 21. (t. 10. ap- 


pend. p. 272.) In ordinandis vero 


otibus et clericis consensum 
jorem 


istianorum et consue- 
ecclesize eccpencns esse 
arbitrabatur. [Tres MSS., Fossa- 
tensis, Vedastinus, et Cisterciensis, 
majorum. De sacerdotum ordina- 


tione Cyprianus in Epistola ad cle- 
rum et plebem Hispaniarum scripta, 
poy nove editionis est ordine 67, 

it ordinatio, inquit, justa et legi- 
tima, que omnium suffragio et judi- 
cio fuerit examinata. Et ibidem 
Sabini episcopi ordinationem laudat 
de universe fraternitatis suffragi 
factam. Ed. Bened, in loc. ΕΟ 

78 Ep.1.ad Himer. Tarracon. c.10. 
(CC, t. 2. p. 1021 ἃ.) Exinde jam 
accessu temporum presbyterium vel 
episcopatum, si eum cleri ac plebis 
evocarit electio, non immerito sor- 
tietur. 


234 Method of the TV. i, 


made any 
alteration 
in these 
matters. 


their power was abridged by a new decree of that Council, 
they are evidently under a mistake. For it is certain the — 
Nicene Fathers made no alteration in this affair, but left the 
whole matter as they found it; for though in one of their 
canons79 it is said, ‘ that the presence, or at least the consent, 
of all the provincial bishops, and the confirmation or ratifica- 
tion of the metropolitan shall be necessary to the election and 
ordination of a bishop;’ yet that is not said to exclude any 
ancient privilege that the people enjoyed, but only to establish 
the rights of metropolitans and provincial bishops, which Mele- 
tius, the schismatical Egyptian bishop, had particularly in- 
vaded, by presuming to ordain bishops without the authority 
of his metropolitan, or consent of his fellow-bishops in the pro- 
vinces of Egypt. That nothing else was designed by that canon 
is evident from this, that the same Council, in the Synodical 
Epistle written to the Church of Alexandria, expressly men- 
tions the choice of the people, and requires it as a condition of 
a canonical election. For, speaking of such Meletian bishops 
as would return to the unity of the Catholic Church, it says®°, 
‘that when any Catholic bishop died, Meletian bishops might 
succeed in their room, provided they were worthy, and that 
the people chose them, and the bishop of Alexandria ratified 
and confirmed their choice.’ Our learned bishop Pearson 81 
has rightly observed, that Athanasius himself was thus chosen, 
after the Nicene Council was ended; which is a certain argu- 
ment, that the people’s right was not abrogated in that Council, 


79 Ὁ. 4. (t. 2. p. 29 d.) Ἐπίσκοπον 
προσήκει μάλιστα μὲν ὑπὸ πάντων 
τῶν ἐν τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ καθίστασθαι" εἰ δὲ 
δυσχερὲς εἴη τὸ τοιοῦτο, ἢ διὰ κατε- 
πείγουσαν ἀνάγκην, ἢ διὰ μῆκος ὁδοῦ, 
ἐξ ἅπαντος τρεῖς ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ συναγο- 
μένους, συμψήφων γινομένων καὶ τῶν 
ἀπόντων, καὶ συντιθεμένων διὰ γραμ- 
μάτων, τότε τὴν χειροτονίαν ποιεῖ- 
σθαι τὸ δὲ κῦρος τῶν γινομένων δί- 
δοσθαι καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἐπαρχίαν τῷ 
μητροπολίτῃ. 

80 Vid. Ep. Synod. C. Nicen. ap. 
Theodor. 1. 1. 6. 9. (Vv. 3. p. 32. 34.) 
—Item ap. Socrat. 1. 1. ¢. 9. (v. 2. 
p. 28. 19.) Εἰ δέ τινα ποτὲ συμβαίη 
ἀναπαύσασθαι τῶν ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, 
τηνικαῦτα συναναβαίνειν εἰς τὴν τιμὴν 


τοῦ τετελευτηκότος, τοὺς ἄρτι προσ- 
ληφθέντας, μόνον εἰ ἄξιοι φαίνοιντο, 
καὶ ὁ λαὸς αἱροῖτο, συνεπιψηφίζοντος 
αὐτῷ καὶ ἐπισφραγίζοντος τοῦ τῆς 
᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπισκόπου. 

81 Vindic. Ignat. part. 1. 6. 11. 
(Cotel. v. 2. p. 324.)... Eusebiani, 
qui creationem §S. Athanasii abro- 
gare voluerunt, defectum popularis 
electionis objiciebant, et episcopi 
Agypti, in synodo congregati, epi- 
stola ad omnes Ecclesize Catholicz 
episcopos scripta, contrarium magna 
animi contentione asseruerunt. ... 
Quod neque hi neque illi fecissent, 
si populi suffragia in eligendo epi- 
scopo antiquitus locum nullum ha- 
buissent. 2 


—eE δμω 


δ ἀμ»... 


election of the clergy. 25 


The Eusebian party made it an objection against him, ‘ that he 
had not the choice of the people; but the bishops of Egypt 
assembled in synod, in their Synodical Epistle, do with great 
earnestness maintain the contrary, asserting 53 ‘ that the whole 
multitude of the people of the Catholic Church, as if they had 
been all united in one soul and body, cried out, requiring Atha- 
nasius to be ordained bishop.’ Whence Gregory Nazianzen** 
also says of him, ‘ that he was brought to the throne of St. 


“Mark, ψήφῳ τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς, by the suffrage of all the people.’ 


It were easy to add many other instances and proofs of the 
like nature to the time of the Council of Chalcedon, when the 


people of Alexandria still enjoyed their ancient privilege, as 


appears from several passages in Liberatus*+, who says of Pro- 
terius, and some other of their bishops, ‘ that they were chosen 
by the nobles, and the decree and voice of all the people.’ But 
I shall say no more upon this head, but only allege two canons 
of the fourth Council of Carthage, which comprise the whole 
practice of the Church in relation to this matter ;—the one*> 
deecreeing, ‘ that the ordination of a bishop should always be by 
the consent of four parties, the clergy, the laity, the provincial 
bishops, and the metropolitan, whose presence or authority was 
principally necessary in all such cases.’ The other canon 56 


orders, ‘that no bishop shall ordain any clergymen without 
eonsulting with his clergy, and asking the consent, approba- 


Ap. Athanas. Apol. 2. [s. Apol. rent. .... Novissime in Proterium 


contr. Arian.] t. 2. p. 726. (t. 1. 


part. 1. p. 101 f. 4.) .. Πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος 
καὶ mas ὁ λαὸς τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλη- 
σίας, ὥσπερ ἐκ μιᾶς ψυχῆς καὶ σώμα- 
τὸς συνεληλυθότες, ἀνεβόων, ἔκραζον, 
αἰτοῦντες ᾿Αθανάσιον ἐπίσκοπον. 

88 Orat. 21. (t. 1. p. 377 ¢.) Οὕτω 
μὲν οὖν καὶ διὰ ταῦτα, ψήφῳ τοῦ 


"λαοῦ παντὸς, οὐ κατὰ τὸν ὕστερον 


νικήσαντα πονηρὸν τύπον, οὐδὲ φονι- 


“κῶς τε καὶ τυραννικῶς, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποστο- 


λικῶς τε καὶ πνευματικῶς, ἐπὶ τὸν 
Μάρκου θρόνον ἀνάγεται, οὐχ ἧττον 
~ εὐσεβείας ἢ τῆς προεδρίας διά- 


os. 
% Breviar. c. 14. (CC. t. 5. p. 


763 c.) Collecti sunt ergo nobiles 


civitatis, ut eum, qui esset vita et 
sermone pontificatu dignus, elige- 


omnium [al. universorum] sententia 
declinavit.—C. 15. (ibid. p. 764 d.) 
Scripsit imperator Leo duci Alex- 
andriz Stile, ut pelleret quidem ab 
pacts modis omnibus Timo- 
theum, inthronizaret autem alium 
decreto populi, qui synodum vindi- 
t 


caret. 
85 C, 1. (t. 2. p. 1199 c.) Cum... 
consensu clericorum et laicorum, et 
conventu totius provinciz episco- 
porum, maximeque metropolitani 
vel auctoritate vel presentia, ordi- 
netur episcopus. : 
86 C, 22. (ibid. p. 1201 6.) Ut epi- 
scopus sine consilio clericorum suo- 
rum clericos non ordinet; ita ut ci- 
vium [assensum, et] conniventiam, 


-et testimonium querat. 


96 Method of the IV. ii. 


tion, and testimony of his people.’ This seems to have been the 
most common and ordinary practice of the Church. 

12. But then, as all general rules have their exceptions, so 
it cannot be denied but that this rule varied sometimes, or at 
rule. First, least had its limitations and restrictions: and I shall not do 
ee justice to the reader, nor the subject neither, unless I mention 
φνόμῇ ofthe those also. Here therefore we are to observe, in the first place, 
were om that this rule did not hold when the greatest part of any 
ott atice, Church were turned heretics or schismatics. or in that case, 

had elections been made by the general suffrage of the people, 
none but heretical or schismatical bishops must have been or- 
dained. And therefore in the time of the great prevalency of 
Arianism, and the long schism of the Donatists, the Church 
did not tie herself always to act precisely by this rule. We find 
it objected by the Donatists in the collation of Carthage’, 
‘that the Catholics made bishops in many places, where they 
had no people ;’ that is, no Catholic people, for they were all 
Donatists ; consequently those bishops were ordained not only 
without, but against the consent of the people. And this I take 
to be the case of those bishops mentioned in the seventeenth 
and eighteenth canons of the Council of Antioch; one of which 
says 88, ‘that if any bishop is ordained to preside over a people, 
and does not take upon him his office, and go to the church to 
which he is ordained, he shall be excommunicated till he com- 
plies, or a provincial synod determines otherwise about him ;’ 
and the other says%9, ‘if such a bishop absents from his dio- 
cese, not by his own default, but διὰ τὴν τοῦ λαοῦ παραίτησιν, 
because the people refuse to receive him, in that case he shall 
be honoured as a bishop, though not admitted to his own 
church.’ These canons were made at a time when the Arian 


* Some ex- 
ceptions to 
the general 


87 C. 182. (ibid. p. 1399 c.) Peti- 


-lianus episcopus dixit: Sic etiam tu 
-[Alypius] multos habes per omnes 
-agros dispersos : 


immo crebros ubi 
habes, sane et sine populis habes. 
88 [C. 17. (ibid. p. 599 a.) Ei tis 
ἐπίσκοπος χειροθεσίαν ἐ ἐπισκόπου λα- 
βὼν, καὶ ὁρισθεὶς προεστάναι λαοῦ, 


-μὴ καταδέξοιτο τὴν λειτουργίαν, μηδὲ 
"πείθοιτο ἀπιέναι εἰς τὴν ἐγχειρισθεῖ- 
'σαν αὐτῷ ἐκκλησίαν, τοῦτον εἶναι 


ἀκοινώνητον, ἔστ᾽ ἂν ἀναγκασθεὶς κα- 


ταδέξοιτο, ἢ ὁρίσοι τι περὶ αὐτοῦ ἡ 
τελεία σύνοδος τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐπαρ- 
χίαν ἐπισκόπων. Grischov. 

89 [C. 18. (ibid. b.) Εἴ τις ἐπί- 
σκοπὸς χειροτονηθεὶς εἰς παροικίαν, 

μὴ ἀπέλθῃ εἰς ἣν ἐχειροτονήθη, οὐ 
παρὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ αἰτίαν, ἄλλ᾽ τοι διὰ 
τὴν τοῦ λαοῦ παραίτησιν, ἢ δὲ ἑτέραν 
αἰτίαν οὐκ ἐξ αὐτοῦ γενομένην, τοῦτον 
μετέχειν τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τῆς λειτουρ- 


γίας, k.t. λ. Grischov.] 





$12, 13, 14. election of the clergy. Q7 


faction had raised great commotions in the Church, which pro- 

bably made some bishops unwilling to go to their churches, 

and others could not be admitted, because the faction strongly 
prevailed against them; and in both of them, it is supposed, 

the ordinations were made without asking the people’s con- 

sent; of which practice we have frequent instances in ecclesi- 

astical history in cases of the same nature. 

_ 18. Another exception to the rule was, when bishops were Secondly, 
to be ordained for very distant countries, or barbarous nations. μεν seach 
When Athanasius ordained Frumentius, bishop of the Indies at bishops to 
Alexandria, as the historians report, no one can imagine that set anges 
he had the formal consent, though he might have the pre- barbarous 
sumptive approbation, of all his people. As neither can we eae 
suppose the bishop of Tomi, in Scythia, to be chosen by his 

people, when he was the only bishop?! in all that region, and 
commonly ordained at Constantinople, as, by the twenty-eighth 

canon of the Council of Chalcedon”, the bishops of barbarous 

nations were appointed to be. 

14. In case an interventor, or visitor, who was sent to pro- Thirdly, 


cure a speedy election in any vacant see, got himself settled in "8 ὅπ 


90 Ruffin. 1. τ. fal. το. ς. 9. 


c. 23. (ν. 3. p. 54. 45.) Ὁ δὲ Φρου- 
(p: 225 Ὁ. 12.) Frumentius Alexan- μέ , 


pevrios... τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου καταλα- 


pergit, dicens, equum non 
esse opus occultare dominicum. 
Igitur rem omnem, ut gesta est, ex- 


τον episcopo, et monet, ut provi- 
eat virum aliquem dignum, quem, 
congregatis jam plurimis Christianis 
et ecclesiis constructis in barbarico 
solo, episcopum mittat. Tum vero 
A ius (nam is nuper sacerdo- 
tium susceperat) attentius et pro- 
pensius Frumentii dicta gestaque 
considerans, in concilio sacerdotum 
ait, Et quem alium inveniemus virum 
talem, in quo sit Spiritus Dei in ipso, 
sicut in te, qui hec ita possit im- 
plere? Et tradito ei sacerdotio, re- 
dire eum cum Domini gratia, unde 
venerat, jubet.—Socrat. 1. 1. ¢. 19. 
(νυν. 2. p 51. 5+) ᾿Αθανάσιος .. αὐτὸν 
Φρουμέντιον τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἀναδέξα- 
σθαι παρεσκεύασεν, εἰπὼν μὴ ἔχειν 
“αὐτοῦ ἐπιτηδειότερον" γίνεται δὴ τοῦ- 
to’ καὶ Φρουμέντιος ἀξιωθεὶς τῆς ἐπι- 
“σκοπῆς, αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ινδῶν παραγί- 
νεται χώραν, κ.τ.λ.---ΤΠοούογ, 1. 1. 


βὼν πόλιν, τὸν τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐδίδαξε 
πρόεδρον, ὡς ᾿Ινδοὶ λίαν ποθοῦσι τὸ 
νοερὸν εἰσδέξασθαι φῶς. ᾿Αθανάσιος 
δὲ τηνικαῦτα τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐκείνης 
κατεῖχε τοὺς οἴακας" ὃς τῶν διηγημά- 
τῶν ἐκείνων ἀκούσας, καὶ τίς σου, ἔφη, 
ἄμεινον καὶ τὴν τῆς ἀγνοίας ἀχλὺν 
ἀποσκεδάσει τοῦ ἔθνους, καὶ τοῦ θείου 
κηρύγματος αὐτοῖς ἀποίσει τὴν αἴ- 
γλην᾽ ταῦτα εἰπὼν, καὶ τῆς ἀρχιερατι- 
κῆς αὐτῷ χάριτος μεταδοὺς, εἰς τὴν 
τοῦ ἔθνους ἐξέπεμψε γεωργίαν. 

91 Sozom. 1. 8. c. 19. (Vv. 2. p. 
807. 5+) + Σκύθαι, πολλαὶ πόλεις ὄν- 
τες, ἕνα πάντες ἐπίσκοπον ἔχουσιν. 

92 [C, 28. (t. 4. p. 770 b.) Ὥστε 
τοὺς τῆς Ποντικῆς, καὶ τῆς ᾿Ασιανῆς, 
καὶ τῆς Θρᾳκικῆς διοικήσεως μητρο- 
πολίτας μόνους, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς 
βαρβαρικοῖς ἐπισκόπους τῶν προειρη- 
μένων διοικήσεων χειροτονεῖσθαι ἀπὸ 
τοῦ προειρημένου ἁγιωτάτου θρόνου 
τῆς κατὰ Κωνσταντινούπολιν ἁγιωτά- 
τῆς ἐκκλησίας. Grischov.] 


28 Method of the 
tor, or any the see by the interest which he had gained in the people 


sng al during his administration, yet he was not allowed to continue 
jruded ἴῃ the possession of that see, though he had made never so 
mself 
into any Strong a party among the people, or had the consent of them 
soya all; as appears from a canon of the fifth Council of Carthage, 
of aprovin- which is also inserted into the Code of the African Church. 
cal synod. ‘The case was the same with any vacant bishops,—énloxomot 
oxoddfovres,—as the canons call them, who were ordained to 
such places as would not receive them. If any of them in- 
truded themselves into any vacant Church, without the consent 
of the metropolitan and a provincial synod, they were to be re- 
jected, though all the people were unanimous in choosing them; 
as the Council of Antioch decreed, in express terms, against 
such invaders: ‘If,’ say they 93, ‘a vacant bishop transfers him- 
self into a vacant church, and seizes the throne by stealth, 
without the authority of a full synod of the province, he shall 
be discarded, though all the people, upon whom he thrust him- 
self, should agree in the choice of him.’ The same Council has 
another canon, which prohibits any bishop to remove from 
one diocese to another, either of his own accord, or by the 
compulsion of the people: which plainly implies, that in all 
such cases no regard was had to the choice of the people, when 
they pretended to act without the concurrence of a provincial 
synod. 
Fourthly, | 15. When the people were divided in their choice, and could 
atveaaipl ἃ not unanimously agree upon any one, then, to prevent further 
divisions disputes, and the mischievous consequences of faction and divi- 
a sion, it was usual for the metropolitan and the synod to choose 
an indifferent person, whom no party had named, and prefer 
him before all the competitors of the people. And this was 
usually done with good success: for the people commonly were 


ashamed of their own choice, and universally acquiesced in 


98. C. 8. (t. 2. p. 1216 6.) Consti- φαρπάζει τὸν θρόνον δίχα συνόδου 
tutum est [8]. placuit] ut nulli in- τελεῖας" τοῦτον ἀπόβλητον εἶναι, καὶ 
tercessori licitum sit, cathedram, cui εἰ πᾶς ὁ λαὸς, ὃν ὑφάρπαζεν, ἔλοιτο 
intercessor datus est, quibuslibet αὐτόν. 
populorum studiis, vel seditionibus 9% C, 21. (ibid. 572 a.) Ἐπίσκοπον 
retinere.-—Vid. Cod. Eccles. Afric. ἀπὸ παροικίας ἑτέρας εἰς ἑτέραν μὴ 
ἘΣ 74: (ibid. p. 1094 e.) μεθίστασθαι, μήτε αὐθαιρέτως ἐπιρ- 

C. τό. (ibid. p. 568 6.) Et τις ρίπτοντα ἑαυτὸν, μήτε ὑπὸ λαῶν ἐκ- 
ἐπίσκοπος σχολάζων, ἐπὶ σχολάζου- βιαζομένον, μήτε ὑπὸ ἐπισκόπων ἀναγ- 
σαν ἐκκλησίαν ἑαυτὸν ἐπιρρίψας, t- καζόμενον. . 


TV. ii. 





§ 15, 16. 


this. Sidonius Apollinarius% gives us a famous instance, in 
the ordination of John, bishop of Chalons. ‘A triumvirate of 
competitors, whose characters were not extraordinary, had, by 
different interests, drawn the people into three very great fac- 
tions; to remedy which the metropolitan, privately consulting 
with his fellow-bishops, but taking none of the people into 

_ council, ordained this John, to the surprise of them all: but,’ 
as our author observes, ‘it was managed with that prudence, 
that though the advice of the people was not taken, yet the 
holy man was ordained, to the astonishment of the factious and 
confusion of the wicked, with the general acclamations of the 
good, and the contradictions and opposition of none.’ And this 
was a common method in case of incurable divisions among the 
people. 

16. Sometimes the emperors interposed their authority, and Fifthly, 

themselves nominated the person whom they would have to be ἴδ 8 °™Pe 


rors some- 


ordained bishop, when they found by experience what dan- times inter- 
gerous tumults these popular elections raised among the people. a τοι 


Thus it was in the case of Nectarius, bishop of Constantinople, —- 


who was nominated by Theodosius only. For the people were the ike 


not so much as consulted in the matter; but the emperor or- °°: 
dered the bishops to give him in a catalogue of fit persons, re- 
serving the power of election entirely to himself. Nay, when 
some of the bishops objected against Nectarius ‘that he was 
but a catechumen, and unbaptized;’ the emperor, notwithstand- 
ing, persisted in his choice ; and the bishops complied, and im- 
mediately baptized and ordained him, as Sozomen% informs us, 


election of the clergy. 29 


% L. 4. Ep. 25. (p. 309.) Postquam 
episcopus Paulus junior discesserat 

ecesseratque, exceperunt pontifi- 
cale concilium varie voluntates oppi- 
danorum, nec non et illa, que bonum 
publicum semper evertunt, studia 
privata, que quidam triumviratus 
accenderat competitorum: quorum 
hic antiquam natalium prerogati- 
vam ΠΝ destitutus morum dote 
ructabat: hic per fragores parasiti- 
cos, culinarum suffragio comparatos, 
Apicianis plausibus ingerebatur: hic, 
apice votivo si potiretur, tacita i 
tione promiserat, ecclesiastica plau- 
soribus suis prede predia fore. 
Quod ubi viderunt sanctus Patiens 


et sanctus Euphronius, qui rigorem 
firmitatemque sententiz sanioris, 
preter odium gratiamque, primi 
tenebant, consilio cum coépiscopis 
prius clam communicato, quam pa- 
lam prodito, strepituque furentis 
turbee despecto, jactis repente mani- 
bus arreptum, nihilque tum minus, 
quam que agebantur, optantem sus- 
picantemque, sanctum Ioannem, vi- 
rum honestate, humanitate, mansu- 
etudine insignem, .... stupentibus 
factiosis, erubescentibus malis, ac- 
clamantibus bonis, reclamantibus 
nullis, collegam sibi consecravere, 
97 1,. 7. c. 8. (ν. 2. Ρ. 358.) 


30 


Socrates 98 takes notice of the same prerogative made use of by 
Theodosius Junior, upon the like occasion, who nominated Nes- 
torius to the see of Constantinople, διὰ τοὺς κενοσπουδιστὰς, by 
reason of factious and vain-glorious persons in the Church. 
And, for the like reason, the same author 99 tells us, upon ano~ 
ther vacancy, to prevent tumults in the election, he gave his 
mandate to the bishops to enthrone Proclus in the church. De 
Marca! will furnish the reader with other instances, and eccle- 
siastical history with more, to the same purpose. 


Method of the TV. ic 


Sixthly, 17. Sometimes, again, we find the people and clergy were 
il ρϑα δι confined in their choice to take one out of three, that were first 
restrained nominated by the bishops in council. Thus it was in France 
oe of im the time of the second Council of Arles, anno 452, when that 
one out Council made an order about elections to this purpose?: ‘ that 
at ear in the ordination of a bishop this rule should be observed: the 
by the be bishops ‘shall nominate three, out of which the clergy and 
shops. | people shall have power to choose one.’ Other laws? appointed 


98 Τῷ 7. ¢. 29. (ibid. p. 377. 34-) 


Mera τὴν τελευτὴν Σισιννίου ἐδόκει 
τοῖς κρατοῦσι, μηδένα μὲν διὰ τοὺς κε- 
νοσπουδαστὰς ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰς τὴν 
ἐπισκοπὴν προχειρίζεσθαι" καίτοι πολ- 
λῶν μὲν τὸν Φίλιππον, πολλῶν δὲ 
τὸν Πρόκλον χειροτονηθῆναι σπευ- 
δόντων" ἐπήλυδα δὲ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας 
καλεῖν ἐβούλοντο. . τριμήνου οὖν 
διαδραμόντος, ἄγεται τὰ τῆς ᾿Άντιο- 
χείας ὁ Νεστόριος. 

99 L. 7. c. 40. (ibid. p. 390. 25.) 
Ὁ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος “σοφῶς τοῦ 
πράγματος προενόησεν" ἵνα “γὰρ μὴ 
πάλιν περὶ ἐπιλογῆς ἐπισκόπου (ή- 
τησις > καὶ ταραχὴν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ 
κινήσῃ, μὴ μελλήσας, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι κειμέ- 
νου τοῦ σώματος Μαξιμιανοῦ, τοῖς 
παροῦσιν ἐπισκόποις ἐνθρονίσαι τὸν 


ge! ἐπέτρεψεν. 
1 De Concord. 1. 8. c. 9. n. 8. (p. 


1139.) Quandoque contentionum 
subortarum occasione reges, neces- 
sario veluti remedio, ad ecclesiz qui- 
etem electione sua palatina uteban- 
tur. Quod probatur diserte ex auc- 
tore antiquo Vitz sancti Leodega- 
rii. ‘ Incubuit,’ inquit, ‘causa ne- 
cessitatis, ut in Augustodunensi urbe 
Leodegarium ordinare deberent epi- 
scopum. Siquidem nuper inter duos 


contentio de eodem episcopatu ex- 
orta fuerat, et usque ad sanguinis 
effusionem certatum. Cumque unus 
ibidem occubuisset in morte, et al- 
ter pro perpetrato scelere datus fu- 
isset in exilii trusionem; tunc Bathil- 
dis regina, que cum Lothario filio 
Francorum regebat palatium, divino, 
ut credimus, inspirato consilio, ad 
memoratam urbem hunce direxit vi- 
rum, ut ibidem esset episcopus! 
Circa idem tempus, id est, anno 
664, optimates et rectores palatii 
consilium dederunt Childerico regi, 
ut Landebertum preeficeret ecclesize 
Trajectensi: “ cui i regis imperio plebs 
omnis consensit,’ inquit auctor Vitee, 
&e. 

2 C.54. (t.4. p. 1077 ¢.) Placuit in 
ordinatione episcopi hunc ordinem 
custodiri, ut ..... tres ab episcopis 
nominentur, de “quibus clerici vel 
cives erga unum elegendi habeant 
potestatem. 

ὃ Vid. C. Barcinon. c. 3. (t. 5. p. 
1605 e.).... Ad summum sacerdo- 
tium ....provehatur: ita tamen, ut 
duobus aut tribus, quos ante con- 
sensus ‘cleri et plebis elegerit, me- 
tropolitani judicio ejusque coepisco- 
pis presentatis, quem sors, preeun- 


δ 17, 18. 


election of the clergy. 91 


the clergy and people to nominate three, and the metropolitan 

and provincial bishops to cast lots, which of the three should be 
ordained; which was the rule of the Spanish Church in the 

time of the Council of Barcelona, anno 599. 

_ 18. We find also, in Justinian’s laws, that a considerable al- Lastly, 
teration was made in this affair wherever those laws took ea εν: 
place. For thereby the inferior sort of the common people {he pus 
were wholly cut off from having any concern in these elections, confined to 
which were now confined to the clergy and the optimates, or pa j 
persons of better rank and quality in every Church. For so, the inferior 
by two of his Novels*, it is expressly provided, ‘that when a Pty ὩΣ 
bishop is to be ordained for any city, the clergy and chief men “luded. 

of the city shall meet, and nominate three persons, drawing up 

an instrument, and inserting therein upon their oath, that they 

choose them neither for any gift, nor promise, nor friendship, 

nor any other cause, but because they know them to be of the 

true Catholic faith, and of honest life, and good learning, &c. 

That out of these three, one that is best qualified may be 

chosen by the discretion and judgment of the ordainer.’ De 

Marca thinks the Council of Laodicea long before made a 

canon® to the same purpose, forbidding the elections of the 


clergy to be committed τοῖς ὄχλοις, vili plebecule, as De Marca 


te episcoporum jejunio, Christo 
Domino terminante, monstraverit, 
benedictio consecrationis accumu- 


4 Novel. 123. c. 1. (t. 5. p. 538.) 
Sancimus igitur, quoties opus fu- 
erit episcopum ordinari, clericos et 
primates civitatis, cujus futurus est 
episcopus ordinari, mox in tribus 
abso decreta facere, propositis eis 

rosanctis Evangeliis, periculo su- 
arum animarum dicentes in ipsis de- 
cretis, quia neque propter aliquam 
donationem, neque propter aliquam 
promissionem, aut amicitiam, aut ali- 
am quamlibet causam; sed scientes 
eos rectz et catholice fidei, et ho- 
nestz esse vite, et literas nosse, hos 
elegerunt, &c..... Ut ex trium per- 
sonarum [leg. tribus personis|, pro 
uibus talia decreta facta sunt, me- 
lor ordinetur electione et periculo 
ordinantis. — Novel. 137. ¢. 2. (p. 
609.) Jusjurandum autem suscipere 


eum qui ordinatur per diversas [leg. 
Divinas] Scripturas, quod neque per 
se ipsum, neque per aliam personam 
dedit quid, aut promisit, neque post- 
hae dabit, vel ordinanti ipsum, vel 
his qui sacra pro eo suffragia fece- 
runt, vel alii cuiquam ordinatione 
de ipso faciende nomine, &c.—Conf. 
Cod. Justin. 1.1. tit.3. de Epise. leg. 
41. (t.4. p.110.).. Διὰ τοῦ παρόντος 
νόμου θεσπίζομεν, ὁσάκις ἂν ἐν οἷἱᾳδή- 
ποτε πόλει ἱερατικὸν θρόνον σχολάσαι 
συμβαίῃ, ψήφισμα γίνεσθαι παρὰ τῶν 
οἰκούντων τὴν αὐτὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ τρισὶ 
τοῖς ἐπὶ ὀρθῇ πίστει, καὶ βίου σεμνό- 
τητι, καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀγαθοῖς μεμαρ- 
τυρημένοις, ὥστε ἐκ τούτων τὸν ἐπι- 
τηδειότερον εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν προχει- 
ρίζεσθαι. 

δ C. 13. (t. 1. p. 1497 6.) Περὶ τοῦ 
μὴ τοῖς ὄχλοις ἐπιτρέπειν Tas ἐκλογὰς 
ποιεῖσθαι τῶν μελλόντων καθίστασθαι 
εἰς ἱερατεῖον. 


32 Method of the IV. i: 


renders it®, that is, to the common and inferior sort of people. 
But it is not certain the canon intended the prohibition in that 
sense; or if it did, it was of no force: for the people continued 
their ancient practice for some ages after that Council. How- 
ever, upon the whole matter, it appears that this power of the 
people did never so universally obtain, but that it was limited 
in several cases by certain restrictions, and varied according to 
the different state of times and nations. 


How and 19. At last, upon the breaking of the Roman empire, the 
ae ἘΞΑ Gothic kings in France and Spain were generally complimented 
patrons with a share in these elections, and their consent was as neces- 
ae a sary as any other to the ordination of bishops within their do- 
sree 2c minions. By which means their power quickly increased into 


a prerogative of nominating solely, and all others had little 
else to do but to accept their nominations; which the reader 
that is curious in this matter may find discoursed at large by 
De Marca’, in his account of the change that was made in the 
French and Spanish Churches in after-ages, which it is none 
of my business here further to pursue. As to the power of no- 
mination in inferior patrons, it is generally agreed by learned 
men§& that it came in upon the division of dioceses into distinct 


6 De Concord. 1.8. ¢.6.n.8.(p. from the cathedral churches, where 


1128.) Quare canonis istius [ Laodi- 
ceni decimi tertii] decretum secu- 
tus Justinianus suis legibus diserte 
clerum et primates populi solos ad 
electiones episcoporum admisit, neg- 
lectis turbis: quarum assensus non 
erat negligendus, sed inter suffragia 
legitima non censebatur. Sic enim 
accipienda sunt verba canonis, ut 
plebis interventio prohibeatur, non 
autem, ut sola ejus violentia arcea- 
tur, &c. 

7 1014. 1. 8. c. 9. (pp. 1136, 5644.) 
De electionibus episcoporum Gallico- 
rum, &¢.—C. το. (pp. 1145, 5644.) 
De praxi antiqua Hispanica circa 
electiones episcoporum, &c. 

8 Unreason. of Separat. part 3. 
S. 25. p. 326. (v. 2. p. 617.) As to 
the inferior right of patronage, it is 
justly thought to bear equal date 
with the first settlements of Chri- 
stianity in peace and quietness. For 
when it began to spread into re- 
moter villages and places distant 


the bishop resided with his presby- 
ters, as in a college together, a ne- 
cessity was soon apprehended of 
having presbyters fixed among them. 
For the Council of Neocesarea 
mentions the ἐπιχώριοι πρεσβύτεροι, 
the country presbyters, c. 13, whom 
the Greek Canonists interpret to be 
such as then were fixed in country 
cures; and this Council was held 
ten years before the Council of 
Nice. In the time of the first 
Council of Orange, A. D. 441, ex- 
press mention is made of the right 
of patronage reserved to the first 
founders of churches, c. 10, viz. If 
a bishop built a church on his own 
land in another bishop’s diocese, yet 
the right of presenting the clerk was 
reserved to him. And this was con- 
firmed by the second Council of 
Arles, c. 36, A. D. 452. By the 
constitution of the emperor Zeno, 
A. D. 479, the rights of patronage 
are established upon the agreements 





Ԥ 19. 


election of the clergy. 33 


parishes, and the founding of churches in country places. For 
to give greater encouragement to such pious and useful works, 
the founder of any church, who settled an endowment upon it, 
was allowed to retain the right of presentation to himself, to 
nominate a fit clerk to the bishop for his approbation. That 
which led the way to this practice was a decree of the first 
Council of Orange 9, anno 441, wherein this power and privilege 
was first granted to bishops: ‘ that if any bishop was disposed 
to found a church in the territory of another bishop, the bishop 
of the diocese where the church was built should consecrate it; 
reserving to the founder the right of nominating such clerks as 
he should desire to have in his own church, whom the bishop 
of the diocese should ordain at his request; or if they were 


already ordained, he should allow them to continue without any 


molestation.’ And this canon is repeated in the second Council 
of Arles !°, in the editions of Sirmond and Labbe, though it be 
wanting in some others. After this, by the laws of Justinian, all 
founders of churches and their heirs are allowed to nominate 
their own clerks upon the right of patronage to those churches. 
‘If any man builds an oratory,’ says one of his Novels!’, « and 


at first made in the endowments of 
churches. This constitution was 
confirmed by Justinian, A. D. 541; 
and he allows the nomination and 
presentation of a fit clerk: and the 
—_— were settled shang “stereos 
» a8 appears the nin 
Council of Toketo, “te A. D. 650: 
and many canons were made in se- 
veral Councils about regulating the 
rights of patronage, and the endow- 
ments of thurches; till at last it ob- 
tained, by general consent, that the 
patron might transmit the right of 
pon to his heirs, and the 
ishops were to approve of the per- 
sons ted, and to give institu- 
on A Mg oat 3 e pees of 
» in istle to 
Ix. lead that their μα bial 
the right of patronage from the first 
planting of Christianity here. For 
those upon whose lands the churches 
were built, and at whose cost charges 
were endowed, thought they had 
t reason to reserve the nomina- 
tion of the clerks to themselves. 
And this, Joh. Sarisburiensis saith, 
BINGHAM, VOL. I. 


was received by a general custom of 
this whole kingdom. So that the 
right of patronage was at first built 
upon a very reasonable considera- 
tion; and hath been ever since re- 
ceived by as universal a consent as 
any law or custom among us, &t. 

C.9. (t.3. p. 1449 ¢.)... Reser- 
vata zedificatori episcopo hac gratia, 
ut quos desiderat clericos in re sua 
videre, ipsos ordinet is in cujus ci- 
vitatis territorio est; vel si jam or- 
dinati sunt, ipsos habere acquiescat. 
es entire canon is somewhat dif- 
erently worded in Labbe’s edition. 
The sense is the same. See the next 
note. Ep.] 

W Anno 452. c. 36. (t. 4. p.- 
1015 b.) Si quis episcopus in alienz 
civitatis territorio ecclesiam edifi- 
care disponit .. non prasumat dedi- 
cationem, que illi omnimodis reser- 
vanda est, in cujus territorio eccle- 
τ assurgit ; reservata zdificatori, 

6, 
Il Novel. 122. 6. 18. (t. 5. Ρ. 549.) 
Si quis oratorii domum fabricaverit, 
et voluerit in ea clericos ordinare, 


D 


94 Qualifications for ordination : IV. iu. 
either he or his heirs are minded to have clerks ordaimed 
thereto; if they allow maintenance to them, and they be worthy 
persons, such as they nominate shall be ordained.’ And the 
bishop has no power to ordain any other, unless the persons so 
nominated be unqualified by the canons. Another Novel}? 
allows the bishop liberty to examine them, and judge of their 
qualifications; but if he finds them worthy, he is obliged to 
ordain them, having in that case no power to refuse them. 
They who would see more of this matter may consult our 
learned bishop Stillingfleet 18, who gives an account of the pro- 
gress of it in future ages; which being foreign to my subject, 1 
return to the business of elections in the ancient Church, and 
proceed to give an account of the several qualifications that 
were necessarily required in persons to be elected and ordained 
to any office or dignity in the Church. 


CHAP. III. 


Of the examination and qualifications of persons to be or- 
dained to any office of the clergy in the primitive Church. 
And, first, of their faith and morals. 


Three in- 1, Berore any person could regularly be elected or ordained 
λυ ῳμέθαβθν any clerical office in the Church, the electors and ordainers 
ee 4 eee obliged to make several inquiries concerning him, which 
respecting, 1 think may be reduced to these three heads; the examination 
aaa of his faith, his morals, and his outward state and condition in 
andly, their thé world. The two first of these they were most strict in can- 
oe. τς vassing and examining, because they were more essential and 
outward necessary to the ministry ; but the third they did not omit, be- 
drier cause the peculiar state of those times did more especially re- 


condition. 
quire it. For then men were tied by the laws of the Empire to 


aut ipse aut ejus heeredes: si ex- 
pensas ipsis clericis ministrant, et 
dignos denominant, denominatos 
ordinari. Si vero qui ab eis eligun- 
tur, tanquam indignos_ prohibent 
sacre regule ordinari: tunc sanc- 
tissimus episcopus quoscunque pu- 
taverit meliores ordinari procuret. 
12 Novel. 57. c. 2. (t. 5. p. 298.) 
... Decernimus si quis edificans 
ecclesiam aut etiam aliter expendens 
in ea ministrantibus alimenta, volu- 
erit aliquos clericos statuere: non 


esse ei fiduciam ullam, quos vult 
per potestatem deducere tue reve- 
rentize ad ordinandos eos, sed exa- 
minari a tua sanctitate: sententia- 
que tua et qui pontificalem sedem 
rexerit, semper hos suscipere ordi- 
nationem, qui tuz beatitudini, et 
qui postea opportune videbuntur 
Seer et Dei ministerio digni, 
Ὁ, ‘ : 

13 Unreasonableness of Separa- 
tion, part 3. p. 327. See note 8, 
preceding. 





εὐ τὰν ον, «, ὦ 


§ 1, 2. - 


bear the offices of the State according to their quality and sub- 
stance, and those offices were commonly inconsistent with the 
offices of the Church; which made it necessary to inquire, be- 
fore men were ordained, whether they were under any obliga- 
tion to the State, or obnoxious to any distinct power: for fear 
the Church should seem to encroach upon other men’s rights, 
or bring trouble upon herself, by having her clergy recalled to 
a secular life again 
2. The trial of their faith and orthodoxy, under which I also The rule 
comprehend their learning, was made three ways; partly by eo onreR 
obliging the electors to give in their public testimony of them ; ; ing a 


partly by obliging the persons elected to answer to certain in- jearning. 


Faith and morals. 35 


oS EO ee 





in Die 


terrogatories, or questions of doctrine, that were put to them; 
and partly by making them subscribe a body of articles, or 
confession of faith, at the time of their ordination. By a law 
of Justinian’s!%, the electors themselves were to declare upon 
oath, in the instrument or decree of election, if it were a bishop 
that was chosen, that they knew him to be a man of the true 
Catholic faith, and of good life and conversation, &e. And, by 
the same law, the bishop to be ordained was required to give 
in @ libel, or form of confession of his faith, subscribed with 
his own hand; and to repeat the form of prayer used at the 
oblation of the holy eucharist and at baptism, with the other 
prayers of the Church. Which was an intimation that he al- 
lowed and approved the liturgy or public service of the Church. 
The fourth Council of Carthage! prescribes a particular form 
of examination by way of interrogatories to the bishop who 
was to be ordained, which is too long to be here inserted; but 
it consists chiefly of such questions as relate to the articles of 
the Creed, and doctrines levelled against the most noted here- 


18 Novel. 137. c. 2. (t. 5. p- 609.) 


és ue ipsorum jurare se- 
cundum Divina El ai. et ipsis 
psephismatibus inscribi ..... quod 
scientes ipsos rect ᾿ catholice 
fidei et honestz vite, .... ipsos ele- 
gerint. .... Exigi etiam ante omnia 
ab eo, qui ‘ordinandus est, libellum 
ejus propria pe pee rang? complec- 
tentem que ad rectam ejus fidem 
pertinent. Enunciari etiam ab ipso 
et sanctam oblationis formulam, 
que in sancta communione fit, et 


eam que fit in baptismate precatio- 
nem, et reliquas deprecationes. 

14 Ὁ. 1. te. 2. p.1198d.) Qui 
episcopus ordinandus est, antea ex- 
aminetur, si natura sit prudens, si 
docibilis, si moribus temperatus, si 
vita castus, si sobrius, si semper 
suis negotiis cavens, [vacans, Labbe 
marg. | si humilis, si affabilis, si 
misericors, 8] literatus, si in lege 
Domini instructus, si in Scriptura- 
rum sensibus cautus, si in dogma- 
tibus ecclesiasticis exercitatus, &c, 


D2 


96 


Qualifications for ordination : 


IV. ii. 


sies, that either then were or lately had been predominant in 
the Church. Orders also are there given to examine whether 
the candidate be well instructed in the law of God, and able to 
expound the sense of Scripture, and be thoroughly exercised 
in the doctrines of the Church. By which we may judge what 
due precaution was then taken to admit none but persons 
rightly qualified, as to their faith, to the chief administrations 


of the Church. 


The irregu- 3. Upon which consideration it has seemed very difficult to 


lar ordina- 


tion of Sy- Some learned men to account for the practice and conduct of 
nesius con- Theophilus of Alexandria, in ordaining Synesius, at the same 
time that he professed he could not yet believe the doctrine of 
the resurrection, and some other articles of the Christian Faith. 
Baronius’, and Habertus!®, and our learned bishop Taylor’7, 
reckon he only dissembled, and used. this stratagem to avoid 
being ordained. But had this been the case, it had still been 
a just canonical exception against him ; for the Canons 18 forbid 
the ordination of any one, who accuses himself as guilty of any 
heinous crime, whether his accusation be true or false; for he 
proves himself guilty either by confessing a truth, or at least 


sidered. 


by telling a lie about it. 


But indeed the case of Synesius was. 


no feigned case, for he spake the real sense of his soul; as ap- 
pears, not only from what the historian’? says of it, but from 
the account which he himself gives in one of his Epistles 2° to 


15 Anno 410. (t.5. p. 318 e.).... 
Errore maxime labuntur, qui putant 
heec serio fuisse a Synesio incul- 
cata, &c. 

16 Archierat. ad Profess. Fid. ob- 
serv. I. (p. 500.) Ad hoc etiam meo 
judicio non nihil facit illa quamvis 
simulata Synesii, cum ad Cyrenen- 
sem. episcopatum posceretur, con- 
testatio, qua minabatur, se palam 
facturum, quid in mente haberet de 
anime ante corpus exsistentia, &c. 

17 Duct. Dubit. Ὁ. 3. ch. 2. p. 495. 
(Rule 5. 8. 18. Works, v.13. p. 367.) 
Synesius, bishop of Ptolemais, &c. 

18 Vid. C. Valentin. c. 4. (t.2. p. 
905 6.) Quicunque se sub ordina- 
tione vel diaconatus, vel presbyterii, 
vel episcopatus, mortali crimine dix- 
erint esse pollutos, a supradictis or- 
dinationibus esse submovendos, reos 
scilicet vel veri confessione, vel men- 


dacio falsitatis. 

i> Evagr. 1 3. ἘΠ τ 5. 
p- 270. 7.) Οὗτος μὲν Συνέσιος ᾿ 
μὲν τὰ ἄλλα πάντα λόγιος" φιλοσο- 
φίαν δὲ οὕτως ἐς τὸ ἀκρότατον ἐξ- 
ἤσκησεν, ὡς καὶ παρὰ Χριστιανῶν 
θαυμασθῆναι, τῶν μὴ προσπαθείᾳ ἢ 
ἀντιπαθείᾳ κρινόντων τὰ ὁρώμενα" 
πείθουσι δ᾽ οὖν αὐτὸν τῆς σωτηριώ- 
δους παλιγγενεσίας ἀξιωθῆναι, καὶ 
τὸν ζυγὸν τῆς ἱερωσύνης ὑπελθεῖν, 
οὔπω τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀναστάσεως πα- 
ραδεχόμενον, οὐδὲ δοξάζειν ἐθέλοντα" 
εὐθυβόλως εὖ μάλα στοχασάμενοι, ὡς 
ταῖς ἄλλαις τἀνδρὸς ἀρεταῖς ἕψεται 
καὶ ταῦτα, τῆς θείας χάριτος μηδὲν 
ἐλλειπὲς ἔχειν ἀνεχομένης" καὶ οὐκ 
ἐψεύστησαν τῆς ἐλπίδος, K. τ. λ. 

20 Ep. 105. p. 397. (Ρ. 249 Ὁ. 1.) 
Οἶσθα δ᾽ ὅτι πολλὰ φιλοσοφία τοῖς 
θρυλλουμένοις τούτοις ἀντιδιατάττεται 
δόγμασιν" ἀμέλει τὴν ψυχὴν οὐκ a&e- 


— ee 





Faith and morals. 37 


his brother Euoptius: < You know,’ says he, ‘ that philosophy 
teaches the contrary to many of those generally received doc- 
trines. Therefore I cannot persuade myself that the soul is 
postnate to the body; I cannot say that the world and all its 
parts shall be dissolved; I look upon the resurrection to be 
ἱερόν τι καὶ ἀπόρρητον, a sort of mystical and ineffable thing, 
and am far from assenting to the vulgar opinions about it..... 
And now being called to the priesthood, I would not dissemble 
these things, but testify them both before God and man.’ This 
asseveration seems too solemn and serious to be the speech of 
one who was only acting a part, and dissembling his opinion ; 
and therefore it is more probable that he was in earnest, as 
Lucas Holstenius?! more fully shews in a peculiar Dissertation 
upon this subject against Baronius. Valesius®*, to vindicate 
Theophilus, says Synesius altered his opinions before he was 
ordained; but that is more than can be proved. The best ac- 
count of the thing is that which is given by Holstenius, ‘ that 
it was the man’s admirable virtues, and excellent qualifications 
in other respects, and a great want of fit men in those difficult 
times, that encouraged Theophilus to ordain him, in hopes that 
God would enlighten his mind, and not suffer so excellent a 
person long to labour under such errors in religion.’ But the 
fairest colours that can be put upon it will hardly justify a fact 
so contrary to the rules of the Church. The instance was sin- 


habuisse, jure merito credas, &c. 
22 Not. in Evagr. 1. 1. c. 15. 
(ibid. n. 2.)...... Baronius...... 


ὦσω ποτὲ σώματος ὑστερογενῆ νομί- 
few" τὸν κόσμον οὐ φήσω καὶ τ᾽ ἄλλα 
μέρη συνδιαφθείρεσθαι" τὴν καθωμι- 


λημένην ἀνάστασιν ἱερόν τι καὶ ἀπόρ- 
βητον ἥγημαι, καὶ πολλοῦ δέω ταῖς 
τοῦ πλή ὑπολήψεσιν ὁμολογῆσαι 
«« καλούμενος (ἃ. 7.) δ᾽ εἰς ἱερωσύνην, 
οὐκ ἀξιῶ προσποιεῖσθαι δόγματα" 
ταῦτα Θεὸν, ταῦτα ἀνθρώπους μαρ- 


μαι. 
at Dissert. 8. de Synes. ap. Vales. 
ad cale. Theodor. Lect. (v. 3. p. 613. 
82.) Ipsa Synesii verba adeo qui- 

icua sunt, adeo certa et 
manifesta, ut qua ratione in dubium 
vocari possint, plane non videam. 
Contestationes vero adeo sanctis ac 
religiosis verbis sunt concepte, ut 
qui lis ludere, aut eludere alios vo- 
luerit, eum et conscientiam ΕΝ 
que profligasse, et veritatem, De- 
umque veritatis preesidem ludibrio 


cuncta illa ... non serio dici censet, 
sed ficte atque simulate, ut episco- 
tus onus declinaret. Verum hanc 
aronii sententiam merito impro- 
bavit Petavius. Multo enim verisi- 
milius esse dicit, Synesium hee ad 
fratrem suum scripsisse, sicut tunc 
sentiebat. Postea vero a Theophilo 
aut aliis sacerdotibus edoctum, an- 
tequam episcopus fieret, veram de 
resurrectione sententiam amplexum 
esse.—Petay. Vit. Synes. p. 4. (No- 
tar. ad calc. Oper. p. 4.) ... Multo 
verisimilius est, hoc illum initio ita, 
ut in animo habebat, adseverasse ; 
ac paullo post ab Theophilo, aliisve 
doctis viris persuasum veritati ces- 
sisse, antequam episcopus fieret. 


98 Qualifications for ordination : IV. in. 


gular, and never made a precedent, or drawn into imitation ; 
the general practice of the Church being, as has been shewed, 
to examine men’s orthodoxy, and require their assent and sub- 
scriptions to the rule of faith before their ordination. 


A strict a 4. Their next inquiry was into the morals of the person to 
ulry mace . . . . 
a. be ordained; and here the examination was very strict and 


morals of accurate. For then the custom was generally to ordain such 

such as 

were to be only as were known to all the people, and of whose life and 

ordained. character they were satisfied, and could bear testimony to 
them. ‘ The bishops and presbyters who preside over us,’ says 
Tertullian 38, ‘are advanced to that honour only by public tes- 
timony.’ ‘The law,is,’ says Cyprian, ‘to choose bishops in 
the presence of the people, who have perfect knowledge of 
every man’s life, and are acquainted with the tenour of their 
actions by their conversation.’ 

ὸ = hese 5. Upon which account the laws forbad the ordination of 


stranger to Strangers in any Church to which they did not belong. Op- 

be ordained tatus2> makes it an objection against the Donatists, that in the 
in a foreign ὖ Cat 

Church. Roman see they never had a bishop who was a citizen of Rome, 

but still their succession in that city was supplied by Africans 

and strangers. Whereas, on the contrary, he challenges?é 

them to shew, when ever the Church at any time brought a 

Frenchman or a Spaniard into Afric, or ordained a stranger 

to a people that knew nothing of him. In the Civil Law we 

have a constitution of Honorius?’, the emperor, to this pur- 

pose, ‘that no clerks should be ordained out of any other 

possession or village, but only that where their church was.’ 

Or if any one thinks that decree was made rather for reasons 

_ of state, he may read the same in the canons of the Church; 

as in the Council of Eliberis?8, which decrees, ‘that no stranger 


23 Apol. c. 39. (p. 31 a.) Preesi- 
dent [apud nos] probati quique se- 
niores, honorem istum non pretio, 
sed testimonio adepti. 

24 Ep. 68. [al. 67.] p. 172. (p. 
289.) Episcopus deligatur plebe pree- 
sente, que singulorum vitam ple- 
nissime novit, et uniuscujusque ac- 
tum de ejus conversatione perspexit. 

25 L, 2. p. 48. (p. 38.) Quid est 
hoc, quod pars vestra in urbe Rome 
episcopum civem habere non potuit ? 
Quid est quod toti Afri et peregrini 


in illa civitate sibi successisse nos- 
cuntur. 

26 Ibid. p. 51. (p. 43.) Numquid 
nos adduximus Hispanum et [8]. 
aut] Gallum? Aut nos ordinavimus 
ignorantibus peregrinum ? 

27 Vid. Cod. Theod. 1.16. tit. 2. de 
Episcopis, leg. 33. (t. 6. p. 70.) ... 
Clerici, non ex alia possessione vel 
vico, sed ex eo ubi ecclesiam esse 
constiterit, ordinentur. 

28 C. 24. (t. 1. p. 973 d.) Omnes, © 
qui peregre fuerint baptizati, eo 


§ 4, 5,6. faith and morals. 39 


baptized in a foreign country should be ordained out of the 
province where he was baptized, because his life and con- 
versation could not be known.’ And this rule was gene- 
rally observed, except in some extraordinary cases, when 
either public fame had made a man eminent and noted over 
all the world, or there were some particular reasons for going 
against the rule, of which I have given an account in an- 
other place?9. 
¢ 6. The strictness of this examination as to men’s morals will Nor any 
appear further from this,—that the commission of any scan- jag vine 
dalous crime, for which a man was obliged to do penance in Public pe- 
the church, did for ever after, according to the rules and dis- τς 
Οἰρ πο of those times, render that person irregular and inca- 
pable of holy orders. For though they granted pardon and 
absolution and lay-communion to all offenders that submitted 
to the discipline of public penance, yet they thought it not 
proper to admit such to clerical dignities, but excluded them 
from the orders and promotions of the Church. At least it was 
thus in most of the Western Churches in the fourth and fifth — 
centuries, as appears from the Latin writers of those ages. 
The Epistles of Siricius and Innocent shew it to have been the 
practice of the Roman Church in their time. For Siricius 
says®° ‘no layman, after public penance and reconciliation, 
was to be admitted to the honour of the clergy: because 
though they were cleansed from the contagion of all their sins, 
yet they ought not to touch the instruments of the sanctuary, 
who themselves before had been the instruments and vessels of 
sin.’ The letters of Innocent®! are to the same purpose. And 
so for the French Churches we have the testimony of Genna- 
dius, and the second Council of Arles#?, and Agde*4 ; and for 


quod eorum minime sit cognita vita, 
placuit, ad clerum non esse promo- 
vendos in alienis provinciis. 

29 See Ὁ. 2. ch. 10. 8. 3. v.1. p. £25. 

80 Ep.1.ad Himer.Tarracon. c.14. 
(CC. t. 2. p. 1022 a.) Post pcenitu- 
dinem ac reconciliationem nulli un- 
quam laico liceat honorem clericatus 
adipisci: quia quamvis sint omnium 
peccatorum contagione mundati, 
nulla tamen debent gerendorum sa- 
cramentorum instrumenta suscipere, 
qui dudum fuerint vasa vitiorum. 


81 Ep. 22. 6. 3. (CC. ibid. p. 
1274 a)... Ubi peenitentiz reme- 
dium necessarium est, illic ordina- 
tionis honorem locum habere non 
posse decernimus. 

82 De Eccles. Dogmat. c. 72. [al. 
39- | (int. Oper. τὸν ae t. 8. append. 
p. 79 c.) Maritum duarum post bap- 
tismum matronarum clericum non 
ordinandum...... neque eum, qui 
og peenitentia mortalia crimina 

eflet. 

88 C. 25. (t. 4. p. 1014 8.) Hi, qui 


ΤΥ. ii. 


the Spanish Churches, a canon of the first Council of Toledo, 
which allows not penitents to be ordained, except in case of 
necessity, and then only to the offices of the inferior orders, 
door-keepers, and readers. The practice of the African 
Churches is evident from the fourth Council of Carthage®®, 
which decrees, ‘that no penitent should be ordained, though 
he was a good man at the present: and if any such was or- 
dained by the bishop’s ignorance, not knowing his character, 
he should be deposed, because he did not declare that he had 
been a penitent at the time of his ordination.’ By this we may 
understand what Optatus means, when, speaking of the Dona- 
tists, who made some of the Catholic children do public pe- 
nance in the Church, he says ‘they thereby gave them a 
wound, which was intended 37 to cut them off from the benefit 
of ordination ;’ plainly referring to this rule in the Church, 
that he who had done public penance was thereby made inca- 
pable of ordination; which seems also to be St. Austin’s mean- 
ing, when, speaking of a Christian astrologer, who had done 
penance for his fault, he says* ‘ his conversion perhaps might 


40 Qualifications for ordination: 


post sanctam religionis professio- 
nem apostatant et ad seeculum re- 
deunt et postmodum peenitentiz re- 
media non requirunt, sine pceni- 
tentia communionem penitus non 
accipiant, quos etiam jubemus ad 
clericatus officium non admitti. 

34 C. 43. (ibid. p. 1390 ἃ.) De 
penitentibus id placuit observare, 
quod sancti patres nostri synodali 
sententia censuerunt, ut nullus de 
his clericus ordinetur, &c. 

35 C. 2. (t. 2. p. 1223 6.) Poeni- 
tentes non admittantur ad clerum, 
nisi tantum necessitas aut usus exe- 
gerit, et tunc inter ostiarios depu- 
tentur, vel inter lectores. [Labbe 
reads this canon in the singular 
number,—Placuit ut de pcenitente 
non admittatur, &c. Ep. ] 

36 C. 68. (ibid. p. 1205 c.) Ex 
peenitentibus, quamvis sit bonus, cle- 
ricus non ordinetur. Si per igno- 
rantiam episcopi factum fuerit, de- 
ponatur a clero, quia se ordinationis 
tempore non prodidit fuisse poeni- 
tentem. 

37 L. 2. p. 59. (p. 55.) Invenistis 
pueros, de poenitentia sauciastis, ne 


aliqui ordinari potuissent. 

88 Append. Enarrat. Ps. 61. [juxt. 
Ed. Paris. 1637.].... Posset videri, 
quia sic conversus est, clericatum 

uzerere in ecclesia? &c. [juxt. Ed. 

ened. (t. 4. p. 605 f.)..... Posset 
videri, quia si conversus esset, cleri- 
catum queereret in ecclesia? Peenitens 
est; non querit nisi solam misericor- 
diam.—Ep. 50. [al.185.] ad Bonifac. 
(t. 2. p. 660 6.) Si ergo, inquiunt, 
oportet ut nos extra ecclesiam et 
adversus ecclesiam fuisse pceniteat, 
ut salvi esse possimus; quomodo 
post istam pcenitentiam apud vos 
clerici, vel etiam episcopi perma- 
nemus? Hoc non fieret, quoniam 
revera, quod fatendum est, fieri non 
deberet, &c......Ut enim (ibid. g. 
et p. 661.) constitueretur in ecclesia, 
ne quisquam post alicujus criminis 
peenitentiam clericatum accipiat, vel 
ad clericatum redeat, vel in cleri- 
catu maneat; non desperatione in- 
dulgentiz, sed rigore factum est 
discipline ... Sed ne forsitan, etiam 
detectis criminibus, spe honoris ec- 
clesiastici, animus intumescens su- 
perbe ageret poenitentiam, severis- 


86,7. 


ἢ make some think he intended to get an office among the clergy 
; of the Church: but no,’ says he, ‘he is a penitent; he seeks 
nothing more but only a pardon and absolution:’ meaning, 
that a person in his circumstances could not pretend to sue for 
orders by the rules and canons of the Church. But we are to 
note, that this is always to be understood of public penance, 
not of private; for the Council of Girone or Gerunda®9 in Ca- 
talonia expressly makes this distinction between public penance 
in the church, and private penance in time of sickness; making 
the one to incapacitate men from taking orders, but not the 
other. And in all other canons, where this distinction is not 
expressed, it is always to be understood. For it was only that 
penance which left some public mark of disgrace upon men, 
which unqualified them for the orders of the Church. But 

this rule might be dispensed with in extraordinary cases; and 

there are some learned men, who think it was not so generally 

insisted on in the three first ages of the Church: [but Origen*° 

speaks of it as the rule of the Church in his time. ] 

7. As to particular crimes, there were a great many that un- No mur- 

qualified men, whether they had done public penance for them mea 
or not; such as the three great crimes of murder, adultery, nor adul- 
and lapsing in time of persecution. The Council of Toledo#! (7%, 2" 
sets murder in the front of those sins which exclude men from bad lapsed 
holy orders. The crimes of fornication and adultery are noted cabo : 
upon the same account by those called the Apostolical Canons‘, #"- 
the Council of Neo-Czsarea**, the Council of Nice*+, Eliberis*5, 


Faith and morals. 41 





Peenitente vero dicimus de eo qui 


sime placuit, ut post actam de cri- 
i bili peenitentiam, nemo post baptismum, aut pro homi- 


sit clericus, ut desperatione tempo- 
ralis altitudinis medicina major et 
verior esset humilitatis. 

39 Anno 517. c. 9. (t. 4. p. 1569 a.) 
Qui egritudinis languore depressus, 
peenitentiz benedictionem, quam 
viaticum deputamus, per commu- 
nionem acceperit; et postmodum 
reconvalescens caput peenitentie in 
ecclesia publice non subdiderit; si 
prohibitis vitiis non detinetur ob- 
noxius, admittatur ad clerum. 

40 [Cont. Cels. 1. 3. p. 143. See 
oa ΩΝ part of n. 47, following. 

D. 

41 Tolet. 1. c. 2. (t. 2. p. 1223 e.) 


cidio, aut pro diversis criminibus, 
gravissimisque peccatis publicam 
peenitentiam gerens, sub cilicio [al. 
concilio] divino fuerit reconciliatus 
altario. 

42 C, 60 al. 61. (Cotel. [c. 53-] ν. 
I. p. 445.) Εἴ τις κατηγορία γένηται 
κατὰ πιστοῦ πορνείας, ἢ μοιχείας, ἣ 
ny ιν τινὸς ἀπηγορευμένης πράξεως, 
καὶ ἐλεγχθείη, εἰς κλῆρον μὴ ἀγέσθω 
[al. π᾿ ‘cba. | 

43 C. 9. [t. 1. p. 1481 6.7 Πρεσβύ- 
τερος, ἐὰν προη κὼς σώματι προ- 
αχθῇ καὶ ὁμολογήσῃ, ὅτι ἥμαρτε πρὸ 
τῆς χειροτονίας, μὴ προσφερέτω, μένων 
ἐν τοῖς λοιποῖς, διὰ τὴν ἄλλην σπουδήν, 


42 Qualifications for ordination : IV. iii. 


and several others. Nay, the Council of Neo-Cesarea goes a 
little further, and decrees*®, ‘that if any man’s wife committed 
adultery whilst he was a layman, he should not be admitted to 
any ecclesiastical function; or if she committed adultery when 
he was in office, he must give her a bill of divorce and put her 
away, otherwise be degraded from his office.’ As to the crime 
of lapsing and sacrificing in time of persecution, Origen 47 as- 
sures us it was the custom of the Church in his time to exclude 
such as were guilty of it from all ecclesiastical power and go- 
vernment. And Athanasius4® says the same, ‘that they were 
allowed the privilege of repentance, but not to have any place 
among the clergy.’ Or if any were ignorantly ordained, they 
were to be deposed as soon as they were discovered, by a rule 
of the great Council of Nice 49. Which was no new rule, but 
the ancient rule of the whole Catholic Church: for Cyprian °° 
says ‘it was agreed upon at Rome, and in Afric, and by the 


K.T.A rA.—C, 10. (ibid. d. )‘ Ομοίως ὁ διά- 
κονος, ἐὰν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ) ἁμαρτήματι περι- 
πέσῃ; τὴν τοῦ ὑπηρέτου τάξιν ἐ ἐχέτω. 

410, 2. (t. 2. p. 29 6.) Εἰ, προϊόν- 
τος τοῦ χρόνου, Ψυχικόν τι ἁμάρτημα 
εὑρεθῇ περὶ τὸ πρόσωπον, καὶ edey- 
xotro ὑπὸ δύω ἢ ἢ τριῶν μαρτύρων, πε- 
παύσθω 6 τοιοῦτος τοῦ κλήρου. 

45 (, 30. (t-1. p.974 a.) Subdia- 
conos eos ordinari non debere, qui 
in adolescentia sua fuerint meechati ; 
eo quod postmodum, per surreptio- 
nem, ad altiorem gradum promove- 
antur: vel si qui sunt in preteritum 
ordinati, amoveantur. 

46 (Ὁ, 8. (ibid. p. 1481 A.) Turn τι- 
νος μοιχευθεῖσα λαϊκοῦ ὄντος, ἐὰν ἐ- 
λεγχθῇ φανερῶς, ὁ ὁ τοϊοῦτος εἰς ὑπη- 
ρεσίαν ἐλθεῖν οὐ δύναται. Ἐὰν δὲ καὶ 
μετὰ τὴν χειροτονίαν μοιχευθῇ, ὀφεί- 
λει ἀπολῦσαι αὐτήν" ἐὰν δὲ συζῇ, οὐ 
δύναται ἔχεσθαι τῆς ἐγχειρισθείσης 
αὐτῷ ὑπηρεσίας. 

47 Cont. Cels. 1. 83: P. 145. (. 1. 
Ρ. 481 d. ) Oia δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς ἀγωγὴ 
καὶ περὶ ἁμαρτανόντων, καὶ μάλιστα 
τῶν ἀκολασταινόντων, obs ἀπελαύ- 
νουσι τοῦ κοινοῦ οἱ κατὰ τὸν Κέλσον 
παραπλήσιοι τοῖς ἐν ταῖς ἀγοραῖς τὰ 
ἐπιρρητότατα ἐπιδεικνυμένοις 5 καὶ τὸ 
μὲν τῶν Πυθαγορείων σεμνὸν δικασκά- 
λιον κενοτάφια τῶν ἀποστάντων τῆς 
'σφῶν φιλοσοφίας κατεσκεύαζε, λογι- 


ζόμενον νεκροὺς αὐτοὺς γεγονέναι" οὗ- 
τοι δὲ ὡς ἀπολωλότας καὶ τεθνηκότας 
τῷ Θεῷ τοὺς ὑπ᾽ ἀσελγείας τινος 
ἀτόπου νενικημένους, ὡς νεκροὺς πεν- 
θοῦσι: καὶ ὡς ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀναστάντας, 
ἐὰν ᾿ ἀξιόλογον ἐνδείξωνται μεταβολὴν, 
χρόνῳ πλείονι τῶν κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς εἰσαγο- 
μένων ὕστερόν ποτε προσίενται εἰς οὐ- 
δεμίαν ἀρχὴν καὶ προστασίαν τῆς λε- 
γομένης ἐκκλησίας τοῦ Θεοῦ καταλέ- 
γοντες τοὺς φθάσαντας, μετὰ τὸ προσ- 
ἐληλυθέναι τῷ λόγῳ, ἐπταικέναι. 

48 Ep. δὰ Rufinian. (t. I. part. 2. 

Ρ. 768 e. .). . Καὶ ἤρεσεν ὅπερ ὧδε καὶ 
rarraxod, ὥστε τοῖς μὲν. καταπεπτω- 
κόσι καὶ προϊσταμένοις τῆς ἀσεβείας, 
συγγινώσκειν. μὲν μετανοοῦσι, μὴ δι- 
δόναι δὲ αὐτοῖς τόπον κλήρου. 

49 C. 10. (t. 2. p. 32 ¢.) Ὅσοι mpo- 
εχειρίσθησαν τῶν παραπεπτωκότων 
κατὰ ἄγνοιαν, ἢ καὶ ,προειδότων τῶν 
προχειρισαμένων, τοῦτο οὐ προκρίνει 
τῷ κανόνι τῷ ἐκκλησιαστικῷ" γνω- 
σθέντες γὰρ καθαιροῦνται. 

*0 Ep. 68. [4]. 67.] p. 174. (p. 
290.)... Cum jampridem nobiscum, 
et cum omnibus episcopis in toto 
mundo constitutis, etiam Cornelius, 
collega noster. . decreverit, ejusmodi 
homines ad peenitentiam quidem a- 
gendam posse admitti; ab ordina- 
tione autem cleri, atque sacerdotali 
honore prohiberi. 


ee δ νον ὁ. 0. 


ζω ΤΌ SS |” = _— = 


Faith and morals. 43 


bishops of the whole world, that such men might be admitted 
to repentance; but should be kept back from the ordinations of 
the clergy and the honour of the priesthood.’ Upon this ac- 


count the Arians themselves, though they were not much given 


to act by rules, sometimes thought fit to deny men ordination ; 
as Athanasius*! and Socrates5? say they did by Asterius, the 


sophist, whom they would not ordain because he had sacrificed 


in time of persecution. But they were far from being constant 
to this rule: for if Philostorgius*? says true, the leading bi- 
shops of the Arian party,—Eusebius of Nicomedia, Maris of 
Chalcedon, Theognis of Nice, Leontius of Antioch, Antonius of 
Tarsus, Menophantus of Ephesus, Numenius, Eudoxius, Alexan- 
der, and Asterius of Cappadocia,—all sacrificed in the Diocle- 
tian persecution. But then it must be owned that some of 
these were ordained bishops in the Church before the Arian 
heresy began to appear : whence we must conclude, that either 
the bishops who ordained them knew nothing of their lapsing, 
or else that the Church herself sometimes granted dispensa- 
tions in this ease also. Baronius*+ and some others lay it to 
the charge of Eusebius, the historian, that he sacrificed in 
time of persecution. Petavius>>,and Huetius "6, and Mr. Pagi’, 


51 De Synod. Arim. et Seleuc. t. 1. 
p. 887. (t.1. part. 2. p. 584 6. n. 18.) 
Αστέριος δέ τις ἀπὸ Καππαδοκίας, 
πολυκέφαλος σοφιστὴς, εἷς ὧν τῶν 
περὶ Ἑὐσέβιον, ἐπειδὴ θύσας ἐν τῷ 
προτέρῳ διωγμῷ, τῷ κατὰ τὸν πάπ- 
πον Κωνσταντίου, οὐκ ἠδύνατο παρὰ 
αὐτῶν εἰς κλῆρον προαχθῆναι, K.T.A. 

δ2 L. 1. c. 46. (v. 2. p. 72. 13.) 
Συνῆν δὲ ὁ ᾿Αστέριος συνεχῶς καὶ τοῖς 
ἐπισκόποις, τοῖς μάλιστα τὴν ᾽Αρει- 
ανῶν δόξαν μὴ ἀθετοῦσι' καὶ δὴ καὶ 
εἰς τὰς συνόδους ἀπήντα, ὑποδῦναι 
μιᾶς πόλεως ἐπισκοπὴν προθυμούμε- 
vos" ἀλλ᾽ ἱερωσύνης μὲν ἠστόχησε, διὰ 
τὸ ἐπιτεθυκέναι κατὰ τὸν διωγμόν. 

58 1,2. c. 14. (Vv. 3. p. 484. 22.)... 
Ods καὶ ἑλληνίσαι φησὶ ἐνδόντας τῇ 
τῶν τυράννων βίᾳ" κ.τ.λ. 

δ4 Anno 325- Π. 8, (t. 3. p. 447 b.) 
Potamon . . .invectus est voce magna 
contra Eusebium, et dixit: Tu sedes, 
Eusebi, et Athanasius innocens stans 
a te judicatur? Quis tulerit talia! 
Dic mihi tu: nonne mecum fuisti in 
carcere tempore persecutionis? Et 


ego quidem oculum amisi pro veri- 
tate: tu vero nihil mutilatum in 
corpore habere videris, neque testi- 
monium — confessionem tri- 
buisti, sed stetisti vivens, nulla parte 
detruncata. Quomodo discessisti e 
carcere? nisi quod promisisti iis, qui 
necessitatem nobis persecutionis in- 
tulerunt, id quod nefarium est, te 
facturum esse, aut sane fecisti? 

6° Animadvers. in Epiphan, Her. 
64. n. 2. (P. 259.) Verisimile igitur 
est Origenem, cum in Decii persecu- 
tione adfecta jam etate lapsus esset, 
in Palestinam recessisse, ac “τὶ 
mortuum esse, 

56 Origenian. 1. 1. c. 4. ἢ. 4. (t. I. 
p. 21.) Nicephorus, &c. 

57 Crit. in Baron. an. 251. n. 6. 
(t. 1. p. 239.) Negat Baronius, Ori- 
genem in hac Decii persecutione 
lapsum, ejusque sententiam Valesius 
in Notis Eusebianis secutus est, 
Preeferenda tamen sententia Petavii 
in Animadversionibus ad Epipha- 
nium, Heresi 64..c.2, et ad Librum 


44 


Qualifications for ordination : 


bring the same charge against Origen out of Epiphanius, the 
first reporter of the story; whilst Valesius>* and du Pin>9 un- 
dertake to vindicate the reputation of Origen from so foul an 


aspersion. 
Eusebius. 


And Hanckius® and Dr. Cave®! do the same for 
I will not interpose in these controversies, but only 


observe, that if the accusations brought against those two per- 
sons were true, the consequence must be, either that persons 
who had lapsed might be ordained, or at least continue in their 
orders undeposed, when the Church saw fit to dispense with 
her ordinary rule; which probably was not sc:strict, but that 


ejusdem de Ponderibus et Mensuris 
c. 18, atque Huetii 1. 1. Origenia- 
norum, 6.4, sancto Epiphanio id as- 
serenti fidem adhibendam censen- 
tium. Hee Epiphanii verba: Ob 
eximiam sanctitatem et eruditionem 
summam in invidiam est adductus, 
&c. Que verba licet ab aliquo Ori- 
geniani nominis hoste in Epiphanii 
textum intrusa dicat Baronius, ta- 
men vel ipsa styli similitudo, ut in- 
48: Petavius, satis Epiphanio adju- 
icat. Facti illius etiam meminerunt 
Nemesius, c. 20, Leontius Byzan- 
tius, et Justinianus imperator ad- 
versus Origenis errores, qui a Syn- 
odo Quinta probatus est. Et pro- 
fecto incredibile videtur, hunc impe- 
ratorem in Encyclica Epistola ad uni- 
versos episcopos destinata, que in 
Concilii Quinti Acta refertur, vel qui 
nomine ejus eamdem scripsit, men- 
dacium re nulla postulante con- 
fictum, patribus in os objecisse viris 
non illiteratis, et rei inaudite novi- 
tatem procul dubio miraturis, ejus- 
que falsitatem facile perspecturis. 

58 Not. in Euseb. 1. 6. c. 39. (v. 1. 
p. 302.2.)... De AXthiope adversus 
Origenem subornato, et de abnegata 
fide, nihil hic dicit Eusebius: sed et 
Baronius cuncta hee fabulosa esse 
merito censuit. Nemesius tamen, in 
libro de Natura Hominis, 6. 30, nar- 
rationem illam Epiphanii confirmat. 

59 Bibliotheque, t.1. p. 444. (t. I. 
p. 146. note n.) Saint Epiphane I’ac- 
cuse de s’estre approché des autels, 
et d’avoir fait semblant d’offrir de 
Vencens aux dieux; mais cette his- 
toire, et presque tout ce que Saint 
Epiphane rapport d’Origénes, est 
tibelodx. et fait ἃ plaisir par quel- 


que ennemi d’Origénes, qui a trompé 
Saint Epiphane homme assez cré- 


᾿ dule. 


60 De Scriptor. Byzant. part. 1. 
6.1. n.158. (p. 73.) Sed crimen il- 
lud, quod ab inimicis Eusebio per 
altercationes objectum quidem, cu- 
jus autem convictus non fuit, in du- 
bium merito venit. Quin, cum cre- 
dibile non sit, Eusebio si gentilium 
diis sacrificasset, per istius rei con- 
scios Ceesariensem episcopatum po- 
ea vel collatum vel permissum fu- 
isse; potius vero simile, quoniam 
Eusebius ex carcere salvus emissus 
erat, alios ea gratia non dimissos, 
suspicionis materiam consecutos, il- 
lum non sine culpa, vel sacrifican- 
tis, vel sacrificaturi, custodia digres- 
sum : cum tamen ex ea potuerit 8110 
modo liberari. 

61 Hist. Liter. (v. 1. p. 128.) Hine 
postea nata adversariis ejus calumni- 
andi materie, ipsum nempe carceri 
inclusum idolis immolasse. Objece- 
runt id ei, anno 335, synodo Tyrie 
inter alios presidenti confessores 
fgyptii, et in his preecipue Potamo 
episcopus Heracliensis. Verum si 
accusasse sufficiat, quis erit inno- 
cens? Odio et livore ducti tela in il- 
lum undique arripiebant: neque ul- 
lum hac in re testem proferunt, 
preter levem guemdam rumuscu- 
lum, seu rumoris potius suspicio- 
nem, quod nec ipse diffitetur Pota- 
mo, nulla alia ex causa ortum, quam 
quod Eusebius ex carcere salvus et 
illesus evaserat. Quid? quod si 
immolasset, ex rigida istius tempo- 
ris disciplina, omni clericali gradu 
excidisset, certe ad superiorem ordi- 
nem neutiquam promovendus. 


IV. iii. 


Faith and morals. 45 


it might admit of some relaxation, when proper occasions and 
cases extraordinary seemed to require it. 

8. Another crime, which unqualified men for orders in those No usurer 

times, was sedition or rebellion ; for he that stood convicted of ee 
treasonable practices was never to be ordained. This appears 
from the fourth Council of Carthage®, which joins the sedi- 
tious and usurers together, and excludes them both from ordi- 
nation. As to the crime of usury, I shall not here stand to ex- 
plain the nature of it, which will be done in a more convenient 
place®, but only observe that this crime, in the sense in which 
the ancients condemned it, was of such an odious and scandal- 
ous nature, as to debar men that had been guilty of it from 
the honour and privilege of ordination. Whence Gennadius, 
speaking of the practice of the Latin Church and the qualifica- 
_ tions required in persons to be ordained, says, ‘they must not 
be men convicted of taking usury.’ In the Greek Church, at 
least in the province of Cappadocia, the rule seems not to have 
been altogether so strict; for St. Basil’s Canons® do not abso- 
lutely exclude such from the ministry, but allow them to be 
ordained, ‘provided they first gave away to the poor what they 
had gained by usury, and promised not to exercise it for the 
future.’ 

9. Another crime, which made a man irregular and de- Nor one 
barred him from the privilege of ordination, was the disfigur- heeds 
ing or dismembering of his own body. If any man indeed tismem. 
happened to be born an eunuch, there was no law against his own body. 
ordination: for Eusebius says® Dorotheus, presbyter of An- 
tioch, was an eunuch from his mother’s womb. And Socrates 
and Sozomen® say of Tigris, presbyter of Constantinople, that 


62 Ὁ, 67. (t. 2. p. 1205 c.) Seditio- 
narios nunquam ordinandos clericos, 
sicut nec usurarios. 

63 B. 6. c. 2. 8. 6. 

64 De Eccles. Dogmat. c. 73. [al. 
39-] (int. oper. August. t. 8. append, 
p- 79 d.) .... Neque illum, qui usu- 
ras accepisse convincitur. 

C. 14. ap. Bevereg. Pand. t. 2. 
p- 71. (CC. t. 2. p. 1729 a.) Ὁ τό- 
κους νων, ἐὰν καταδέξηται τὸ 
ἄδικον κέρδος εἰς πτωχοὺς ἀναλῶσαι, 
καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ, τοῦ νοσήματος τῆς 
φιλοχρηματίας ἀπαλλαγῆναι" δεκτός 


ἐστιν εἰς ἱερωσύνην. 

66 L. 7. a 32. (v. 3. p. 366. 18.) 
Ἦν δ᾽ οὗτος τῶν μάλιστα ἐλευθερίων 
νον τὴν φύσιν δὲ ἄλλως εὐνοῦχος, 
οὕτω πεφυκὼς ἐξ αὐτῆς γενέσεως" 
κι T.A, 

87 1,. 6. 6.15. (Vv. 2. P. 332+ 9.) Ἐ- 
κέλευον δὲ παρεῖναι ἅμα αὐτῷ Σεραπί- 
wva, καὶ Τίγριν εὐνοῦχον πρεσβύτε- 
ρον, καὶ Παῦλον ἀναγνώστην. 

681, 8, c. 24. (ibid. p.357. 18.) Ἐν 
τῷ τότε καιρῷ καὶ Τίγριος πρεσβύτε- 
pos τῆς ἐσθῆτος γυμνωθεὶς, καὶ κατὰ 
νώτου μαστιγωθεὶς, πόδας καὶ χεῖρας 


46 IV. im... 


Qualifications for ordination : 


he was made an eunuch by a barbarian master. Or if a man 
had suffered the loss of any member by the cruelty of the per- 
secutors, as many confessors in the Diocletian persecution had 
their right eyes bored out and their left legs enfeebled, in that 
case there was no prohibition of their ordination, except they 
were utterly incapacitated from doing the office of ministers, by 
being made blind or deaf or dumb. For so those called the 
Apostolical Canons ® determined: ‘A man that hath lost an 
eye, or is maimed in his leg, may be ordained bishop, if he be 
otherwise worthy. For it is not any imperfection of body that 
defiles a man, but the pollution of his soul. Yet if a man is deaf 
or blind, he shall not be made bishop; not because he is pol- 
luted, but because he will not be able to perform the duties of 
his function.’ The Council of Nice adds a third case, in which 
it was lawful to ordain dismembered persons; which was, when 
in case of a mortal distemper the physicians thought it neces- 
sary to cut off one limb of the body to save the whole. All 
these were excepted cases, and the prohibition of the canons 
did not extend to them; but the crime was when ‘any one dis- 
membered himself in health,’ as the Nicene canon7° words it: 
such an one was not to be ordained; or if he was ordained, 
when he committed the fact he was to be deposed. The Aposto- 
lical Canons’! give this reason for it: ‘because such an one is 
in effect a self-murderer, and an enemy of the workmanship of 
God.’ Nor was it any excuse in this case, that a man made 
himself an eunuch out of a pretended piety, or to avoid forni- 
cation. or such were liable to the penalty of the canon, as 


δεδεμένος διαταθεὶς, διελύθη τὰ ἄρθρα" 
ἐγένετο δὲ οὗτος βάρβαρος τὸ γένος, 
οὐκ ἐκ γενετῆς εὐνοῦχος" κι. τ. 
69-Cc. 76, 77. (Cotel. [e. 69.] v. 
Ρ- 447.) Εἴ τις ἀνάπηρος ἢ τὸν 
ὀφθαλμὸν, ἢ ἢ τὸ σκέλος πεπληγμένος, 
ἄξιος δέ ἐστιν, ἐπίσκοπος "γενέσθω" 
οὐ γὰρ λώβη σωμάτων αὐτὸν μιαίνει, 
ἀλλὰ Ψυχῆς μολυσμός. --- Κωφὸς δὲ 
ὼν καὶ τυφλὸς, μὴ γινέσθω ἐπίσκο- 
πος οὐχ ὡς μεμιασμένος, fal. βε- 
βλαμμένος,] ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα μὴ τὰ ἐκκλησι- 
γε Ὁ: bag Pores 
. (t. 2. p. 28.) Εἴ τις ἐν 
νόσῳ ὑπὸ ἰατρῶν ἐχειρουργήθη, ἢ ἢ ὑπὸ 
βαρβάρων ἐξετμήθη, οὗτος μενέτω ἐν 


τῷ ,κλήρφ᾽ εἰ δέ τις ὑγιαίνων ἑαυτὸν 
ἐξέτεμε, τοῦτον καὶ ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ ἐξε- 
ταζόμενον πεπαῦσθαι προσήκει" καὶ ἐκ 
τοῦ δεῦρο μηδένα τῶν τοιούτων χρῆναι 
προάγεσθαι" ὥσπερ δὲ τοῦτο πρόδη- 
λον, ὅτι περὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδευόντων τὸ 
πρᾶγμα, καὶ τολμώντων ἑαυτοὺς ἐκ- 
τέμνειν, εἴρηται" οὕτως εἴ τινες ὑπὸ 
βαρβάρων ἢ ἢ δεσποτῶν εὐνουχίσθησαν, 
εὑρίσκοιντο δὲ ἄλλως ἄξιοι, τοὺς τοι- 
οὕτους εἰς κλῆρον προσίεται ὃ κανών. 
71 Ὁ. 21. (Cotel. [c. 17.} Vv. I. p. 
440.)...°O ἀκρωτηριάσας ἑαυτὸν, μὴ 
γωάσθω. κληρικός" αὐτοφοντὴς [8]. 
αὐτοφονευτὴς | γάρ ἐστιν [ ἑαυτοῦ] καὶ 
τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ δημιουργίας ἐχθρός. 


Ὁ ΤΥ 


Faith and morals. 47 


well as any others: which is noted by Gennadius7? and the 
Council of Arles7?. And indeed the first reason of making the 
canon was to prevent that mistaken notion of piety which had 
once possessed Origen?*; who, taking those words of our Savi- 
our, “there are some that make themselves eunuchs for the 
kingdom of heaven’s sake,” in a wrong sense, fulfilled them li- 
terally upon himself. And the Valesian heretics carried the 
matter a little further, asserting that men ought to serve God 
after that manner; and therefore they both made themselves 
eunuchs, and all that came over to them, as St. Austin7> in- 


forms us. It was to correct and discountenance these erroneous 


opinions and practices that the Church at first made this rule ; 
which was so nicely observed, that we scarce meet with two in- 
stances to the contrary in afterages. Leontius made himself 
an eunuch to ayoid suspicion in his converse with the virgin 
Eustolium: but he was deposed from the office of presbyter for 
the fact, and it gave occasion to the Council of Nice to renew 
the ancient canon against such practices; so that when the 
Arians afterward ordained him bishop of Antioch, the histo- 
rians7® tell us, the Catholics generally declaimed against his 


72 De Eccles. Dogmat. c. 72. [al. 
39-] (int. Oper. August. t. 8. ae 
pend. p. 79c.)... Neque eum [ordi- 
nandum] qui semetipsum quolibet 
corporis sui membro, indignatione 
aliqua vel justo injustove timore su- 
peratus, truncaverit. 

73 Arelat. 2. c. 7. (t. 4. p. 1012 ὃ.) 
Hos, qui se, carnali vitio repugnare 
nescientes, abscindunt, ad clerum 

ire non posse. 

74 Vid. Euseb. 1. 6. c. 8. (v. 1. Ρ 
264. 23.) Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ τῆς κατηχή- 
σεως ἐπὶ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας τοὖργον 
ἐπιτελοῦντι, τῷ ᾿Ωριγένει πρᾶγμά τι 

Ἶ αι, φρενὸς μὲν ἀτελοῦς καὶ 
νεανικῆς πίστεώς γε μὴν ὁμοῦ καὶ 
σωφροσύνης μέγιστον δεῖγμα περι- 
ἔχον" τὸ γὰρ, Εἰσὶν εὐνοῦχοι οἵτινες 
εὐνούχισαν ἑαυτοὺς διὰ τὴν βασιλείαν 
τῶν οὐρανῶν, ἁπλούστερον καὶ νεανι- 
κώτερον ἐκλαβὼν, ὁμοῦ μεν σωτή- 
ριον φωνὴν ἀποπληροῦν οἰόμενος" ὁμοῦ 
δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸ νέον τὴν ἡλικίαν ὄντα, 
μὴ ἀνδράσι μόνον, καὶ γυναιξὶ δὲ τὰ 
θεῖα προσομιλεῖν ὡς ἂν πᾶσαν τὴν 

τοῖς ἀπίστοις αἰσχρᾶς διαβο- 


λῆς ὑπόνοιαν ἀποκλείσειε, τὴν σωτή- 
ριον φωνὴν ἔργοις ἐπιτελέσαι ὡρμήθη, 
κι τ. A.—Epiphan. Heer. 64. Origen. 
Nn. I1t. (t. 1. p. 527 a.) Φασὶ δὲ Kai 
τοῦτον τὸν ᾿Ωριγένην ἐπινενοηκέναι €- 
αὐτῷ κατὰ τὸ σωμάτιον" οἱ μὲν λέ- 
γουσι νεῦρον ἀποτετμηκέναι διὰ τὸ μὴ 
ἡδονῇ ὀχλεῖσθαι, μηδὲ ἐν ταῖς κινή- 
σεσι ταῖς σωματικαῖς φλέγεσθαί τε 
καὶ πυρβολεῖσθαι" ἄλλοι δὲ οὐχί φη- 
σιν, ἀλλὰ ἐπενόησέ τι φάρμακον ἐπι- 
θεῖναι τοῖς μορίοις, καὶ ἀποξηρᾶναι. 

75 De Heres. c. 37. (t. 8. p. τὶ d.) 
Valesii et seipsos castrant, et hospi- 
tes suos, hoc modo existimantes Deo 
se debere servire. 

76 Socrat. 1. 2. c. 26. (v. 2. p. 119. 
29.).... Δεόντιος 6 τῆς ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ 
ἐκκλησίας τότε προεστηκώς᾽ ὅστις ἥ- 
νικα πρεσβύτερος ἦν, ἀφηρέθη τῆς 
ἀξίας, ὅτι γυναικὶ συνδιημερεύων Ev- 
στολίῳ ὄνομα, καὶ τὴν εἰς αὐτὴν ai- 
σχρὰν ὑπόνοιαν ἐπικρύψαι σπουδά- 
σας, τῶν γενητικῶν ἐξέτεμεν ἑαυτὸν, 
καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ παρρησιέστερον τῇ 
γυναικὶ συνδιῆγεν, ὡς μὴ ἔχων δὲ ἃ 
εἰς αὐτὴν διεβάλλετο᾽ γνώμῃ δὲ καὶ 


48 Qualifications for ordination : IV. ii. 


ordination as uncanonical. The only instance, that looks like a 
dispensation with this rule, is what we have in Baronius con- 
cerning Timotheus, bishop of Alexandria, ordainng Ammon, the 
Egyptian monk, who to avoid being ordained had cut off his 
own right ear, to make himself irregular; notwithstanding 
which, Baronius’7 says, Timotheus ordained him, and justified 
what he did with this expression: ‘that this law indeed was 
observed by the Jews; but, for his own part, if they brought 
to him a man without a nose, that was but of good morals, he 
would ordain him bishop.’ But there is some reason to question 
the truth of this narration; for not only Palladius, whom Ba- 
ronius cites, but Socrates78 and Sozomen, in telling the story, 
seem rather to intimate that he was not ordained. However, 
supposing it to be true, it is a singular instance, and we shall 
hardly find such another in all the history of the Church: 
which shews how cautious the ancients were in observing this 
rule, that they might not bring any disrepute or scandal upon 
the Church. 

10. But in all these and the like cases there is one thing 
particularly to be observed, that the crimes, which made men 
irregular, were generally understood to be such only as were 
committed after baptism. For all crimes committed before 
baptism were supposed to be so purged away in the waters of 
baptism, as that a perfect amnesty passed upon them, and men, 
notwithstanding them, were capable of ordination. So that not 
only the crimes which men committed whilst they were hea- 
thens, but such as they fell into when they were catechumens, 
were overlooked in this inquiry, when their morals came to be 
examined for ordination. This is evident, not only from the 
known case of St. Austin, whose faults were never objected to 


Men only 
accountable 
for crimes 
committed 
after bap- 
tism, as to 
what con- 
cerned ordi- 
nation. 


σπουδῇ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἰζωνσταντίου τῆς A Judeis lex ἰδία servatur. Ego si 


ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ ἐκκλησίας προεβλήθη ἐ- 


πίσκοπος μετὰ Στέφανον, ὃς Πλάκιτον 


διεδέκτο πρότερον .---- heodor. 1]. 2. c. 


.24. (ν. 3. p. 105. 29.) Ἔν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ 


δὲ μετὰ Στέφανον, ὃς Φλάκιτιον δια- 
δεξάμενος τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν ἐξη- 


λάθη συλλόγων, Λεόντιος τὴν προ- 


εδρίαν ἐδέξατο, παρὰ τοὺς ἐν Νικαίᾳ 
γραφέντας ὅ ὅρους ταύτην λαβών" ἐκτο- 
μίας γὰρ ἣν, αὐτουργὸς γενόμενος τῆς 
τόλμης. 


77 An. 385. n. 30. (0. 4. p. 523 ἃ.) 


dederitis mihi aliquem etiam nari- 
bus truncum, sed moribus probum, 
non eum dubitabo episcopum fa- 
cere. 

78 1. 4. c. 23. (v. 2. Ρ. 242. 6.) οὗ- 
Tos ὁ ᾿Αμμώνιος εἰς ἐπισκοπὴν ἑλκό- 
μενος, k.T.A.—Conf. Sozom. 1. 1. 6. 
14. (ibid. p.29.)—Pallad. Hist. Lau- 
βίας, c. 12. (ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. 
t. 2. p. 914 b.) Ὃ ᾿Αμμώνιος οὗτος, 
oT 


§ 10, 11. Jaith and morals, 49 


him at his ordination, because they were only such as preceded 
his baptism; but also from the rule made in the Council of 
Aneyra, in the case of such as lapsed into idolatry whilst they 
were only catechumens. For the canon79 says, ‘ that such as 
sacrificed before baptism, and were afterward baptized, might 
be promoted to ecclesiastical dignities, as persons that were 
; cleansed from all crimes by the sanctification of baptism.’ It is 
’ true, that only one crime of sacrificing is here specified; but 
by parity of reason the rule must be understood to extend to 
all other cases of the like nature; and so the practice of the 
Church has commonly determined. ; 

11. Yet here again we must observe, that if any great irre- Except any 
gularity happened in men’s baptism itself, such crimes were AeA 
always objected against them, to debar them from ordination. happened 
Thus it was frequently with those who were baptized only with vase ὡ 
clinic baptism in time of sickness or urgent necessity, when self. As in 
| 





they had carelessly deferred their baptism to such a critical βτυλοοῦν 


moment, and might have had it sooner, had it not been their “™- 
own default. This delaying of baptism was always esteemed a 
very great crime, and worthy of some ecclesiastical censure ; 
and therefore the Church, among other methods which she 
took to discountenance the practice of it, thought fit to punish 
persons who had been guilty of it, and had put themselves 
upon the fatal necessity of a clinic baptism, by denying them 
: ordination. We have a canon 89 in the Council of Neo-Czxsarea 
: to this purpose: ‘ If any man is baptized only in time of sick- 
} ness, he shall not be ordained a presbyter, because his faith 
was not voluntary, but as it were of constraint; except his 
subsequent faith and diligence recommend him, or else the 
scarcity of men make it necessary to ordain him.’ And that 
this was an old rule of the Church appears from the account 
which Cornelius*! gives of the ordination of Novatian to be 





79 C. 12. (t. 1. p. 1460.) Τοὺς 
πρὸ τοῦ βαπτίσματος τεθυκότας, καὶ 
μετὰ ταῦτα βαπτισθέντας, ἔδοξεν εἰς 
τάξιν προάγεσθαι, ὡς ἀπολουσαμέ- 


νους. 

80 C. 12. (ibid. p. 1483 b.) "Edy 
νοσῶν tis φωτισθῇ, εἰς πρεσβύτερον 
ἄγεσθαι οὐ δύναται" οὐκ ἐκ προαιρέ- 
σεως γὰρ ἡ πίστις αὐτοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐ 
ἀνάγκης" εἰ μὴ τάχα διὰ τὴν μετὰ 

BINGHAM, VOL. Π. 


ταῦτα αὐτοῦ σπουδὴν καὶ πίστιν, καὶ 
διὰ σπάνιν ἀνθρώπων. 

81 Ap. Euseb. 1. 6. c. 43. (v. I. 
Ρ. 314. 16.) “Os διακωλυόμενος ὑπὸ 
παντὸς τοῦ κλήρου, ἀλλὰ Kal λαϊκῶν 
πολλῶν᾽ ἐπεὶ μὴ ἐξὸν ἦν τὸν ἐπὶ κλί- 

ς διὰ νόσον περιχυθέντα, ὥσπερ καὶ 
ar itr els κλῆρον τινὰ γενέσθαι, ἠξί- 
woe συγχωρηθῆναι αὐτῷ τοῦτον μό- 
νον χειροτονῆσαι. 

E 


50 
presbyter. 


Qualifications for ordination : 


He says the clergy and many of the people ob- 


jected against it, alleging that it was not lawful to ordain one 
who had been baptized upon his bed in time of sickness; and 
that the bishop was forced to intercede with them to give way 
to his ordination, as a matter of grace and favour; which 
shews that the ordination of such was contrary to the common 


rule and practice of the Church. 


12. In like manner they who were baptized by heretics were 
“not ordinarily allowed clerical promotion when they returned 
to the bosom of the Catholic Church. The Council of Eliberis®? 


is very peremptory in its decree ; 


‘that, whatever heresy they 


came from, they should not be ordained; or that, if any such 
were already ordained, they should be undoubtedly degraded.’ 
Pope Innocent 88 testifies for the same practice in the Roman 
Church, saying, ‘It is the custom of our Church to grant only 
lay-communion to those that return from heretics, by whom 
they were baptized, and not to admit any of them to the very 
lowest order of the clergy.’ But it must be confessed, that the 
Council of Nice dispensed with the Novatians * in this respect, 
allowing their clergy, though both baptized and ordained 
among them, to be received with imposition of hands, and 
retain their orders in the Church. And the African fathers. 
granted the same indulgence to the Donatists, to encourage 
them to return to the unity of the Catholic Church. For in 
the Council of Carthage, anno 397, which is inserted into the 
African Code 85, a proposal was made, ‘ that such as had been 
baptized among he Donatists in their infancy by their parents’ 
fault, without their own knowledge and consent, should, upon 


82 C. si. (t. 1. p. 976b.) Ex 
omni heeresi qui ad nos fidelis ve- 
rerit, [al. fidelis si venerit. | minime 
est ad clerum promovendus. Vel 
si qui sunt in preeteritum ordinati, 
sine dubio deponantur. 

83 Ep. 22. c. 4. (t. 2. 


entibus ab hereticis, qui tamen illic 
baptizati sint, per manus impositio- 
nem laicam tantum tribuere com- 
munionem, nec ex his aliquem in 
clericatus honorem vel exiguum 
subrogare, ~ 

84 C. 8. (ibid. p. 32 6.) Περὶ τῶν 


> , ‘ ς \ 7 
ὀνομαζόντων μὲν ἑαυτοὺς καθαρούς 


p. 1274 b.) 
Nostrz vero lex est ecclesiz, veni-: 


ποτε, προσερχομένων δὲ τῇ καθολικῇ 
ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἔδοξε τῇ ἁγίᾳ καὶ μεγάλῃ 
συνόδῳ ὥστε, χειροθετουμένους αὖ- 
τοὺς, μένειν οὕτως ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ. 

8 Ὁ, 48, [4]. 47.] (ibid. p. 1071 b.) 
"Hpecer, iva ἐρωτήσωμεν τοὺς ἀδελ- 
φοὺς καὶ συνιερεῖς ἡμῶν Σιρίκιον καὶ 
Σιμπλικιανὸν περὶ μόνων τῶν νηπίων 
τῶν παρὰ τοῖς Δονατισταῖς ᾿βαπτιζο- 
μένων, μήπως τοῦτο, ὅπερ οἰκείᾳ προ- 
θέσει οὐκ ἐποίησαν, τῇ τῶν γονέων 
πλάνῃ ἐμποδίσῃ αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὸ μὴ 
προκόπτειν εἰς ὑπουργίαν τοῦ ἁγίου 
θυσιαστηρίου, ὅταν πρὸς τὴν τοῦ 
Θεοῦ ἐκκλησίαν σωτηριώδει προθέσει. 
ἐπιστρέψωσι. 


IV. ut. 


Faith and morals. 51 


their return to the Church, be allowed the privilege of ordina- 
tion;’ and in the next Council*® the proposal was accepted, 
and a deeree passed accordingly in favour of them. By which 
we may understand, that this was a piece of discipline that 
might be insisted on or waived, according as Church-governors 
in prudence thought most for the benefit and advantage of the 
Church. But in case the persons so returning had been bap- 
tized by such heretics, whose baptism was null, and to be re- 
iterated in the church ;—as the baptism of the Paulianists, or 
Samosatenian heretics, was ;—in that case, it was determined 
by the great Council of Nice 57, that such persons, when they 
were rebaptized, might be ordained. For baptism, as has been 
noted before, set men clear of all crimes; and their former bap- 
tism being null, that was reckoned their only baptism which 
they received at their return to the Catholic Church; and no 
crimes, committed before that, were then to prejudice their 
ordination in the Church. 

13. I cannot here omit to mention another qualification re- No man to 
quired of persons to be ordained, because it was of great use pe esse 
and service in the Church ; which was, that none should be ad- not made 
mitted, at least to the superior degrees of bishops, presbyters, marsh 
or deacons, before they had made all the members of their lic Chri- 
family Catholic Christians. This is a rule we find in the third 
Council of Carthage 58, which was equally designed to promote 
the conversion of pagans, Jews, heretics, and schismatics, who 
are all opposed to Catholic Christians. And it was a very 


86 C, 58. (al. 57:) (ibid. -1083 b.) μενοι, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῷ Χριστῷ πιστεύ- 
᾿Επειδὴ ἐν τῇ ἀνωτέρᾳ ὁρισθὲν σαντες, μ Τριάδος τὰ ἁγιάσματα 
μέμνηται ἅμα ἐμοὶ ἡ ὑμετέρα ὁμοψυ- ety 
xia, ὥστε τοὺς τοῖς Δονατισταῖς . 19. (ibid. Ρ. 
ρϑδιβωλα κέν εἶτα προ 


δον βαπτιζομένους, μηδέπω δυνα- 


4] ἃ.) Περὶ τῶν 


υγόντων 





= 
q 
‘ 


κειν τῆς πλάνης αὐτῶν 

rn ie μετὰ τὸ εἰς Keipay λογισς- 
νέσθαι, ἐπιγνω- 

εν a τῆς She δ ων ΤῊ τὴν λότητα 
ἐκείνων βδελυττομένους πρὸς τὴν κα- 
θολικὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐκκλησίαν, τὴν ἀνὰ 
πάντα τὸν κόσμον διακεχυμένην, τάξει 
ἀρχαίᾳ διὰ τῆς ἐπιθέσεως τῆς χειρὸς 
ine yr rh ἦε 

τῆς πλάνης ὀνόματος pm ew ἐμ- 
τοῦ πασνα εἰς τάξιν κληρώσεως, ὁπό- 

ταν τὴν ἀληθινὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἰδίαν ἑαυ- 
τῶν ἐλογίσαντο τῇ πίστει προσερχό- 


τῇ καθολικῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, ὅ ὅρος ἐκτέθειται 
ἀναβαπτίζεσθαι αὐτοὺς ἐξάπαντος" εἰ 
δέ τινες ἐν παρεληλυθότι χρόνῳ ἐ ἐν 
τῷ κλήρῳ “ξητάοδησαν, εἰ Ἂν» ἄμεμ- 
πτοι καὶ ἀνεπίληπτοι φανεῖεν, ἀνα- 
βαπτισθέντες χειροτονίσθωσαν ὑπὸ 
τοῦ τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐπι- 


σκόπου. 

88 C. 18. (ibid. p.1170b.) Ut 
episcopi, presbyteri, et diaconi non 
ordinentur, priusquam omnes, qui 
sunt in domo eorum, Christianos 
catholicos fecerint. 


E2 


52 Qualifications for ordination : IV. iii. 


proper rule in that case; since nothing could be more disadvan- 
tageous or dishonourable to religion than to have any counte- 
nance or secret encouragement given to its opposers by those 
who were designed to serve at the altar. Besides that, this 
was but a proper way of making reprisals upon the heathen 
religion. For Julian had made a like decree for his pagan- 
priests, in opposition to the Christians 59, charging Arsacius, 
high-priest of Galatia, ‘ that he should admit none to the 
priest’s office who tolerated either servants, or children, or 
_ wives, that were Galileans; and did not come with their whole 
family and retinue to the worship of the gods in the idol- 
temples.’ It had been a great omission and oversight in the 
governors of the Christian Church had they not been as care- 
ful to secure the interest of the true religion in the families of 
their ministers as that pagan prince was to secure a false re- 
ligion among his idol-priests; and therefore had there been 
nothing more than emulation in the case, yet that had been a 
sufficient reason to have laid this injunction upon all the candi- 
dates of the Christian priesthood. 
er wah 14. There is but one qualification more I shall mention under 
this head, which was, that men should come honestly and le- 


anciently 

taken 0 gally to their preferment, and use no indirect or sinister arts 

prevent si- . 

moniacal to procure themselves an ordination. Merit, and not bribery, 

promotions’ was to be their advocate, and the only thing to be considered 
in all elections. In the three first ages, whilst the preferments 
were small, and the persecutions great, there was no great 
danger of ambitious spirits, nor any great occasion to make 
laws against simoniacal promotions. For then martyrdom was, 
as it were, a thing annexed to a bishopric; and the first per- 
sons that were commonly aimed and struck at were the rulers 
and governors of the Church. But in afterages ambition and 
bribery crept in among other vices, and then severe laws were 
made, both in Church and State, to check and prevent them. 
Sulpicius Severus takes notice of this difference betwixt the 
ages of persecution, and those that followed, when he says 9, 


89 Ep. ad Arsac. ap. Sozom. 1. 5. ἀνέχοιντο τῶν οἰκετῶν, ἢ υἱέων, ἢ τῶν 
c. 16. (v. 2. p. 203. 43.)...Ts iepa- Ῥαλιλαίων γαμετῶν, ἀσεβούντων μὲν 
τικῆς λειτουργίας ἀπόστησον, εἰ μὴ εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς, ἀθεότητα δὲ θεοσεβείας 
προσέρχονταε μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ παί- προτιμώντων. 


δων καὶ θεραπόντων τοῖς θεοῖς, ἀλλὰ 90 Sacr. Hist. 1. 2. p. 99. (p. 385.) 





ξ 14. 


faith and morals. 53 


‘that in the former men strove who should run fastest to those 
glorious combats, and more greedily sought for martyrdom by 
honourable deaths, than in aftertimes, by wicked ambitions, 
they sought for the bishoprics of the Church.’ This implies, 
that i in the age when Sulpicius lived, in the fifth century, some 

arts were used, by particular men, to advance them- 
selves to the preferments of the Church. To correct whose 
ambition and ill designs, the Church inflicted very severe cen- 
sures upon all such as were found guilty of simony, or, as some 
then called it, Χριστεμπορείαν, the selling of Christ. The 
Council of Chalcedon decreed 95, ‘ that if any bishop gave ordi- 
nation, or an ecclesiastical office or preferment of any kind, for 
money, he himself should lose his office, and the party so pre- 
ferred be deposed.’ And the reader may find several other 
constitutions of the same import, in those called the Aposto- 
lical Canons% ; the Council of Constantinople under Genna- 


dius, anno 269: ; the second Council of Orleans®, Bracara%, 


Quippe certatim gloriosa in certa- 
mina ruebantur, multoque avidius 
tum ia gloriosis mortibus 
Sere: quam nunc episcopa- 
oe vis ambitionibus appetuntur. 
Ep. Alexandr. Alexandrin. ap. 
Theodor. 1. 1. c. 4. (v. 3. Ρ- 9- 24.) 
Oi δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου χριστεμπορείαν 
θεωροῦντες, οὐκ ἔτι τῆς ἐκκλησίας 
ὑπο ιν ἐκαρτέρησαν. 
Tee 
ἐπίσκοπος ἐπὶ χρέμασι χρρετονῶν 
ποιήσαιτο, καὶ εἰς πράσιν καταγάγῃ. 
.. ἐπὶ χρήμασιν ἐπίσκοπον, ἢ xepert- 
api ἢ πρεσβύτερον, ἢ διάκονον, ἢ 
ἕτερόν τινα τῶν ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ καταριθ- 


μουμένων, ἣ π οιτὸ ἐπὶ χρήῆμα- 
σιν ἢ οἰκόνομον, ἢ ἔκδικον, ἢ προσμο- 
_ ψάριον, ἢ ὡς τινὰ τοῦ κανόνος, δι 


αἰσχροκέρδειαν οἰκείαν" ὁ τοῦτο ἐπι- 
» ἐλεγχθεὶς, περὶ τὸν οἰκεῖον 
rege βαθμόν' καὶ ὁ χειροτο- 
νούμενος μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς κατ᾽ ἐμπορίαν 
ὠφελείσθω χειροτονίας ἢ προβολῆς, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἔστω age τῆς ἀξίας, ἣ τοῦ 
ρ ἐπὶ χρήμασιν 
καὶ μεσιτεύων Φφα- 
νείη τοῖς οὕτως αἰσχροῖς καὶ ἀθεμίτοις 
ἥμμασιν, καὶ οὗτος, εἰ μὲν κληρικὸς 


εἴη, τοῦ οἰκείου ἐκπιπτέτω βαθμοῦ" 


εἰ δὲ λαϊκὸς, ἢ μονάζων, ἀναθεματι- 
ζέσθω. 


98 C. 29. μι 41.} (Cotel. [c. 23.} 
Υ.1. Ὀ. 441.) Εἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος κοσμι- 
κοῖς ἄρχουσι χρησάμενος, δι’ αὐτῶν 
ἐγκρατὴς γένηται ἐκκλησίας, καθαιρεί- 
σθω, καὶ ἀφοριζέσθω, καὶ οἱ κοινω- 
νοῦντες αὐτῷ πάντες. 

%4 Ep. Synod. (t. 4. p. 1026 b.) 
ὋὉ δεσπότης ἡ ἡμῶν καὶ Θεὸς καὶ “Σωτὴρ 
᾿Ιησοῦς Χριστὸς ἐ ἐγχειρίσας τοῖς ἁγί- 
os αὐτοῦ μαθηταῖς τοῦ εὐαγγελίου τὸ 
κήρυγμα! καὶ διδασκάλους τούτους ἀνὰ 
πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀνθρώποις ἐξ- 
αποστεῖλας, παρεκελεύσατο διαρρή- 
δην, ἣν εἰλήφασι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δωρεὰν, 
ταὕτης καὶ αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἀνθρώποις με- 
ταδιδόναι δωρεὰν, μὴ κτωμένους ὑπὲρ 
αὐτῆς χαλκὸν, ἢ ἢ ἄργυρον, ἢ χρυσὸν, 

τινα περιουσίαν, ἄλλως ὅλως ὑλικὴν 
ἢ γεώδη. . ταύτην τὴν ἐντολὴν, οὐ μό- 
νον ἐκείνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡμῖν δι ἐκείνων 
ἐνετείλατο, K.T. A. 

% C, 3. (ibid. p. 1780 d.) Ne quis 
episcopus de quibusfibet causis, vel 
episcoporum ordinationibus, czte- 
rorumque clericorum, aliquid pre- 
sumat accipere: «quia sacerdotem 
nefas est cupiditatis venalitate cor- 
rumpi.—C. 4. (ibid.) Si quis sacer- 
dotium per pecunie nundinum ex- 
secrabili ambitione quesierit, abji- 
ciatur ut reprobus : quia apostolica 
sententia donum Dei esse precipit 


δ4 Qualifications for ordination : IV. iv. 


and many others. The imperial laws also were very properly 
contrived to prevent this abuse: for by one of Justinian’s laws 
it was enacted, ‘ that, whenever a bishop was to be chosen, the 
electors themselves should take an oath, and insert it into the 
election-paper, that they did not choose him for any gift, or 
promise, or friendship, or any other cause, but only because 
they knew him to be a man of the true catholic faith, and an 
unblamable life, and good learning.’ And in another of his 
laws 98, where this same injunction is repeated, it is further 
provided, ‘ that the party elected shall also at the time of his 
ordination take an oath, upon the Holy Gospels, that he nei- 
ther gave nor promised, by himself or other, nor hereafter will 
give to his ordainer, or to his electors, or any other person, 
any thing to procure him an ordination.’ And for any bishop 
to ordain another without observing the rule prescribed, is de- 
position by the same law, both for himself and the other whom 
he ordained. 

These were some of those ancient rules to be observed in 
the examination of men’s lives and morals, before they were 
consecrated to the sacred function, or admitted to serve in any 
of the chief offices of the Church. 


CHAP. IV. 
Of the qualifications of persons to be ordained, respecting 
their outward state and condition in the world. 
No soldier 1. A THIRD inquiry was made into men’s outward state and 
ως ὁ condition in the world. For there were some callings and states 
of life which debarred men from the privilege of ordination, 
not because they were esteemed absolutely sinful vocations, but 
because the duties attending them were commonly incompatible 
and inconsistent with the offices of the clergy. Of this nature 
were all those callings which come under the general name of 
Militia Romana, which we cannot so properly English, the 
military life, as the service of the empire. For it includes se- 
veral offices, as well civil as military; the Romans, as Gotho- 


pecuniz trutina“minime comparan- dent. Et non aliquo pretio gratia 


dum. Dei et impositio manuum venum- 
% Bracar. 3. c. 3. (t. 5. p. 897 ἃ.) detur. © | 
Placuit ut de ordinationibus cleri- 97 Novel. 123. cap.1. See ch. 2. 


corum episcopi munera nulla susci- 8, 18. p. 31. ἢ. 4. first pay 
piant, sed, sicut scriptum est, quod 98 Novel. 137. c.2. See ibid. n. 4. 
gratis donante Deo accipiunt, gratis second part. 





ἘΝ 


Re συ τ adel 





᾿ a  ΦΎΎ ῬΨΟΥΨΥ ἊΝ 


Ta 


§ 1. 


55 


fred99 and other learned persons! have observed, calling all 
inferior offices by the name of militia. So there were three 
sorts of it, militia palatina, militia castrensis or armata, 
and militia presidialis or cohortalis ; the first including the 
officers of the emperor’s palace; the second, the armed soldiery 
of the camp; and the third, the apparitors and officials of 
judges and governors of provinces; all which were so tied to 
their service, that they could not forsake their station. And 
for that reason, the laws of the State forbad any of them to be 
entertained as ecclesiastics, or ordained among the clergy. 
Honorius, the emperor, particularly made a law? to this pur- 
pose, ‘that none, who were originally tied to the military life, 
as some were even by birth, should, either before or after they 
were entered upon that life, take upon them any clerical office, 
or think to excuse themselves from their service, under the 
notion of becoming ecclesiastical persons.’ The canons of the 
Church seem to have carried the matter a little further; for 
they forbad the ordination of any who had been soldiers after 
baptism, because they might perhaps have imbrued their 
hands in blood. This appears from the letters of Innocent the 
First, who? blames the Spanish Churches for admitting such 
persons into orders, alleging the canons of the Church against 


outward state and condition. 


99 In Cod. Theod. 1. 12. tit. 1. 
de Decurioribus, leg. 63. (t. 4. p. 
414.).... Militia appellatione hoc 
zevo omne officium et obsequium 
publicum dictum est. 

1 Valesius, Not. in Sozom. l. 5. 
6. 4. (Vv. 2. p. 185. n. 1.) Triplex. . fuit 
militia apud Romanos. ima et 
honoratissima est Palatina: eorum 
scilicet qui in palatio militabant. 
Secunda fuit castrensis sive armata. 
Tertia fuit cohortalis; eorum scilicet 
κω in officio preefectorum et preesi- 

um militabant.—Pagi, Crit. in Ba- 
ron. an. 375. ἢ. 12. (t. I. p. 542.) 
Observat ‘aah πεῖ λιμὸν gs δὰ 
zvo militie et militandi, στρατείας 
καὶ στρατεύεσθαι, voce designari 

ue officia muniaque pub- 
lica: unde militia non tantum ar- 
mata, sed etiam togata tina, 
officialium advocatorum militia, λει- 
τουργία, tandem omne publicum 
ministerium, atque adeo municipa- 


lia quoque seu curialia officia muni- 
aque tae patria. 

2 Cod. Theod. 1. 7. tit. 20. de 
Veteranis, leg. 12. (t. 2. p. 434-)..- 
Quoniam plurimos vel ante mili- 
tiam, vel post inchoatam, nec per- 
actam, latere objectu piz religionis 
agnovimus, dum se quidem voca- 
bulo clericorum ...defendunt, nulli 
omnino tali excusari objectione per- 
mittimus, &c. 

3 Ep. 24. c. 2. (CC. t. 2. p. 1281 ἃ.) 
Quantos ex aliqua militia, qui cum 
potestatibus obedierunt [al. obedi- 
rent] severa necessario precepta 
sunt executi.—Ibid. c. 6. (p.1282 b.) 
Ne quispiam, qui post baptismum 
militaverit, ad ordinem debeat cleri- 
catus admitti—Vid. Ep. 2. ad Vic- 
tric. Rothomag. c. 2. (p.1250¢.).. Si 


quis post remissionem peccatorum 
εν κα ἄρας militiz szecularis habue- 


rit, ad clericatum omnino admitti 
non debet. 


δθ Qualifications for ordination : IV. iv. 
it. The first Council of Toledo‘ forbids any such to be ordained 

- deacons, ‘ though they had never been concerned in shedding 

of blood; because, though they had not actually shed blood, 

yet by entering upon the military life they had obliged them- 

selves, if occasion had so required, to have done it.’ Which 

seems to import, that soldiers might be allowed in the inferior 

services, but were not to be admitted to the sacred and supe- 

rior orders of the Church. 

2. Another state of life which debarred men from the privi- 
lege of ordination was that of slaves or vassals in the Roman 
empire; who, being originally tied by birth or purchase to 
their patron’s or master’s service, could not legally be ordained, 
because the service of the Church was incompatible with their 
other duties; and no man was to be defrauded of his right 
under pretence of an ordination. In this case, therefore, the 
patron was always to be consulted before the servant was or- 
dained. Thus in one® of those called the Apostolical Canons 
we find a decree, ‘ that no servants should be admitted among 
the clergy without the consent of their masters, to the griev- 
ance of the owners and subversion of their families. But if a 
servant be found worthy of an ecclesiastical promotion, as One- 
simus was, and his master give his consent, and grant him his 
freedom, and let him go forth from his house, he may be ordained.’ 
The Council of Toledo has a canon® to the same purpose; and 
the Council of Eliberis’ goes a little further, and says ‘ though 
a secular master,’ that is, an heathen, as Albaspinzeus interprets 
it, ‘had made his servant a freeman, he should not be ordained.’ 
The reason of which is conceived to be, that such masters gave 


Nor any 
slave or 
freedman 
without the 
consent of 
the patron. 


4 C. 8. (ibid. p. 1224 e.) Si 


καὶ συγχωρήσουσιν οἱ δεσπόται, καὶ 
quis post baptismum militavit, et 


- Ψ, a 
ἐλευθερώσουσι, kal τοῦ οἴκου ἑαυτῶν 


chlamydem sumpserit, aut cingu- 
lum [ad necandos fideles,| etiamsi 
gravia [al. graviora] non admiserit, 
si ad clerum admissus fuerit, [al. 
fuit| diaconii non accipiat dignita- 
tem. 

5 Ὁ. 82. [4]. 81.] (Cotel. [e. 73.] 
V.I. p. 447.) Oixéras eis κλῆρον προ- 
χειρίζεσθαι ἄνευ τῆς τῶν δεσποτῶν 
γνώμης, ἀνατροπὴν τὸ τοιοῦτο ἐργά- 
ζεσθαι" εἰ δέ ποτε καὶ ἄξιος φανείη 
ὁ οἰκέτης πρὸς χειροτονίαν βαθμοῦ, 
οἷος καὶ ὁ ἡμέτερος ᾽Ονήσιμος ἐφάνη, 


ἐξαποστελοῦσι, γινέσθω. 

6 Tolet. 1. c. 10. (t. 2. p. 1225 a.) 
Clericos, si quidem obligati sint [al. 
si qui obligati sunt] vel pro equa- 
tione, vel [de] genere alicujus do- 
mus, non ordinandos, nisi probatz 
vite fuerint, et patroni [al. patrono- 
rum] consensus accesserit. 

7 Ὁ. 80. (t. 1. p. 979 a.) Prohi- 
bendum est, ut liberti, quorum pa- 
troni in seculo fuerint, ad clerum 
provehantur [al. non promovean- 
tur. | 





—— ee ee χὰ..." Ὅν »- 


outward state and condition. 57 


them only a conditional freedom, and still retained a right to 
exact certain services and manual labours of them, which would 
not consist with the service of the Church. The imperial laws® 


also made provision in this case, that no persons under such 


obligations should be admitted to any offic¢ of the clergy; or 
if they were admitted merely to evade their obligations, their 
masters should have power to recall them to their service, 
unless they were bishops or presbyters, or had continued 
thirty years in some other office of the Church. By which it 
appears that the ordination of such persons was prohibited 
only upon a civil account; not because that state of life was 
sinful, or that it was any undervaluing or disgrace to the 
function to have such persons ordained, but because the duties 
of the civil and ecclesiastical state would not well consist toge- 
ther. 

8. For the same reason the laws forbad the ordination of Nor any 
any persons who were incorporated into any society for the Moree, 
service of the commonwealth, unless they had first obtained company 
the leave of the society and prince under whom they served. of ΒΞ 
This is the meaning of that law of Justinian? which forbids me who 
any of those called ταξεῶται or cohortales, that is, the officers to the ser- 
or apparitors of judges, to be ordained, unless they had first Vice of the 
spent fifteen years in a monastic life. And the first Council wealth. 
of Orleans!® requires expressly, either the command of the 
prince, or the consent of the judge, before any such secular 


officer be ordained. By the laws of Theodosius Junior! and 


8 Valentin. 3. Novel. 12. ad calc. cohortales neque decuriones clerici 


Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 26.) 
Nullus originarius, inquilinus, ser- 
vus, vel colonus ad clericale munus 
accedat ... ut vinculum debitz con- 
ditionis evadat. . . . Originarii(p. 27.) 
sane vel servi, qui jugum natalium 
declinantes ad ecclesiasticum se or- 
i transtulerunt, exceptis epi- 
scopis et presbyteris, ad dominorum 
jura t, si non in eodem offi- 
cio annum tricesimum compleve- 
vee τ 
ovel, 123. 6. 15. (t. 5. ἢ. 547.) 
Sed neque curialem, aut Patcislon, 
clericum fieri permittimus ... Nisi 
forsan monasticam vitam aliquis eo- 
rum ἜΝ μον quindecim τ τω 
implevit. e passage, as cite 
the author, reads thus, Sed ἔν 


Junto. .... Dempto, si monachicam 
aliquis ex ipsis vitam non minus quin- 
decim annis transegerit :—a more 
exact rendering of the Greek. Vid. 
Ed. Amstel. 1663. p. 171. <n 

10 Ὁ. 4. (t. 4. p. 1405 d.).... Nul- 
lus secularium ad clericatus officium 
preesumatur, nisi aut cum regis jus- 
sione, aut cum judicis voluntate. 

11 Novel. 26. de Corporatis Urb. 
Rom. ad cale. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. 
append. p. 13.) Illustris magnificen- 
tia tua pragmatici nostri tenore com- 
perto sciat, corporatum urbis Ro- 
mz, qui, non expleto ordine cceepti 
officii, priusquam ad primum iter 
favos ad locum emeritus pervenerit, 
ad militize cujuslibet cingulum se 
credidit transferendum, corporibus, 


58 Qualifications for ordination : IV. iv. 


Valentinian the Third 13, all corporation-men are forbidden to 
be ordained; and if any such were ordained among the infe- 
rior clergy, they were to be reclaimed by their respective 
companies; if among the superior, bishops, presbyters, or 
deacons, they must provide a proper substitute, qualified with 
their estate, to serve in the company from whence they were 
taken. The reader that is curious in this matter may find 
several other laws in the Theodosian Code!8, made by the 
elder Valentinian and Theodosius the Great, with respect to 
particular civil societies so incorporated for the use of the 
public; no member of which might be ordained, but either 
they must quit their estates, or be liable to be recalled to the 
service which they had unwarrantably forsaken. 


Noranyof 4. For reasons of the same nature the canons were precise 
theeuria’s; in forbidding the ordination of any of those who are com- 


nes, of the 
Roman go- 
vernment. 


monly known by the name of curiales, or decuriones, in 
the Roman government; that is, such as were members of 
the curia, the court, or common-council of every city. 
These were men who by virtue of their estates were tied to 
bear the offices of their country; so that out of ther body 
were chosen all civil officers, the magistrates of every city, 
the collectors of the public revenue, the overseers of all public 
works, the pontifices or flamens who exhibited the public 
games and shows to the people, with abundance of others 


quibus nomen suum ante dicaverat, 
oportere revocari: sive etiam in 
clericorum numero reperitur, usque 
ad diaconis locum similis precepti 
conditio teneatur, &c. 

12 Novel. 12. (ibid. pp. 26. et 27.) 
li....qui.... diaconi ordinati sunt, 
suffectos pro se dare debebunt. Si 
non habent, unde sibi hac ratione 
prospiciant, ipsi ad nexum proprium 
reducantur. Ceeteris inferioris gra- 
dus ad competentia ministeria re- 
trahendis: exceptis episcopis atque 
presbyteris: servatis tamen, que de 
patrimonio talium personarum le- 
gum precedentium statuta sanxe- 
runt.... Ita ut hujus conditionis 
diaconus domino pro se vicarium 
reddat, omni pariter peculio resti- 
tuto. 

13 L, 14. tit. 4. de Suariis, leg. 8. 
(t. 5. p. 178.) Eos etiam, qui ad cle- 
ricatus se privilegia contulerunt, aut 


agnoscere oportet propriam functio- 
nem, aut ei corpori, quod declinant, 
proprii patrimonii facere cessionem. 
—L. 14. tit. 3. de Pistoribus, leg. 11. 
(ibid. p. 159.) Hae sanctione gene- 
raliter edicimus, nulli omnino ad 
ecclesias, ob declinanda pistrina, li- 
centiam pandi: quod si quis in- 
gressus fuerit, amputato privilegio 
Christianitatis, sciat se omni tem- 
pore ad consortium pistorum et 
posse et debere revocari.— L. 8. 
tit. 5. de Cursu Publico, leg. 46. 
(t. 2. p. 553-).... In his vero, qui 
non terrena sed ceelestia privilegia 
queesiverunt, hoc custodiendum esse 
sancimus, ut si quemquam ex hujus- 
modi genere hominum jam tenet 
religio sacrosancta, ejusque operam 
non potest accipere mancipatus, fa- 
cultates memorati cursus publicus 
consequatur. 


δ9 


whose offices are specified by Gothofred'+ to the number of 
twenty-two, which I need not here recite. These were always 
men of estates, whose substance amounted to the value of three 
hundred solids, which is the sum that is specified by Theodo- 
sius Junior 15 as qualifying a man to be a member of the curia: 
and both they and their estates were so tied to civil offices 
that no member of that body was to be admitted into any 
ecclesiastical office till he had first discharged all the offices of 
his country, or else provided a proper substitute, one of his 
relations qualified with his estate, to bear offices in his room. 
Otherwise the person so ordained was liable by the laws of 
the empire, of which I give a more particular account here- 
after!® in the next book, to be called back by the cwria from 
an ecclesiastical to a secular life again. Which was such an 
inconvenience to the Church, that she herself made laws to 
prohibit the ordination of any of these curiales, to avoid the 
trouble and molestation which was commonly the consequent 
of their ordination. St. Ambrose'7 assures us, ‘ that some- 


outward state and condition. 


14 Paratitlon. Cod. Theod. 1. 12. 
tit. 1. de Decurionibus. (t. 4. p. 380.) 
Inter alia [curialium] munera, hec 
erant. 1. Cure publice iis com- 
i 2. Ad prosecutiones 
destinabantur. 3. Pecuniarum ci- 
vitatis publicarum administratio eis 
committebatur. 4. Exactio item an- 
nonarum. 5. Adscriptio. 6. Sus- 
ceptores in aliis provinciis creaban- 
tur, compulsores. 7. Susceptores 
suo periculo το ρα σονας 8. Judi- 
cum precepta exsequebantur. 9. 
Gesta municipalia nie his fiebant. 
10. Mansiones, horrea, pagi his 
committebantur. κι, Preepociti 
mansionum, horreorum pagis crea- 
bantur. 12. Procuratores metallo- 
rum ex his fiebant. 13. Descrip- 
tionibus, contributionibus facultates 
eorum subjecte erant. 14. Calefa- 
ciendis thermis apud Antiochiam 
aliquid prestabant. 15. Adde et 
alia munera, veluti legationis, &c. 
16. Ut postliminio reversi suis sedi- 
bus redderentur, auxilium suum de- 
ferre debebant. 17. Palatiorum a 
transeuntium injuriis et a senio vin- 
dicandorum cura eos quoque 
pertinebat; operum publicorum cu- 


ram gessere, et reipublice pecuniez. 
18. Pericula ordinis complurima 
erant; aurum coronarium ab his 
prestabatur. 19. Cursus publici 
mancipatus ad hos aliquando perti- 
nuit, aliquando non. 20. Non suf- 
ficientibus his qui ad cursus clayu- 
laris procurationem eligendi erant, 
curiales ad hoc munus vocati. 21. 
Providebant, quo pacto pastui mili- 
tarium animalium sine lesione pro- 
vincialium consuleretur. 22. Curia- 
lium munera inferiora fuere proto- 
typiz et exactiones: scribe et logo- 
graphi curiarum munera. 
19 Novel. 38. ad cale. Cod. Theod. 
(t. 6. append. p. 17.) Illam quoque 
m Thepositio nostra non preeter- 
it, ut quisquis civis vel incola dein- 
ceps in multo obnoxius, cujus ta- 
men substantia trecentorum solido- 
rum non exsuperat quantitatem, 
fuerit repertus, habeat adipiscendi 
clericatus liberam facultatem. Eum 
vero cujus patrimonium majore 
quam definivimus zstimatione cen- 
sebitur, liceat curiz secundum ve- 
tera statuta sociari. 
16 B. 5. ch. 


17 Ep. 29. Pi aot ad Theodos. 


60 ΤΥ. ἦν: 


Qnalifications for ordination : 


times presbyters and deacons, who were thus ordained out of 
the curiales, were fetched back to serve in curial offices after 
they had been thirty years and more in the service of the 
Church.’ And therefore, to prevent this calamity, the Council 
of Illyricum, mentioned by Theodoret!8, made a decree ‘ that 
presbyters and deacons should always be chosen out of the 
inferior clergy, and not out of these curiales, organy other 
officers of the civil government.’ Innocent, bishop of Rome, 
frequently refers to this rule of the Church in his Epistles 19, 
where he gives two reasons against their ordination. First, 
‘that they were often recalled by the curia to serve in civil 
offices, which brought some tribulation upon the Church.’ 
Secondly, ‘ because many of them had served in the office of 
flamens2° after baptism, and were crowned, as the heathen 
high-priests were used to be, while they exhibited the public 
games and shows to the people.’ Which, though it was in- 
dulged by the Civil Law in Christian magistrates, yet the 
Church reckoned a crime, for which men were sometimes 
obliged to do public penance, as appears from the canons of 
the Council of Eliberis?!; and consequently such a crime as 
made men irregular and incapable of ordination. So that 
upon both accounts these curtales were to be excluded from 
the orders of the Church. And though this rule by the im- 
portunity of men was sometimes transgressed, yet the laws 
both of Church and State always stood in force against such 
ordinations; and sometimes the ordainers themselves were 
punished with ecclesiastical censures. Of which there is a 


(t. 2. p. 954 6. n. 29.).... Per tri- 
ginta et innumeros annos presbyteri 
quidam gradu functi, vel ministri 
ecclesiz retrahuntur ἃ munere sacro, 
et curie deputantur. 

18 L. 4. c. 0. (Vv. 3. p. 159. 14.) 
Ὁμοίως te καὶ πρεσβυτέρους καὶ dia- 
κόνους, ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἱερατικοῦ τάγ- 
ματος.... καὶ μὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ βουλευτη- 
ρίου καὶ στρατιωτικῆς ἀρχῆς. [1α. 
Labb. CC. t. 2. p. 821 ο. Ep. ] 

19 Ep. 4. c. 3. (CC. t. 2. p.1261 a.) 
De curialibus .... manifesta ratio 
est, quoniam etsi inveniantur hujus- 
modi viri qui debeant clerici fieri, 
tamen quoniam sepius ad curiam 
repetuntur, cavendum ab his est 


propter tribulationem, que szpe de 
his ecclesiz provenit. 

20 Ep. 24. c. 4. (ibid. 1282 b.) Ne- 
que de curialibus aliquem venire ad 
ecclesiasticum ordinem posse, qui 
post baptismum vel coronati fuerint, 
vel sacerdotium, quod dicitur, sus- 
tinuerint, et editiones publicas cele- 
braverint, &c. 

21C, 4. (t. 1. p. 971 a.).... Fla- 
mines, qui non immolaverint, sed 
munus tantum dederint, eo quod 
se a funestis abstinuerunt sacrifi- 
ciis, placuit, in fine eis preestari com- 
munionem : acta tamen legitima poe- 
nitentia. 


61 


outward state and condition. 


famous instance related by Sozomen2?, who says the Council 
of Constantinople, anno 360, deposed Neousa/feom: his bishop- 
ric for ordaining some of these curiales bishops. Sozomen 
indeed calls them πολιτευόμενοι, but that is but another name 
for curiales, whom the Greeks otherwise term βουλευταὶ, 
counsellors ; and the Latins municipes, burghers, or corpora- 
tion-men ; and minor senatus®, the little senate of every city, 
in opposition to the great senate of Constantinople and Rome. 
These persons, whatever denomination they went by, were so 
entirely deyoted to the service of the commonwealth, that till 
they had some way or other discharged that duty, they might 
not, as appears, be admitted to serve in any office of the 
Church. 

5. Indeed it was a general rule in this matter, as we learn Nor any 
from one of the Councils of. Carthage‘, ‘that no one was to be Proctor or 
ordained who was bound to any sobalbs service.’ And for that till his office 
reason it was decreed by the same Council”, at least for the a 
Churches of Afric, ‘that no agent or factor in other men’s 
business, nor any guardian of orphans, should be ordained, till 
his office and administration was perfectly expired; because 
the ordination of such would otherwise turn to the reproach 
and defamation of the Church.’ But, if I mistake not, this 
prohibition did not extend to the inferior orders, but only to 
those whose office was to serve at the altar. 

6. In some Churches there seems also to have been an ab- Pleaders at 
solute prohibition and rule against ordaining advocates or ee 
pleaders at law, not only whilst they continued in their pro- in the 
fession, but for ever after. This seems to have been the custom eon 


~ 221. 4. c. 24. (v. 2. DP. 170. 30.) tioni vestree videtur procuratores et 


Νέωνα δὲ [καθαιροῦσι] ὡς .... ἀπεί- actores, tutores etiam seu curatores 
ρους τινὰς ἱερῶν γραφῶν καὶ θεσμῶν pupillorum, si debeant ordinari? Gra- 
ἐκκλησίας, ἀπερισκέπτως πολιτευο- tus episcopus dixit: Si post deposita 
μένους ὄντας, ἐπισκόπους καταστή- universa, et reddita ratiocinia, actus 
σαντα. vite ipsorum fuerint comprobati in 


- 88 Majorian. Novel. 1. ad calc. 
Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 32.) 
Curiales servos esse reipublice ac 
viscera civitatum nullus_ ignorat, 
quorum coetum recte appellavit an- 
tiquitas minorem senatum. 
C. 9. (t. 2. p. 1825 b.) Obnoxii 
alienis negotiis non ordinentur. 
25 C. 8. (ibid. a.) Magnus episco- 
pus Aptungensis dixit: Quid dilec- 


omnibus, debent et cum laude, cleri, 
si postulati fuerint, honore mune- 
rari. Si enim ante libertatem nego- 
tiorum vel officiorum ab aliquo sine 
consideratione fuerint ordinati, ec- 
clesia infamatur. Universi dixerunt: 

omnia statuit sanctitas tua: 
ideoque tua nostra est quoque sen- 
tentia. 


62 Qualifications for ordination. IV. iv. 


of the Roman and Spanish Churches. For Innocent, bishop 
of Rome, in a letter2® to the Council of Toledo, complains of 
an abuse then crept into the Spanish Church, which was, that 
many who were exercised in pleading at the bar were called to 
the priesthood. To correct which abuse, as he deemed it, he 
proposed this rule to them to be observed?7, ‘that no one who 
had pleaded’ causes after baptism should be admitted to any 
order of the clergy.’ What particular reasons the Church of 
Rome might then have for this prohibition I cannot say; but it 
does not appear that this was the general rule of the whole 
Catholic Church. For the Council of Sardica?® allows a lawyer 
even to be ordained bishop, if he first went regularly through 
the offices of reader, deacon, and presbyter; which shews, that 
the custom as to this particular was not one and the same in all 
Churches. 

7. The reader may find several other cautions given by 
Gennadius29 against ordaining any who had been actors or 
stage-players ; or energumens, during the time of their being 
possessed; or such as had married concubines, that is, wives 
without formality of law; or that had married harlots, or 
wives divorced from a former husband. But I need not insist 
upon these, since the very naming them shews all such persons 
to have been in such a state of life, as might reasonably be 
accounted a just impediment of ordination. It will be more 
material to inquire, what the ancients meant by digamy, which, 
after the Apostle, they always reckoned an objection against a 
man’s ordination ’—And whether any vow of perpetual celi- 


Also ener- 


stage-play- 
ers, &c. in 
all Church- 
es. 


26 Ep. 24. ad C. Tolet. Ἂς. 4. (CC. 
ibid. p. 1281 c.).... Quantos ex eis, 
qui post acceptam baptismi gratiam, 
in forensi exercitatione versati sunt, 
et obtinendi pertinaciam suscepe- 
runt, accitos [8]. adscitos| ad sacer- 
dotium esse comperimus ? 

27 Ibid. c. 6. (b.) Ne quispiam ... 
ad ordinem debeat clericatus ad- 
mitti...qui causas post acceptum 
baptismum egerit. 

28 C. το. (ibid. p. 636 b.) Ὅσιος 
ἐπίσκοπος eine’ Kal τοῦτο ἀναγκαῖον 
εἶναι νομίζω, ἵνα μετὰ πάσης ἀκριβείας 
καὶ ἐπιμελείας ἐξετάζοιτο, ὥστε ἐάν 
τις πλούσιος, ἢ σχολαστικὸς ἀπὸ τῆς 
ἀγορᾶς ἀξιοῖτο ἐπίσκοπος γίνεσθαι, μὴ 


πρότερον καθίστασθαι, ἐὰν μὴ καὶ 
ἀναγνώστου, καὶ διακόνου, καὶ πρεσ- 
βυτέρου ὑπηρεσίαν ἐκτελέσῃ" ἵνα καθ᾽ 
ἕκαστον βαθμὸν, ἐάνπερ ἄξιος νομισ- 
θείη, εἰς τὴν ἁψίδα τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς 
κατὰ προκοπὴν διαβῆναι δυνηθείη. 

29 De Eccles. Dogmat. c. 72. [8]. 
39.| (int. Oper. August. t. 8. ap- 
pend. p. 79 d.)..... Neque eum 
[ordinandum] qui unam quidem, 
sed concubinam, non matronam ha- 
buit. Neque illum qui viduam, aut 
repudiatam, vel meretricem in ma- 
trimonio sumpsit .... Neque illum, 
qui usuras accepisse convincitur, aut 
in scena lusisse dignoscitur. 


$7. v. 1, 2. Of digamy and celibacy. 63 


bacy was exacted of the ancient clergy, when they were 
admitted to the orders of the Church ’—Which, because they 
are questions that-eome properly under this head, it will not 
be amiss to resolve distinctly, but briefly, in the following 
chapter. 


CHAP. V. 
Of the state of digamy and celibacy in particular, and of the 

laws of the Church about these in reference to the ancient 

clergy. 

1. As to what concerns digamy, it was a primitive apostolical ne bay 
rule, ‘that a bishop or a deacon should be one who was the ordained, 
husband of one wife only,’ on which rule all the laws against Py the tule 
digamy in the primitive Church were founded. But then we postle. 
are to observe, that the ancients were not exactly agreed about 
the sense of that apostolical rule; and that occasioned different 
notions and different practices among them in reference to the 
ordination of digamists. 

2. One very common and prevailing notion was, that all Three dif- 
persons were to be refused orders as digamists who were twice ᾿πεαρὸς, τᾷ 
married after baptism, though legally and successively to two — — 
wives one after another. For though they did not condemn gamy: 1. 
second marriages as sinful and unlawful with the Novatians a ey 
and Montanists, yet upon presumption that the Apostle had were to be 
forbidden persons twice married to be ordained bishops, they S7™s¢ ¢™ 
repelled such from the superior orders of the Church. That gamistswho 
this was the practice of some Churches in the time of Ori- santa ip 
gen, may appear from what he says in his Comments upon ‘er>aptism. 
St. Luke®°, ‘that not only fornication, but marriages excluded 
men from the dignities of the Church; for no digamist could 
be either bishop, or presbyter, or deacon, or deaconess in the 
Church.’ Tertullian, when he became a Montanist, laid hold 
of this argument, and urged it to decry second marriages in 
all persons; pleading*!, ‘that a layman could not in decency 


desire licence of the ecclesiasties to be married a second time, 


#0 Hom. 17. in Luc. p. 228. (t.3. 581 De Monogam. 6. 11. (Ρ. 531 ¢-) 
P- 953 e.) Ab ecclesiasticis dignitati- Qualis es id matrimonium postulans, 
us non solum fornicatio, sed et quod eis, a quibus postulas, non 
nuptie repellunt: neque enim epi- licet habere? Ab episcopo mono- 
scopus, nec presbyter, nec diaconus, Ὁ, a presbyteris et diaconis ejus- 
nec vidua, possunt esse digami. em sacramenti, &c. 


64 


Laws of the Church 


seeing the ecclesiastics themselves, bishops, presbyters, and 


deacons were but once married 


; which he repeats frequently 
in several parts®? of his writings. 


And it cannot be denied, 


but that many other ancient writers, St. Ambrose®?, St. Jerom*4, 
Gennadius®°, Epiphanius®®, and the Councils of Agde®7 and 


Carthage**, put the same sense 


82 De Exhort. Castitat. ¢c. 7. (p. 
521 d.) Ecce enim in veteri lege 
animadverto castratam licentiam sz- 
pius nubendi..Apud nos plenius 
atque instructius [al. structius | 
prescribitur, unius esse matrimoni 
oportere, qui alleguntur in ordinem 
sacerdotalem. Usque adeo quos- 
dam memini digamos loco dejectos. 
—Ad Uxor. 1. 1. c. 7. (p. τόρ c.) 
Quantum detrahant, [fidei] quan- 
tum obstrepant sanctitati nuptiz 
secunde, disciplina ecclesiz et pre- 
scriptio Apostoli declarat, cum di- 
gamos non sinit presidere, etc. 

© De Ofc. ἼἽς 2. 6. 80. 1% 2; 
Ρ. 66 b. n. 257.) De castimonia au- 
tem quid loquar, quando una tan- 
tum, nec repetita permittitur co- 
pula? Et in ipso ergo conjugio lex 
est, non iterare conjugium, nec se- 
cundz conjugis sortiri conjunctio- 
nem. Quod plerisque mirum vide- 
tur, cur etiam ante baptismum ite- 
rati conjugii ad electionem muneris 
et ordinationis prerogativam impe- 
dimenta generentur ; cum etiam de- 
licta obesse non soleant, si lavacri 
remissa fuerint sacramento. Sed 
intelligere debemus, quia baptismo 
culpa dimitti potest, lex aboleri non 
potest. In conjugio non culpa, sed 
lex est. Quod culpz est igitur, in 
baptismate relaxatur: quod legis 
est, In conjugio non solvitur. 

34 Ep. 2. [al. 52.] ad Nepotian. (t. 
I. p. 267 a. ἢ. 16.) Preedicator con- 
tinentiz nuptias ne conciliet. Qui 
Apostolum legit dicentem, Superest, 
ut qui habent uxores, sic sint, quasi 
non habeant; cur virginem cogit ut 
nubat? Qui de monogamia sacerdos 
est, quare viduam hortatur, ut di- 
gama sit?—Ep. 11. [al.123.] ad A- 
geruch. (ibid. p. 898 d. n. 6.).... 
Considera, quod vidua non eligatur, 
nisi unius viri uxor: et nos pu- 
tamus sacerdotum hoc tantum esse 
privilegium, ut non admittatur ad 


upon the words of the Apostle. 


altare, nisi qui unam habuerit uxo- 
rem. Non solum enim ab officio 
sacerdotii digamus excluditur, sed 
et ab eleemosyna ecclesiz, dum in- 
digna putatur stipe, que ad se- 
cunda conjugia devoluta est. Quam- 
quam lege sacerdotali teneatur, et 
laicus, qui talem preebere se debet, 
ut possit eligi in sacerdotium. Non 
enim eligitur, si digamus fuerit. 
Porro eliguntur ex laicis sacerdotes. 
Ergo, et laicus tenetur mandato, 
per quod ad sacerdotium pervenitur. 
—Ep. 83. [al. 69.] ad Ocean. (ibid. 
p- 412 e. ult. lm. et p. 413 a. 
n. 3.) In utraque Epistola ['Timothei 
et Titi] sive episcopi, sive presbyteri 
..jubentur monogami in clerum 
eligi. 

85 De Eccles. Dogmat. c. 73. [al. 
39.| (int. Oper. August. t. 8. ap- 
pend. p. 79 c.) Maritum duarum 
post baptismum matronarum cleri- 
cum non ordinandum. 

36 Expos. Fid. ἢ. 21. (t. 1. p. 
1104 a.) Δευτερόγαμον οὐκ ἔξεστι 
δέχεσθαι ἐν αὐτῇ [ἐκκλησίᾳ εἰς ἱερω- 
σύνην, κἄντε ἐγκρατευόμενος εἴη χῆ- 
ρος, [corruptus hic locus. Petav. in 
marg.| ἀπαρχῆς τάξεως ἐπισκόπου, 
καὶ πρεσβυτέρου, καὶ διακόνου, καὶ 
ὑποδιακόνου' μετὰ ταύτην τὴν ἱερω- 
σύνην λοιπὸν ἀναγνωστῶν τάγμα ἐξ 
ὅλων τῶν ταγμάτων, τουτέστι παρ- 
θένων, καὶ μοναζόντων, καὶ ἐγκρατευο- 
μένων, καὶ χηρευσάντων, καὶ τῶν ἔτι 
ἐν σεμνῷ γάμῳ. 

87 C. 1. (t. 4. p. 1383 a.) ... Pla- 
cuit de bigamis aut internuptarum 
maritis, quamquam aliud patrum 
statuta decreverint, ut qui huc us- 
que ordinati sunt, habita misera- 
tione, presbyterii vel diaconatus no- 
men tantum obtineant; officium 
vero presbyteri consecrandi, et mi- 
nistrandi hujusmodi diacones non 
presumant. 

38 Carth. 4. c. 69. (t. 2. p. 1205 ¢.) 
Simili sententiz subjacebit episco- 


$3, 4. 


ΟΝ i a μ΄ -.-.- “ὦ. ee, 


respecting digamy and celibacy. 65 


Only Epiphanius puts a distinction between the superior and 
inferior orders, making the rule in this sense obligatory to the 
former, but not to the latter. 

8. Some there are again who gave the rule a stricter expo- Secondly, 
sition, making it a prohibition not only of ordaining persons ("S's Si, 
twice married after baptism, but also such as were twice mar- Tule to all 
ried before it, or once before and once after ; as many Gentiles oe sngaali 
and catechumens happened to be in those times, when baptism Ted, τῆνον 
was administered to adult persons. St. Ambrose 29 was of or after 
opinion, that even these were to be excluded from ordination ; »“ 
and so it was decreed by Innocent, bishop of Rome*°, and the 
Council of Valencia*! in France. But this opinion was ge- 
nerally rejected by others as furthest from the sense of the 
Apostle. 

4. The most probable opinion is that of those ancient writers Thirdly, 
who interpret the Apostle’s rule as a prohibition of ordaining robable 
polygamists, or such as had married many wives at the same opinion of 


; st is hose wh 
time ; and such as had causelessly put away their wives, and chought hs 


pus, si sciens ordinaverit clericum 
eum, qui viduam aut repudiatam 
uxorem habuit, aut secundam. 
39 Ep. 82. [al. 63.] ad Vercellens. 
(t. 2. p. 1037 a. n. 63.) Plerique ita 
mentantur, unius uxoris virum 
dici post baptismum habite; eo 
quod baptismo vitium sit ablutum, 
quo afferebatur impedimentum. Et 
vitia quidem atque peccata diluun- 
tur omnia; ut si quis contamina- 
verit suum corpus cum plurimis, 
quas nulla conjugii lege sociaverit, 
remittantur ei omnia: sed conjugi 
non resolvuntur, si quis iteraverit ; 
culpa enim lavacro, non lex solvi- 
tur: nulla enim culpa conjugii, sed 
lex est. ... Ideo et postolus legem 
posuit, dicens: Si quis sine crimine 
est, unius uxoris vir. Ergo qui sine 
crimine est, unius uxoris vir, tene- 
tur ad legem sacerdotii suscipiendi : 
qui autem iteraverit conjugium, cul- 
pam quidem non habet coinquinati, 
sed τοῖβς δας exuitur sacerdotis. 
40 Ep. 2. c. 6. (CC. t. 2. p. 1251 a.) 
.... Ne aliquibus existimetur, ante 
baptismum si forte quis accepit ux- 
orem, et, ea de seculo recedente, al- 
teram duxérit, in baptismo esse di- 


BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


missum, satis errat a regula: quia 
in baptismo peccata remittuntur, 
non acceptarum uxorum numerus 
aboletur.—Ep. 23. c. 6. (ibid. p. 
1278 ἃ.) Nec illud debere admitti, 
quod aliquanti pro defensione pravi 
erroris opponunt, et asserunt, quod 
ante baptismum [μα accepta non 
debeat imputari quia in baptismo]| 
omnia dimittuntur; non intelligen- 
tes hujusmodi, quod sola in baptis- 
mo omnia [al. peccata] dimittuntur, 
non uxorum numerus aboletur. 
[The words between the first pair 
of brackets are not read in Labbe. 
Ep.|—Conf. Ep. 22. ς. 2. (ibid. p. 
1272 e.) Deinde ponitur, non dici 
τι tae bi um, eum qui cate- 
chumenus habuerit atque amiserit 
uxorem, &c. 

41 C. 1. (ibid. p. 905 a.) Sedit 
igitur neminem post hanc synodum, 
qua ejusmodi illicitis vel sero suc- 
curritur, de digamis, aut internup- 
tarum maritis, ordinari clericum 

Nec requirendum, utrumne 
initiati sacramentis divinis, anne 
gentiles, hac se infelicis sortis ne- 
cessitate macularint, cum divini 
preecepti casta sit forma. 


F 


Apostle by 
digamists 
meant po- 
lygamists, 
and such 
as. married 
after a di- 
vorce. 


66 Laws of the Church 


married. others after divorcing the former; which were then 
very common practices both among Jews and Gentiles, but 
scandalous in themselves, and such as the Apostles would have 
to be accounted just impediments of ordination. This is the 
sense which Chrysostom 42 and Theodoret +4? propose and defend 
as most agreeable to the mind of the Apostle. And it is cer- 
tain that second marriages in any other sense were not always 
an insuperable objection against men’s ordination in the Chri- 
stian Church. For Tertullian‘* owns that there were bishops 


-among the Catholics who had been twice married; though, in 


his style, that was an affront to the Apostle. And it appears 
from the Letters of Siricius+> and Innocent*¢ that the bishops 
of Spain and Greece made no scruple to ordain such generally 
among the clergy; for they take upon them to reprove them 
for it. Theodoret, agreeably to his own notion, ordained one 
Irenzeus bishop, who was twice married; and, when some ob- 
jected against the legality of the ordination upon that account, 


42 Hom. το. in 1 Tim. 3, 2. (t. 11. 
Ῥι 598 f.).. “Μιᾶς γυναικὸς ἄνδρα" οὐ 
νομοθετῶν τοῦτό φησιν, ὡς μὴ εἶναι 
ἐξὸν ἄ ἄνευ τούτου γίνεσθαι, ἀλλὰ τὴν 
ἀμετρίαν κωλύων" ἐπειδὴ ἐπὶ τῶν Ἴου- 
δαίων ἐξῆν καὶ δευτέροις ὁμιλεῖν γά- 
μοις, καὶ δύο ἔ ἔχειν κατὰ ταὐτὸν γυναῖ- 
kas" τίμιος γὰρ ὁ γάμος. τινὲς δὲ, ἵ ἵνα 
μιᾶς γυναικὸς ἀνὴρ ἧ, φασὶ τοῦτο εἰ- 
ρῆσθαι.----Οοπῇ. Hom. 2. in Tit. 1, 6. 
(p. 738 a. Je  Emoropicer τοὺς aipe- 
TLKOUS Tous τὸν γάμον διαβάλλοντας, 
δεικνὺς, ὅ ὅτι τὸ πρᾶγμα οὔκ ἐστιν ἐνα- 
γὲς, ἀλλ᾽ οὕτω τίμιον, ὡς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ 
δύνασθαι καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ἅγιον. ἀναβαίνειν 
θρόνον. ἐν ταὐτῷ δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀσελγεῖς 
κολάζων, καὶ οὐκ ἀφεὶς μετὰ δευτέρου 
γάμου τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐγχειρίζεσθαι ταύ- 
την᾽ ὁ γὰρ πρὸς τὴν ἀπελθοῦσαν μη- 
δεμίαν φυλάξας εὔνοιαν, πῶς ἂν οὗτος 
γένοιτο προστάτης καλός: ; τίνα δὲ οὐκ 
ἂν ὑποσταίη κατηγορίαν : ; ἴστε γὰρ 
ἅπαντες, ἴστε ὅτι εἰ μὴ κεκώλυται 
παρὰ τῶν νόμων τὸ δευτέροις ὁμιλεῖν 
γάμοις, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως πολλὰς ἔχει τὸ 
πρᾶγμα κατηγορίας" οὐδεμίαν οὖν 
παρέχειν λαβὴν τοῖς ἀρχομένοις τὸν 
ἄρχοντα βούλεται. 

43 In 1 Tim. 3, 2. (t. 3. part. 1. 

Ρ. 653.) Πάλαι γὰρ sleeper kal 
acs καὶ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, καὶ δύο καὶ 


τρισὶ καὶ πλείοσι γυναιξὶ νόμῳ γάμου 
κατὰ ταὐτὸν συνοικεῖν" τινὲς. Oe καὶ 
νῦν, καίτοι τῶν βασιλικῶν νόμων δύο 
κατὰ ταὐτὸν ἄγεσθαι κωλυόντων γυ- 
ναῖκας, καὶ παλλακῖσι μίγνυνται, καὶ 
ἑταίραις" ἔφασαν τοίνυν, τὸν θεῖον 
᾿Απόστολον εἰρηκέναι, τὸν μιᾷ μόνῃ 
γυναικὶ συνοικοῦντα , σωφρόνως, τῆς 
ἐπισκοπικῆς ἄξιον εἶναι χειροτονίας" 
οὐ γὰρ τὸν δεύτερον, φασὶν, ἐξέβαλε 
γάμον, ὅγε πολλάκις τοῦτο γενέσθαι 
κελεύσας. 

44 De Monogam. 6. 12. (p. 533 b.) 
Quod [al. quot] enim et digami 
president apud vos, insultantes uti- 
que Apostolo? 

45 Ep, τ. δα Himer. Tarracon. c. 8. 
(CC. t. 2. p. 1021 a.).. Apostolus. . 
unius uxoris virum tam sacerdotem, 

uam diaconum fieri debere man- 
avit. Quz omnia ita a vestrarum 
regionum despiciuntur episcopis, 
quasi in contrarium magis fuerint 
constituta. 

46 Ep. 22. ad Episc. Macedon. 6.1. 
(ibid. p. 1272 d.) Eos, qui viduas 
accepisse suggeruntur uxores, non 
solum clericos effectos agnovi, ve- 
rum etiam usque ad infulas summi 
sacerdotii pervenisse : quod contra 
legis esse preecepta nullus ignorat. 


ΟῚ 
" iy i 


84, 5. respecting digamy and celibacy. 67 
he defended it by the common practice of other Churches. 
* Herein,’ says he*7, “1 followed the example of my predeces- 
| sors. Alexander, ἜΡΚᾺ of the apostolical see of Antioch, with 
| Acacius of Bercea, ordained Diogenes, a digamist; and Praylius 
ordained Domninus of Ceesarea, a digamist likewise. Proclus, 
bishop of Constantinople, received and approved the ordination 
of many such; and so do the bishops of Pontus and Palestine, 
among whom no controversy is made about it.’ From hence it 
appears, that the practice of the Church varied in this matter ; 
and that therefore Bellarmin and other Romanists very much 
abuse their readers when they pretend that the ordination of 
digamists, meaning persons twice lawfully married, is both 
against the rule of the Apostle and the universal consent and 
practice of the Church. 

5. They still more abuse their readers in pretending that a No vow of 
vow of perpetual celibacy, or abstinence from conjugal society, parson Ste: 
was required of the clergy, as a condition of their ordination, jen clergy, 
even from the apostolical ages. For the contrary is very evi- pes Saal 
dent from innumerable examples of bishops and presbyters, πὰς σενχ' 

or the 
who lived in a state of matrimony without any prejudice to three first 
their ordination or function. It is generally agreed by ancient “6° 
writers that most of the Apostles were married. Some*® say, 
all of them, except St. Paul and St. John. Others say, St. Paul 


was married also, because he writes to his yoke-fellow, whom 





es δ 


_ 47 Ep. 110. ad Doma. (t. 4. part. 
2. p. 1180.) Eis τὸ τῆς διγαμίας, τοῖς 
πρὸ ἡμῶν ἠκολουθήσαμεν" καὶ γὰρ ὁ 
τῆς μακαρίας καὶ ὁσίας μνήμης ᾿Αλέ- 

ς, ὁ τὸν ἀποστολικὸν τοῦτον 


ρο 

cel θρόνον, σὺν τῷ μακαριω- 
τάτῳ ᾿Ακακίῳ τῆς Βεροίας ἐπισκόπῳ, 
τὸν τῆς a8 μνήμης Διογένην 
εἰν μορφὴ ἔγαμον ὄντα ὡσαύτως 

καὶ ὁ μακάριος Πραὔλιος Δομνῖνον 
τὸν πο νν δέγαμον ὄντα" ἔθει 
τοίνυν ἠκολουθήσαμεν, καὶ ἀνδράσιν 
ἐπισήμοις, καὶ ἐπὶ γνώσει καὶ βίῳ 
πολυθρυλλήτοις" πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα 
τοιαῦτα δεδιδαγμένος ὁ τῆς μακαρίας 
μνήμης Πρόκλος, ὁ τῆς Κωνσταντι- 
νουπολιτῶν ἐ ἐπίσκοπος, καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν 
χειροτονίαν ἐδέξατο, καὶ ἔγραψεν ἐπ- 
away καὶ θαυμάζων. ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ 
οἱ πρωτεύοντες τῆς Ποντικῆς διοική- 
σεως θεοφιλέστατοι ἐπίσκοποι, καὶ οἱ 


Παλαιστῖνοι πάντες, καὶ; “οὐδεμία ἀμ- 
φιβολία περὶ τούτου γεγένηται. 

48 Ambros. al. Hilar. Diacon. in 
2 Cor. 11, 2. (t. 2. append. p.-198 b.) 
Omnes Apostoli, exceptis Joanne et 
Paulo, uxores habuerunt.— Epiphan. 
Her. 78. Antidicomar. n. 10. (t. 1. 
Ρ. 1042 ¢. ) Ei ἦ ἦσαν δὲ τέκνα τῇ Μα- 
ρίᾳ, καὶ εἰ ὑπῆρχεν αὐτῇ ἀνὴρ, τίνι 
λόγῳ παρεδίδου τὴν Μαρίαν τῷ Ἴω- 
άννῃ, καὶ Tov’ Ιωάννην τῇ Μαρίᾳ; τίνι 
δὲ λόγῳ Πέτρῳ μᾶλλον οὐ παρα- 
δίδωνι; 408 δὲ τῷ λόγῳ ᾿Ανδρείᾳ, 
Ματθαίῳ τε; καὶ Βαρθολομαίῳ ; ἀλλὰ 
δῆλον ὅτι ᾿Ιωάννῃ διὰ τὴν παρθενίαν. 
—Cotelerius cites Eusebius, Basil, 
and some others, for the same opin- 
ion. Vid. Not. in Ignat. Ep. ad 
Philadelph. Interpolat. n. 4. See 
note 52, following. 


F 2 


08 Laws of the Church IV. v. 
they interpret his wife. Phil. 4,3. This was the opinion of 
Clemens Alexandrinus‘?, wherein he seems to be followed by 
Eusebius 5°, and Origen®!, and the author of the interpolated 
Epistle to the Church of Philadelphia®? under the name of 
Ignatius; whom some modern Romanists, mistaking him for 
the true Ignatius, have most disingenuously mangled, by 
erasing the name of Paul out of the text: which foul dealing 
bishop Usher*? has exposed, and Cotelerius*4 does in effect 
confess it, when he owns that the author himself wrote it, and 
that he therein followed the authority of Clemens, Origen, and 
Eusebius. But passing by this about St. Paul, which is a mat- 
ter of dispute among learned men, the major part inclining to 
think that he always lived a single life, it cannot be denied 
that others of the Apostles were married. And in the next 
ages after them we have accounts of married bishops, presby- 
ters, and deacons, without any reproof or mark of dishonour 
set upon them. As to instance in a few, Valens, presbyter of 
Philippi, mentioned by Polycarp>>; Chsremon, bishop of Ni- 
lus, an exceeding old man, who fled with his wife to mount 
Arabion in time of persecution, where they both perished to- 
gether, as Eusebius®® informs us. Novatus was a married 
presbyter of Carthage, as we learn from Cyprian’s Epistles’. 


49 Strom. 3. p. 448. (p. 525. 18.) 
Καὶ ὅγε Παῦλος οὐκ ὀκνεῖ ἔν τινι ἐπι- 
στολῇ τὴν αὐτοῦ προσαγορεύειν σύ- 
ζυγον, ἣν οὐ περὶ ἑκόμιζεν, διὰ τὸ τῆς 
ὑπηρεσίας εὐσταλές. ° 

© 1... 3. c. 30. (¥. I. ἂς 14. 252) 
Where the words of Clement, quoted 
in the preceding note, are recited, 
reading προσαγορεῦσαι. 

51 In Rom. 1. p. 459. (t. 4. p. 
461 c.) Paulus ergo, sicut quidam 
tradunt, cum uxore vocatus est: de 
om dicit, ad Philippenses scribens, 

ogo etiam te, germana compar, &c. 

52 Ep. ad Philadelph. n. 4. (Cotel. 
v. 2. p. 80.)...‘Qs Πέτρου, καὶ Tav- 
ov, kal τῶν ἄλλων ᾿Αποστόλων τῶν 
γάμοις προσομιλησάντων. 

δ8 Dissert. in Ignat. c. 17. tot, 
(Cotel. ibid. pp. 226—228.) Inter- 
polator Ignatii, &c. 

54 Not. in loc. cit. (ibid. n. 43.) 
Amplectitur Ignatiaster opinionem 
Clementis Alexandrini, Στρωματέων 
3. p. 448, et aliorum quorumdam, 


ortam ex pravo intellectu Paulino- 
rum textuum, Philipp. 4, 3. et 1 Co- 
rinth. 9, 5. quam refert etiam nec re- 
fellit Eusebius, Hist. 1. 3. c. 30; ut 
modeste fit a Nicephoro, 6. 44. 1.2: 
queeque per Origenem, initio ex- 
planationum in Epistolam ad Ro- 
manos, simpliciter cum opposita 
sententia proponitur. 

55 Ep. ad Philipp. ἢ. 11. (Cotel. 
ibid. p. 189.) Valde..contristor pro 
illo [Valente] et pro conjuge ejus. 

56 L. 6. c. 42. (v. 1. p. 308. 18.) 
Χαιρήμων ἦν ὑπεργήρως τῆς Νείλου 
καλουμένης ἐπίσκοπος πόλεως. Οὗτος 
εἰς τὸ ᾿Αράβιον ὄρος ἅμα τῇ συμβίῳ 
φυγὼν οὐκ ἐπανελήλυθεν. 

7 Ep. 49. [8]. 52.] ad Cornel. 
(p. 238.) Uterus uxoris [Novati] 
calece percussus, et abortione pro- 
perante in parricidium partus ex- 
pressus. Et damnare nunc audit 
sacrificantium manus; cum sit ipsa 
nocentior pedibus, quibus filius, qui 
nascebatur, occisus est. 


δ. 5. 


respecting digamy and celibacy. 69 


Cyprian himself was also a married man, as Mr. Pagi®* con- 
fesses; and so was Cecilius®?, the presbyter, that converted 
him. As also Numidicus, another presbyter of Carthage, of 
whom Cyprian tells us this remarkable story: ‘that in the 
Decian persecution he saw his own wife, with many other mar- 
tyrs, burnt by his side; whilst he himself, lying half burnt, 


_and covered with stones, and left for dead, was found expiring 


by his own daughter, who drew him out of the rubbish, and 
brought him to life again.’ Eusebius®! assures us that Phileas, 
bishop of Thmuis, and Philoromus had, each of them, both a 
wife and children ; for they were urged with that argument by 
the heathen magistrate to deny their religion in the Diocletian 
persecution; but they generously contemned his argument, and 
gave preference to the laws of Christ. Epiphanius® says 
Marcion the heretic was the son of a bishop, and that he was 
excommunicated by his own father for his lewdness. Domnus 
also, bishop of Antioch ®, is said to be son to Demetrian, who 


Γ ἔῃ me Baron. ~ a n. 4. 

-} (t I. p. 231. aronlus 
ον "δὶ didnt ar Hires uxo- 
rem habuisse. [The learned author 
has evidently mistaken Pagi, who 
contradicts the statement of Baro- 
nius in proof that St. Cyprian was a 
married man. En] 

59 Vid. Pont. Vit. Cypr. (p. 3.) 
Erat sane illi etiam de nobis contu- 
bernium viri justi et laudabilis me- 
morize Cecilii, et etate tune et ho- 
nore presbyteri, qui eum ad agniti- 
onem veram divinitatis a seculari 
errore correxerat. Hunc toto honore 
atque omni observantia diligebat, 
obsequenti veneratione suspiciens, 
non jam ut amicum anime cozqua- 
lem, sed tamquam nove vite pa- 
rentem. Denique, ille demulsus ejus 
obsequiis, in tantum dilectionis im- 
mense merito provocatus est; ut, 
de szculo excedens, arcessitione 
jam proxima commendaret illi con- 
jugem ac liberos suos, et quem fe- 
cerat de sectee communione partici- 

; postmodum faceret pietatis 
em. 

60 Ep. 35. [al. 40.] (p.225.). . Qui- 
que [Numidicus presbyter] uxorem 
adhzrentem lateri suo, concrematam 
simul cum ceteris, vel conservatam 


‘Kal αὐτοῦ τοῦ δικαστοῦ παρ 


magia dixerim, letus aspexit, &c. 

61 L. 8. c.g. (v. 1. p. 386. 43.) 
Οἷος Φιλόρωμος ἦν, ... Φιλέας τε τῆς 
Θμυϊτῶν ἐκκλησίας ἐπίσκοπος ... οἵ 
καὶ μυρίων ὅσων πρὸς αἵματός τε καὶ 
τῶν ἄλλων φίλων ἀντιβολούντων, ἔτι 
μὴν τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀξίας ἀρχόντων, πρὸς δὲ 
οῦν- 
τος, ὡς ἂν αὐτῶν οἶκτον λάβοιεν φειδώ 
τε παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ποιήσοιτο" 
οὐδαμῶς πρὸς τῶν τοσούτων ἐπὶ τὸ 
φιλοζωῆσαι μὲν ἑλέσθαι, καταφρονῆ- 
σαι δὲ τῶν περὶ ὁμολογίας καὶ ἀρνή- 
σεως τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν θεσμῶν ὑπ- 
ἤχθησαν, κ. τ.λ. 

62 Her. 42. Marcion. ἢ. 1. (t. 1. 
Ρ. 302 c.) Χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος προσ- 
φθείρεται παρθένῳ τινὶ, καὶ ἐξαπατή- 
σας τὴν παρθένον ἀπὸ τῆς ἐλπίδος 
αὐτήν τε καὶ ἑαυτὸν κατέσπασε, καὶ 
τὴν φθορὰν ἀπεργασάμενος, ἐξεοῦται 
τῆς ἐκκλησίας ὑπὸ τοῦ ἰδίου πατρός" 
ἦν γὰρ αὐτοῦ ὁ πατὴρ δι ὑπερβολὴν 
εὐλαβείας τῶν διαφανῶν, καὶ σφόδρα 
τῆς ἀληθείας ἐπιμελομένων, διαπρέ- 
Tov ἐν τῇ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς λειτουργίᾳ. 

63 Ap. Euseb. 1]. 7. c. 30. (Υ.1. p. 
363. 21.) ᾿Ηναγκάσθημεν οὖν ἀντι- 
τασσόμενον αὐτὸν τῷ Θεῷ καὶ μὴ 
εἴκοντα ἐκκηρύξαντες, ἕτερον ἀντ᾽ αὖ- 
τοῦ τῇ καθολικῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ καταστῆσαι 
ἐπίσκοπον Θεοῦ προνοίᾳ, ὡς πεπεί- 


70 Laws of the Church IV. Ὁ 
was bishop of the same place before him. It were easy to add 
abundance of more such instances; but these are sufficient to 
shew that men of all states were admitted to be bishops and 


presbyters in the primitive ages of the Church. 


The vanity 6, The most learned advocates of the Roman Communion 
of the con- Ὰ 

trary pre. have never found any other reply to all this, save only a 
tences. 


groundless pretence of their own imagination, that all married. 
persons, when they came to be ordained, promised to live 
separate from their wives by consent, which answered the 
vow of celibacy in other persons. This is all that Pagi® or 
Schelstrate © have to say in the case, after all the writers that 
have gone before them; which is said not only without proof, 
but against the clearest evidences of ancient history, which 
manifestly prove the contrary. For Novatus, presbyter of 
Carthage, whose case Pagi had under consideration, was cer- 
tainly allowed to cohabit with his wife after ordination; as ap- 
pears from the charge that Cyprian ® brings against him, that 
he had struck and abused his wife, and thereby caused her to 
miscarry ; for which crime he had certainly been thrust out, 
not only from the presbytery, but the Church also, had not 
the persecution coming on so suddenly prevented his trial and 
condemnation.’ Cyprian does not accuse him for cohabiting 
with his wife, or begetting children after ordination, but for 
murdering his children which he had begotten; which was 
indeed a crime that made him liable both to deposition and 
excommunication; but the other was no crime at all, by any 
law then in force in the African or in the Universal Church. 
There seems indeed in some places to have been a little 
tendency towards introducing such a law by one or two 


opeba, τὸν τοῦ μακαρίου Δημητριανοῦ 
καὶ ἐπιφανῶς προστάντος πρὸ τούτου 
τῆς αὐτῆς παροικίας υἱὸν Δόμνον, ἅπα- 
σι τοῖς πρέπουσιν ἐπισκόπῳ καλοῖς 
κεκοσμημένον. 

64 Crit. in Baron. an. 248. n. 4. 
[4]. 6.] (t. 1. p. 232.)...Annotarunt 
hee similiave exempla aliud non 
probare, quam ex matrimonio junc- 
tis ad sacerdotium fuisse promotos, 
ues postea matrimonio usos osten- 
dere debuisset Pearsonius, ut ejus 
argumentum vim haberet. 

65 Eccles. Afric. dissert. 3. 6. 4. 


ap. Pagi, ibid. (Schelstr. p. 157. ad 
fin. Schol.. 5.) Hos omnes nihil 
aliud voluisse, quam ex matrimonio 
junctis ad sacerdotium fuisse pro- 
motos, recte adnotat Pamelius, ad- 
dens, nullibi scriptum. reperiri, hos 
postea matrimonio usos : quod om- 
nis antiquitas semper tradiderat, 
continentize legem sacris illis ordi- 
nibus esse adnexam, unde et canon, 
Pudicitie custodes etiam ab uxori- 
bus se abstineant. ; 

. δ6 Ep. 4g. [al. 52.] p.97. See 
8. 5.1.57, preceding. ' 


ae 


86,7. respecting digamy and celibacy. 71 


zealous spirits; but the motion was no sooner made, than it was 
quashed immediately by the prudence and authority of wiser 

men. Thus Eusebius observes, ‘ that Pinytus, bishop of Gnossus 

in Crete, was for laying the law of celibacy upon his brethren ; 

but Dionysius®’, bishop of Corinth, wrote to him, that he 
should consider the weakness of men, and not impose that 
heavy burden upon them.’ And thus matters continued for 

three centuries without any law, that we read of, requiring 
celibacy of the clergy at the time of their ordination. 

_ 7. In the Council of Nice, anno 325, the motion was again The clergy 
renewed, that a law might pass to oblige the clergy to abstain ποδῶν a 
| from all conjugal society with their wives, which they had εν “—— 
| married before their ordination. But the proposal was no 
sooner made than Paphnutius, a famous Augyptian bishop, and 

one himself never married, vigorously declaimed against it, 
saying, ‘so heavy a burden was not to be laid upon the 
elergy ; that the marriage-bed was honourable, and that they 
should not by too great severity bring detriment on the 
Church : for all men could not bear so severe an exercise, and 

the chastity of the wives so separated would be endangered 
also.— Conjugal society,’ he said, ‘was chastity, and it was 
enough that such of the clergy as were not married before’ 

their ordination should continue unmarried, according to the 
ancient tradition of the Church; but it was not proper to 
separate any one from his wife which he had married whilst 

he was a layman.’ This said, the whole council agreed to 

stifle the motion that had been made, and left every man to 

his liberty as before. So Socrates®* and Sozomen®? tell the 
story; to which all that Valesius7°, after Bellarmin, has to say 

is, ‘ that he suspects the truth of the thing, and desires leave 

to dissent from his historians.’ Which is but a poor evasion, 

in the judgment of Du Pin himself7!, who thus reflects upon 

them for it. ‘Some question the truth of this story,’ says 





67 Ep. ad Pinytum, ap. Euseb. * 6 L. 1. c. 23. (ibid. p.41-) 
1. 4. c. 23. (v. 1. p. 186. 11.) ... Ἐν 70 Not. in Socrat. loc. cit. (ibid. 
ἡ Πίνυτον τῆς παροικίας ἐπίσκοπον p. 39. n.1.).... Tota hec narratio 
παρακαλεῖ, μὴ βαρὺ φορτίον τὸ πέρι δε Papheratio et de ccelibatu clerico- 
ἁγνείας ἐπαναγκὲς τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐπι- rum prorsus suspecta mihi  vide- 

‘va, τῆς δὲ τῶν πολλῶν καταστο- tur. 
oe ἀσθενείας. 71 Bibliothéque t. 2. p. 253- ((.. 2. 
~ 8 Lia. c. τα, (ν. 2. Ρ. 38,) - p. 318.) Quelques-uns doutent de 


72 Laws of the Church IV. v. 


he, ‘ but I believe they do it for fear the story might prejudice 
the present discipline, rather than from any solid proof they 
have for it. But they should consider that this canon is purely 
a matter of discipline, and that the discipline of the Church 
may change according to the times, and that it is not neces- 
sary for the defence of it to prove that it was always uniform 
in all places.’ So that in the judgment of that learned Roman- 
ist, there is no question to be made but that the Council of 
Nice decreed in favour of the married clergy, as the historians 
relate it did; and that then the practice was different from that 
of the present Church of Rome, which others are so unwilling 
to have the world believe. 


Andother 8. It is as evident from other Councils of the same age that 
ουρρεῦκῃ °f the married clergy were allowed to continue in the service of the 


Church, and no vow of abstinence required of them at their 
ordination. Socrates72 observes, that the Council of Gangra 
anathematized Eustathius the heretic, because he taught men 
to separate from such presbyters as retained their wives which 
they married while they were laymen, saying, their commu- 
nion and oblations were abominable. The decree is still extant 
among the canons of that Council?, and runs in these words : 
‘If any one separate from a married presbyter, as if it were 
unlawful to participate of the eucharist, when such an one 
ministers, let him be anathema.’ The Council of Ancyra 
gives leave74 to deacons to marry after ordination: ‘ If they 
protested at their ordination that they could not contmue in 
an unmarried state they might marry, and yet continue in 
their office, having in that case the bishop’s licence and permis- 
sion to do it.’ And though the Council of Neo-Czsarea in one 


\ A , « “a > /. 
kal τὴν κοινωνίαν ὡς μῦσος ἐκκλίνειν 
ἐκέλευε. 


78 C, Gangr. c. 4. (t. 2. p. 419 a.) 


la vérité de cette histoire. Je 
crois quils le font plutét dans la 
crainte quils ont que ce fait ne 


donne quelque atteinte 4 la disci- 
pline d’a présent, que parce qu’ils 
en aient quelque preuve solide. Mais 
ces personnes devroient considérer 
ro ce réglement est purement de 
iscipline, et que la discipline de 
VEglise peut changer suivant les 
temps, &c. 
721. 2. ¢. 43. (v. 2. P. 149. 10.) 
.  IpeoBurépou γυναῖκα ἔχοντος, ἣν 
κἅμῳ λαϊκὸς ὧν ἠγάγετο, τὴν εὐλογίαν 


Εἴ τις διακρίνοιτο παρὰ πρεσβυτέρου 
γεγαμηκότος, ὡς μὴ χρῆναι λειτουρ- 
γήσαντος αὐτοῦ προσφορᾶς μεταλαμ- 
βάνειν, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. 

74 C. τος (ἢ; Σ. Β. 1460 d.) Διάκο- 
vol, ὅσοι καθίστανται, παρ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν 
κατάστασιν εἰ ἐμαρτύραντο καὶ ἔφα- 
σαν χρῆναι γαμῆσαι, μὴ δυνάμενοι 
οὕτως μένειν, οὗτοι μετὰ ταῦτα αμή- 
σαντες ἔστωσαν ἐν τῇ ὑπηρεσίᾳ, διὰ τὸ 
ἐπιτραπῆναι αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου. 


ἌΝ ae 


ee ΟΝ, 





a  αδο:ΡΟ- 





respecting digamy and celibacy. 73 


canon?> forbids unmarried presbyters to marry after ordina- 
tion, yet such as were married before ordination are allowed 
by another canon7° to continue without any censure, being only 
obliged to separate from their wives in case of fornication. 
The Council of Eliberis7’, indeed, and some others in this age, 
began to be a little more rigorous toward the married clergy ; 
but it does not appear that their laws were of any great force. 
For Socrates? says ‘ even in his time, in the Eastern Churches, 
many eminent bishops begat children of their lawful wives ; 
and such as abstained did it not by obligation of any law, but 
their own yoluntary choice. Only in Thessaly, Macedonia, 
and Hellas, the clergy were obliged to abstain under pain of 
ecclesiastical censure ;’ which, he says, was occasioned ‘ by bishop 
Heliodore’s writing his book called his Ethiopics.’ So that as 
yet there was no universal decree against married bishops in 
the Greek Church, much less against presbyters and deacons. 
But the Council of Trullo, anno 692, made a difference between 
bishops and presbyters, allowing presbyters, deacons, and all 
the inferior orders to cohabit with their wives after ordina- 
tion 79, and giving the Roman Church a smart rebuke for the 


75 ©. 1. (ibid. 1480 6.) Πρεσβύτε- μετὰ τὸ κληρικὸς γενέσθαι συγκαθευ- 
ρος ἐὰν γήμῃ, τῆς τάξεως αὐτὸν μετα- δήσας αὐτῇ, ἀποκήρυκτος γίνεται" τῶν 
τίθεσθαι. ἐν ᾿Ανατολῇ πάντων γνώμῃ ἀπεχομέ- 

76 C. 8. (ibid. p. 1481 d.) Γυνή νων, καὶ τῶν ἐπισκόπων, εἰ καὶ βού- 


a ee 


Tivos μοιχευθεῖσα λαϊκοῦ ὄντος, ἐὰν 
ἐλεγχθῇ φανερῶς, ὁ τοιοῦτος εἰς ὑπη- 
ρεσίαν ἐλθεῖν οὐ δύναται" ἐὰν δὲ καὶ 
τὴν χειροτονίαν μοιχευθῇ, ὀφεί- 

εἰ ἀπολῦσαι αὐτήν" ἐὰν δὲ συζῇ, οὐ 
δύναται ἔχεσθαι τῆς ἐγχειρισθείσης 


atep ἐπηροσίαι. οὐ 
C. 33. (ibid. 974 «ς.) Placuit in 
totum prohiberi episcopis, presby- 
teris, et diaconibus, vel omnibus 
clericis positis in ministerio, absti- 
nere se a conjugibus suis, et non 
generare filios: quicumque vero fe- 
cerit, ab honore clericatus extermi- 
netur.—Conf, C. Arelat. 2. c. 2. 
(t.4. p. 1or1 ἃ.) Assumi aliquem ad 
Peednkimn non posse in conjugii 
vinculo constitutum, nisi fuerit pre- 
missa [8]. promissa]} conversio. 
78L. 5. c. 22. (v. 2. p. 296. 12.) 
— ἐγὼ καὶ ἕτερον ἔθος ἐν Θεσ- 
. Γενόμενος κληρικὸς ἐκεῖ, ἣν 
νόμῳ γαμήσας πρὶν κληρικὸς γένηται, 


λοιντο, οὐ μὴν ἀνάγκη νόμου τοῦτο 
ποιούντων" πολλοὶ γὰρ αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ 
καιρῷ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς, καὶ παῖδας ἐκ 
τῆς νομίμης ῆς πεποιήκασιν" ἀλ- 
λὰ τοῦ μὲν ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ ἔθους ἀρχη- 
γὸς ἩἩλιώδορος, Τρίκκης τῆς ἐκεῖ γε- 

μενος" οὗ λέγεται πονήματα ἐρωτικὰ 
βιβλία, ἃ νέος ὧν ἔταξε, καὶ Αἰθιοπικὰ 
προσηγόρευσε" φυλάσσεται δὲ τοῦτο 
τὸ ἔθος ἐν Θεσσαλονίκῃ, καὶ αὐτῇ Μα- 
κεδονίᾳ, καὶ Ἑλλάδι. 

79 Vid. C. Trull. c. 13. (t. 6. 
Ρ- 114 b.) Ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῇ Ῥωμαίων 
ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐν τάξει κανόνος παραδέ- 
δοσθαι διέγνωμεν, τοὺς μέλλοντας 
διακόνου ἢ πρεσβυτέρου ἀξιοῦσθαι 
χειροτονίας καθομολογεῖν, ὡς οὐκέτε 
ταῖς αὐτῶν συνάπτονται γαμεταῖς" 
ἡμεῖς τῷ ἀρχαίῳ ἐξακολουθοῦντες 
κανόνι τῆς ἀποστολικῆς ἀκριβείας καὶ 
τάξεως, τὰ τῶν ἱερῶν ἀνδρῶν κατὰ 
νόμους συνοικέσια καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν 


ἐρρῶσθαι βουλόμεθα" μηδαμῶς αὐτῶν 


74 Laws and customs in IV. vi. 


contrary prohibition; but yet laying an injunction upon bi- 
shops®° to live separate from their wives, and appointing the 
wives! to betake themselves to a monastic life, or become 
deaconesses in the Church. And so the matter was altered in 
the Greek Church as to bishops, but not any others. In the 
Latin Church also the alteration was made but by slow steps 
in many places; for in Afric even bishops themselves coha- 
bited with their wives at the time of the Council of Trullo, as 
appears from one? of the forementioned canons of that Coun- 
cil. But it is beyond my design to carry this inquiry any 
further; what has been already said being sufficient to shew 
that the married clergy were allowed to officiate in the first 
and primitive ages, and that celibacy in those times was no 
necessary condition of their ordination, as is falsely pretended 
by the polemical writers of the present Church of Rome. 

I have now gone through the several qualifications of the 
ancient clergy, concerning which inquiry was made before their 
ordination; I come now, in the next place, to consider the 
solemnity of the thing itself, together with the laws and cus- 
toms which were generally observed at the time of ordination. - 


CHAP. VI. 


Of the ordinations of the primitive clergy, and the laws and 
customs generally observed therein. 


The canons - 1. WHEN the election of a person, duly qualified according 
So to the forementioned rules was made, then it was the bishop’s 


Church to 5 ‘ ‘ 
be read to office, or the metropolitan’s, if the party elect was himself a 


πορ aay bishop, to ordain him. But before they proceeded to ordina- 
bishops or- tion, there were some other laws and rules to be observed. 
dained him. — 


τὴν πρὸς γαμετὰς συνάφειαν διαλύον- 
Tes, ἢ ἀποστεροῦντες αὐτοὺς τῆς πρὸς 
ἀλλήλους κατὰ καιρὸν τὸν προσήκοντα 
ὁμιλίας, κ. τ. A. 

80 Ibid. ὁ. 12. (a.) Καὶ τοῦτο δὲ εἰς 

γνῶσιν ἡμετέραν ἦλθεν, ὡς ἔν τε 
Αφρικῇ καὶ Λιβύῃ καὶ ἑτέροις τόποις, 
οἱ τῶν ἐκεῖσε θεοφιλέστατοι πρόεδροι 
συνοικεῖν ταῖς ἰδίαις γαμεταῖς, καὶ 
μετὰ τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ae oe χέι- 
poroviay ov παραιτοῦνται . . ἔδοξεν 
ὥστε μηδαμῶς τὸ τοιοῦτον ἀπὸ τοῦ 
νῦν γίνεσθαι, kK. τ. 


81 Ibid. c. 48. (p. 1166 c.) H τοῦ 
πρὸς ἐ ἐπισκοπῆς προεδρίαν a ἀναγομένου 
γυνὴ κατὰ κοινὴν συμφωνίαν τοῦ οἰ- 
κείου ἀνδρὸς προδιαζευχθεῖσα, μετὰ 
τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς χειροτο- 
νίαν ἐν μοναστηρίῳ εἰσίτω, πόρρω τῆς 
τοῦ ἐπισκόπου καταγωγῆς φκοδομη- 
μένῳ, καὶ τῆς τοῦ ἐπισκόπου προνοίας 
ἀπολαυέτω" εἰ δὲ καὶ ἀξία φανείη, καὶ 
πρὸς τὸ τῆς διακονίας ἀναβιβασθήσε-. 
ται ἀξίωμα. 

82 Ibid. c. 12. See n. 80, on 
ing. 


ordinations of the clergy. 75 


For, not to mention here again the oath against simony, and 
the subscriptions, which I have shewed before*®? were anciently 
required of persons to be ordained, I must not forget to note, 
that in the African Church a rule was made in the third Coun- 
ceil of Carthage**, and thence transferred into the African 
Code*®, ‘that before any bishop or other clergyman was or- 
dained, the ordainers should cause the canons of the Church 
to be read in his hearing, that they might not have cause to 
repent afterward that they had transgressed any of them.’ 
This rule was made at the instance and request of St. Austin, 
as Possidius*® notes in his Life, who says, ‘ that because he was 
ordained bishop of Hippo while Valerius was alive, which was 
contrary to the rule of the Council of Nice, which he was 
ignorant of at the time of his ordination, he therefore pre- 
yailed with the African fathers to make a decree that the 
canons of the Church should be read at every man’s ordina- 
tion.’ This rule implied a tacit promise that the party ordained 
would observe the canons that were read to him; but for 
greater security it was afterward improved into an explicit 
promise by a law of Justinian*’?, which requires every clerk, 
after the reading of the canons, to profess that, as far as it 
was possible for man to do, he would fulfil what was con- 





83 Ch. 3. 8. 2. p. 35. and 8. 14. 


ae 
3 δ C. 3. (t. 2. p. 1167 d.) Placuit, 
ut, ordinandis episcopis vel clericis, 
prius ab ordinatoribus suis decreta 
conciliorum auribus eorum incul- 
centur; ne se aliquid contra statuta 
concilii fecisse pceniteat. [ Labbe, 


asserant. | 

- 8 C, 18. (ibid. 1058 ἃ.) Ἤρεσεν, 
ὥστε «se age ἐπισκόπου 7) 
κληρικοῦ, πρότερον ἀπὸ τῶν χειροτο- 
νούντων αὐτοὺς τὰ δεδογμένα τοῖς συν- 
όδοις εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς αὐτῶν ἐντίθεσθαι" 
ἵνα μὴ ποιοῦντες κατὰ τῶν ὅρων συν- 
όδου ληθῶσιν. 

., 86 Vit. August. c. 8. (t. το. ap- 
pend. p. 262 f.) Quod in seipso [al. 
se postea |] fieri non debuisse, ut vivo 
suo episcopo ordinaretur, [postea | 
et dixit et scripsit, propter concilii 
universalis vetitum, quod jam ordi- 
_natus didicit: nec quod sibi factum 
esse doluit, aliis fieri voluit. Unde 


etiam sategit, ut conciliis constitue- 
retur episcoporum, ab ordinatoribus 
deberi ordinandis, vel ordinatis, om- 
nium statuta sacerdotum in notitiam 
esse deferenda. 

87 Novel. 6. c. 1. n. 8. (t. 5. p.52.) 
Sed etiam sic eum constitutum, et 
ad episcopatum preparatum, com- 
petens est venerabiles et undique 
probatas legere regulas ante ordina- 
tionem, quas recta et inviolata no- 
stra suscipit fides, et catholica Dei 
apostolicaque disposuit, et tradidit 
ecclesia...... Et si quidem ille de- 
claraverit, et dixerit preecepta sacra- 
rum regularum non se valere ser- 
vare; nullo modo ei ordinationem 
imponi. Si vero susceperit, et dix- 
erit, quia quantum homini est pos- 
sibile, complebit hc, qua his con- 
tinentur, tunc monere eum, et di- 
cere, quia, nisi heec observaverit, et a 


-Deo alienus erit, et cadet a jam. dato 


honore ; &c. 


76 Laws and customs in 


IV. vi. 


tained in them. Whence no doubt came those later forms of 
professing obedience to the canons of the seven general Coun- 
cils in the Greek Church; and the oath to St. Peter, taken by 
the bishops of Rome in the Latin Church, that they would 
observe the decrees of the eight general Councils. The first of 
which forms may be seen at length in Habertus®*, and the 
other in Baronius*®?, and the book called Liber Diurnus%, by 
the reader that is curious to consult them. 


No clerkto 2. Another rule to be observed in this case was, ‘ that 
be ordained every man should be fixed to some church at his ordina- 


μένως. tion, and not be left at liberty to minister wherever he would, 


because of several inconveniences that attended that practice.’ 
This rule concerned bishops, as well as the inferior clergy; for 
the nullatenenses of later ages, as Panormitan calls titular and 
utopian bishops, were rarely known in the primitive Church. 
For though every bishop was in some sense ordained bishop of 
the Catholic Church, as I have shewed before?!, yet, for order’s 
sake, he was always confined to a certain district in the ordi- 
nary exercise of his power. And so presbyters and all other 
inferior clergy were confined to the diocese of their own bi- 
shop, and might not be ordained unless they had some place 
wherein to exercise their function. This was the ancient cus- 
tom of the Church, which the Council of Chalcedon confirmed 
by a canon, ‘ that no presbyter, or deacon, or any other eccle- 


88 Archierat. Profess. Fid. (p. 
496.) Πρὸς τούτοις ἀποδέχομαι τὰς 
ἁγίας καὶ οἰκουμενικὰς ἑπτὰ συνόδους, 
αἵ τινες ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν σεπτῶν δογ- 
μάτων συνηθροίσθησαν, καθομολογῶν 
τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν διωρισμένους στέργειν 
καὶ φυλάττειν κανόνας" καὶ τὰς ἁγίας 
διατάξεις, ὅσαι τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἡμῶν πα- 
τράσι κατὰ διαφόρους καιροὺς καὶ 
χρόνους ἐτυπώθησαν, πάντας ovs ἀπο- 
δέχονται, συναποδεχόμενος, καὶ ovs 
ἀποστρέφονται συναποστρεφόμενος, 
κι τι. 

89 An. 869. (t. 10. p. 421 6.) Ego 
N, sancte Romane ecclesiz diaco- 
nus, vel presbyter, aut episcopus 
cardinalis electus, ut fiam per Dei 
gratiam hujus sancte apostolice 
sedis humilis minister, profiteor tibi, 
beate Petre, apostolorum princeps, 
&c.... De ceteris ecclesiz dogma- 
tibus sicut in universalibus Conciliis 


et Constitutionibus apostolicorum 
pontificum, probatissimorumque ec- 
clesiz doctorum scriptis sunt com- 
mendata, id est, que ad rectitudi- 
nem nostre vestreque orthodox 
fidei a te traditionem recipiunt, con- 
servare, sanctaque octo universalia 
Concilia, id est Niceenum, Constan- 
tinopolitanum, et Ephesinum pri- 
mum, Chalcedonense Quintum quo- 
que, et Sextum item Constantino- 
politanum, et Septimum item Nicz- 
num, Octavum quoque Constanti- 
nopolitanum, usque ad unum api- 
cem immutilate servare, et pari ho- 
it ac veneratione digna habere, 

ἐ: 

90 Garnerii Liber Diurnus Roma- 
norum Pontificum, Paris. 1680. 4to. 
[Ap. Biblioth. Bodleian. Ep. ] 

91 B. 2. c.g. v. Bs peg 

92 Ὁ, 6. (t. 4. p. 758 a} Μηδένα δὲ 


δ 2, 3. ordinations of the clergy. 17 


siastic should be ordained at large; but be assigned either to 
| the city-church, or some church or oratory in the country, or 
a monastery; otherwise his ordination to be null and void.’ 
This the Latins called ordinatio localis, and the persons so or- 
dained, locales, from their being fixed to a certain place. As 
in the Council of Valentia in Spain we find a canon% that 
obliges every priest, before his ordination, to give a promise 
‘that he will be localis, to the intent that no one should be 
permitted to transgress the rules and discipline of the Church 
with impunity :᾿ which they might easily do, if they were al- 
lowed to rove about from one place to another. This, in the 
style of Leo”, bishop of Rome, is ‘ ordination founded upon a 
| place,’ or, as we would say now, a title; ‘ without which,’ he says, 
: ‘the ordination was not to be looked upon as authentic.’ But it 
must be observed, that a title then did not always signify a 
} parochial church, or distinct cure; for this was a rule before 
| dioceses were divided into parishes: but the confinement laid 
upon men at their ordination was, that they should be fixed to 
their own bishop’s diocese, and officiate in the place where he 
appointed them. 

3. There were indeed some few exceptions to this rule, but Exceptions 
very rare, and upon extraordinary occasions. Paulinus and whinge 
St. Jerom seem to have had the privilege granted them of 
being ordained without affixing to any church. Paulinus% says 
expressly of himself, ‘that he was ordained presbyter at Bar- 
celona with this condition, that he should not be confined to 
that church, but remain a priest at large.’ And St. Jerom 
gives?® the same account of his own ordination at Antioch, 


{ 
a 


a 


ΨΥ ΤΕ ΣΎ 


μένως χειροτονεῖσθαι... ... εἰ tur impune. 


ΝΕ λυ οι LS eS eC 


ἀπολελυ 

μὴ ἰδικῶς ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ πόλεως, ἢ κώ- 
μης, ἢ μαρτυρίῳ, ἢ μοναστηρίῳ ὁ χει- 
ροτονούμενος ἐπικηρύττοιτο. Τοὺς δὲ 
ἀπολύτως χειροτονουμένους ὥρισεν ἡ 
ἁγία σύνοδος ἄκυρον ἔχειν τὴν τοιαύ- 
την χειροθεσίαν, καὶ μηδαμοῦ δύνασθαι 
ἐνεργεῖν ἐφ᾽ ὕβρει τοῦ χειροτονήσαν- 


τος. 

% (Ὁ, 6. (ibid. p. 1620 a.) Nec ul- 
lum [8]. illum sanctorum] sacerdo- 
tem quispiam ordinet, qui localem 
se futurum primitus non sposponde- 
rit: ut per hoc nullus a regula vel 
disciplina ecclesie deviare permitta- 


94 Ep. 92. ad Rustic. c.1. (CC. 
t. 3. p. 1405 e.)...Vana est habenda 
ordinatio, que nec loco fundata est, 
nec auctoritate munita. 

% Ep.6. ad Sever.(p. 101.) Nam ea 
conditione in Barcinonensi ecclesia 
consecrari adductus sum, ut ipsi ec- 
clesiz non alligarer; in sacerdotium 
tantum Domini, non in locum Ec- 
clesiz dedicatus. 

96 Ep. 61. ad Pammach. [al. Lib. 
cont. Joan. Hierosol.} t. 2. p. 181. 
(t. 2. p. 452 a.) Si sic presbyterium 
tribuis, ut monachum nobis non au- 


78 Laws and customs in IV. vi, 


‘that he was consecrated presbyter, with licence to continue a 
monk, and return to his monastery again.’ Sozomen9 relates 
the like of Barses and Eulogius, two monks of Edessa, ‘ that 
they were both ordained bishops, not of any city, but only ho- 
norary bishops within their own monasteries, out of respect to 
their eminent virtues.’ And it was such a sort of ordination 
that, Theodoret says9°, Flavian, bishop of Antioch, gave to 
Macedonius, the famous Syrian anchoret, whom he drew from 
his cell in the desert only to ordain him presbyter, and so let 
him return to the desert again. These are all the instances of 
this kind which I remember in ancient history. It was not as 
yet the custom to ordain bishops partibus infidelium, that 
never meant to see their bishoprics. Though afterages de- 
spised this rule, as Zonaras 99 complains of the Greek Church, 
and Habertus! cannot but lament it in the Latin; yet the an- 


feras: tu videris de judicio tuo. Sin 
autem sub nomine presbyteri tollis 
mihi, propter quod seculum dereli- 
qui; ego habeo, quod semper ha- 
bui. 

7 L. 6. C. 34. (V. 2. p. 268. 2I.).. 
Bdpons τε καὶ «Εὐλόγιος, ol καὶ ἐπι- 
σκοποι ἄμφω ὕστερον ἐγενέσθην, οὐ 
πόλεως τινὸς, ἀλλὰ τιμῆς ἕνεκεν, ἂν- 
ταμοιβῆς ὥσπερ τῶν αὐτοῖς πεπολι- 
τευμένων, χειροτονηθέντες ἐν τοῖς ἰδί- 
ols μοναστηρίοις. 

98 Hist. Relig. c. 12. (v. 3. part. 2. 
p. 1207.) ᾿Επειδὴ ὁ μέγας Φλαβιανὸς 
τὴν μεγάλην τοῦ Θεοῦ ποίμνην ποι- 
μαίνειν ἐτάχθη, τὴν δὲ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς 
ἔμαθεν ἀ ἀρετὴν, (ἤδετο γὰρ; καὶ ἐν τοῖς 
ἁπάντων ἐφέρετο στόμασιν ) ἄγει μὲν 
αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ὄρους κορυφῆς, ὡς 
γραφῆς Kat’ αὐτοῦ γενομένης" τῆς δὲ 
μυστικῆς ἱερουργίας προκειμένης, 
προσάγει τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ, καὶ τοῖς 
ἱερεῦσιν ἐγκαταλέγει. ὡς δὲ τέλος ἔ €- 
λαβεν ἡ ῆ λειτουργία, καί τις αὐτῷ τοῦ- 
TO μεμήνυκε, (πάμπαν γὰρ ἠγνόει τὸ 
γεγονὸς,) τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐλοιδορεῖτο, 
καὶ λόγοις ἔβαλλεν ἅπαντας" ὕστερον 
δὲ τὴν βακτηρίαν λαβὼν, εἰώθει γὰρ 
σκηριπτόμενος διὰ τὸ γῆρας βαδίζειν, 
ἐδίωκεν αὐτόν τε τὸν ἀρχιερέα, καὶ 
τοὺς ἄλλους, ὅσοι παρῆσαν. ὑπελάμ- 
βανε γὰρ τὴν χειροτονίαν, τῆς τοῦ 
ὄρους αὐτὸν κορυφῆς, καὶ τῆς ποθου- 
μένης διαίτης ἀποστερήσειν. ἀλλὰ τό- 


τε μὲν αὐτὸν μόλις τινὲς τῶν συνήθων 
ἀγανακτοῦντα κατέπαυσαν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ 
ὁ τῆς ἑβδομάδος συνεπεράνθη κύκλος, 
καὶ ἧκε πάλιν τῆς δεσποτικῆς ἑ ἑορτῆς 
ἡ ἡμέρα, αὖθις αὐτὸν 6 μέγας Φλαβι- 
ανὸς μετεπέμψατο, τῆς πανηγύρεως 
κοινωνῆσαι σφίσι παρακαλῶν" ὁ δὲ 
πρὸς τοὺς ἀφικομένους, οὐκ ἀπόχρη ὑ ὑ- 
μῖν, ἔφη, τὰ ἤδη γεγενημένα, ἀλλὰ 
πάλιν με βούλεσθε προβάλλεσθαι 
πρεσβύτερον: 3 τῶν δὲ λεγόντων, ἁ ὡς οὐ 
δυνατὸν εἴη δὶς τὴν αὐτὴν ἐπιτεθεῖναι 
χειροτονίαν, οὐκ εἶξεν, οὐδὲ ἀφίκετο, 
ἕως αὐτὸν ὁ χρόνος καὶ οἱ συνήθεις 
τοῦτο πολλάκις ἐδίδαξαν. 

99. Not. in Ὁ. Chalced. c. 6. (ap. 
Bevereg. t. I. p. 119 b.) Ὥσπερ νῦν 
ἕκαστον τῶν ἀρχιερέων τῆσδε τῆς" πό- 
λεὼς ἐπίσκοπον ὁ χειροτονῶν αὐτὸν 
προβληθῆναι λέγει, οὕτως τὸ παλαιὸν 
πᾶς χειροτονούμενος τῆσδε τῆς ἐκκλη- 
σίας ἱερεὺς, ἢ διάκονος, ἢ κληρικὸς 
ἁπλῶς ὠνομάζετο, εἰ καὶ νῦν τοῦτο 
πάντη καταπεφρόνηται. 

1 Archierat. in c. 6. C. Chalced. 
ad Rit. Ordinat. observ. 3. (p. 351.) 
Et hanc ecclesie legem ac discipli- 
nam antiquam esse recte in eum 
canonem Zonaras animadvertit ; εἰ 
kal νῦν τοῦτο πάντη καταπεφρόνηται, 
quamvis, inquit, ea nunc plane in 
contemtum abierit, quod nobis per- 
eque legendum est. 


in Κα ᾿ 


79 


cient Church was more punctual in observing the laws, scarce 
ever ordaining either bishop or inferior clerk without fixing 
them to a certain diocese, from which, without the consent of 
their superiors, they were not to remove to any other. 

4, And from hence arose a third rule about ordinations, that No bishop 
τς no bishop should ordain, or admit into his Church any clerk ‘ odin - 
; belonging to another Church, without the consent of the bishop man’s clerk 
to whom he formerly belonged. The Councils? are very μίς την = 
peremptory in this decree; particularly the great Council of 
Nice*, and that of Sardica*, and the second of Arles 5, declare 
all such ordinations null and void. The first Council of Car- 
thage® extends the prohibition even to laymen belonging to an- 
other diocese : for it decrees, ‘ that as no clerk shall be received 
by another bishop without the letters dimissory of his own bi- 
shop; so neither shall any bishop take a layman out of another 
people, and ordain him, without the consent of that bishop out 
of whose people he is taken.’ The reason of which laws was, 
that every bishop was supposed to have a peculiar right in all 
the clergy and people of his own diocese; and it was very con- 
duciye to the peace and good order of the Church to have such 
rules maintained and observed. Only in the African Church 
the bishop of Carthage was allowed a privilege in this case, as 
he was exarch or primate of all the African provinces: for, by 
ancient custom, confirmed by a canon in the third Council of 


am 
=: 


ordinations of the clergy. 


τ Se me le acai maer μος 


vou tov ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου, οὗ ἀνεχώ- 


2 Carthag. 3. c. 21. (t. 2. p. 1170 





6.) Ut clericum alienum, nisi conce- 
dente ejus episcopo, nemo audeat 
vel retinere vel promovere in eccle- 
sia sibi credita.—Chalced. c. 20. (t. 
4. p. 766 b.) KAnpixods εἰς ἐκκλησίαν 
τελοῦντας, καθὼς ἤδη ὡρίσαμεν, μὴ 
ἐξεῖναι εἰς ἄλλης πόλεως τάττεσθαι 
ἐκκλησίαν, x.r.A.—Arausic. 1.c. 8. (t. 
3. p-1449 a.) Si quis alibi consisten- 
tem clericum ordinandum putave- 
rit, prius definiat, ut cum ipso habi- 
tet. Sic quoque non sine consulta- 
tione ejus episcopi, cum quo ante 
habitavit, eum, qui fortasse non sine 
causa diu ab alio ordinatus non est, 
ordinare presumat. 

ὅ 0.1 ). (t. 2. Ρ. 36 6.) Ei τολμή- 
σείε Tis pracat TOV €V τῷ ETE 
διαφέροντα, καὶ Plas. τας ἐν As 


αὐτοῦ ἐκκλησίᾳ, μὴ συγκατατιθεμέ- 


ρησεν ὁ ἐν τῷ κανόνι ἐξεταζόμενος, 
ἄκυρος ἔστω ἡ χειροτονία. 

4C. 15. (ibid. p. 640 ἀ.)... Εἴ τις 
ἐπίσκοπος ἐξ ἑτέρας παρρικίας βουλη- 
67 ἀλλότριον ὑπηρέτην, χωρὶς τῆς 
συγκαταθέσεως τοῦ ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου, 
εἴς τινα βαθμὸν καταστῆσαι, ἄκυρος 
καὶ ἀβέβαιος ἡ κατάστασις ἡ τοιαύτη 
νομίζοιτο. 

ὅ C. 13. (t. 4. p.1012e.) Si aliquis 
[al. Si aliquo commorationis tem- 
pore] invito episcopo suo, in aliena 
ecclesia habitans, ab episcopo loci 
clericus fuerit ordinatus, hujusmodi 
ordinatio irrita habeatur. 

6 C.5. (t.2. p. 1824 b.) Non li- 
cere [al. debere] clericum alienum 
ab aliquo suscipi sine literis episcopi 
sui, neque apud se retinere (al. deti- 
ΠΕΙῸ] nec laicum usurpare sibi de 


IV. vi. 


Carthage’, which is also inserted into the African Code, the 
bishop of Carthage is allowed ‘to take a clerk out of another 
church, and ordain him for the service of any church under 
his jurisdiction ;’ but an exception in his particular case con- 
firms the rule in all the rest. 

5. Another rule for the preservation of order in this affair 
was, that every bishop should confine himself to his own 
church, and not assume to himself the power of ordaining in 
the diocese of another man. So the Council of Antioch’, and 
those called the Apostolical Canons? determined, ‘that a bishop 
should not presume to ordain out of his own bounds, in cities or 
countries not subject to him.’ St. Austin had occasion to in- 
sist upon this rule in the case of Pinianus, when the people of 
Hippo required him to ordain him presbyter against his will, 
and threatened, that, if he would not, they would have another 
bishop to ordain him. St. Austin told them”, ‘ that no bishop 
could ordain him in his church without first asking his leave 
and permission; and that having given him a promise, that he 
would not ordain him against his will, he could not in honour 
consent that any other bishop should come and ordain him.’ 
Socrates! says, Epiphanius took upon him to ordain a deacon 


80 Laws and customs in 


No bishop 
to ordain in 
another 
man’s dio- 
6686. 


plebe aliena, ut eum ordinet sine 
conscientia ejus episcopi, de cujus 
plebe est. 

7 Ὁ. 45. (ibid. p. 1176 a.)... Fuit 
semper hzec Scena huic sedi, ‘unde 
vellet, et de cujus nomine fuisset 
conventus, pro desiderio cujusque 
ecclesiz ordinare episcopum.—Conf. 
Cod. Eccles. Afric. c. 55. (ibid. P. 
1078 e.) Περὲ τοῦ ἐξεῖναι τῷ ἐπισκό- 
πῳ Καρχηδόνος, ὅθεν θέλει, κλήρικον 
χειροτονεῖν.--- .—Vid. ibid. (p. 1079 b.) 
Aci ὑπῆρξεν ἡ ἡ αὐθεντία αὕτη τῷ θ όνῳ 
τούτῳ, ἵνα ὅθεν ἦλθε, [8]. ἤδλο καὶ 
περὶ ᾿οἱουδήποτε προετράπη ὀνόματος 
κατὰ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ἑ ἑκάστης ἐκκλησίας 
ἐχειροτονήθη ἐπίσκοπον. 

8 C, 22. (ibid. 572 b.) ᾿Επίσκοπον 
μὴ ἐπιβαίνειν ἀλλοτρίᾳ πόλει τῇ “μὴ 
ὑποκειμένῃ αὐτῷ, μηδὲ χώρᾳ τῇ αὐτῷ 
μὴ διαφερούσῃ, ἐ ἐπὶ χειροτονίᾳ. τινός" 
μηδὲ καθιστᾷν πρεσβυτέρους, ἢ ἢ δια- 
κόνους, εἷς τόπους ἑτέρῳ ἐπισκόπῳ 
ὑποκειμένους, | εἰ μὴ ἄρα μετὰ “γνώμης 
τοῦ οἰκείου τῆς χώρας ἐπισκόπου" εἰ 
δὲ τολμήσειέν τις τοιοῦτο, ἄκυρον εἷ- 


ναι τὴν χειροτονίαν, [al. χειροθεσίαν] 
καὶ αὐτὸν ἐπιτιμίας ὑπὸ τῆς συνόδου 
τυγχάνειν. 

9 C. 34. [al. 36.] (Cotel. Le: 28.} 
v. I. p. 442.) ᾿Επίσκοπον μὴ τολμᾶν 
ἔξω τῶν ἑαυτοῦ ὅρων χειροτονίας ποι- 
εἶσθαι εἰς τὰς μὴ ὑποκειμένας αὐτῷ 
πόλεις ἢ χώρας. 

10 Ep. 225. [4]. 226.7 ad Albinam. 
(t. 2. p. 367 g.) Dicebam ego quibus 
poteram, qui ad nos in absidem 
honoratiores et graviores ascende- 
rant, nec a promissi fide me posse 
dimoveri, nec ab alio episcopo in 
ecclesia mihi tradita, nisi me interro- 
gato ac permittente, posse ordinari. 

11 L, 6. ce. 12. (v. 2. Ρ. 327. 19.) 

- Ἡροσορμήσας τῷ ἐπὶ ᾿Ιωάννην 
μαρτυρίῳ, ἀπέχει δὲ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημεῖα 
τῆς πόλεως, καὶ ἐξελθὼν τῆς νεὼς, 
σύναξίν τε ἐπιτελέσας, καὶ διάκονον 
χειροτονήσας, αὖθις εἰς τὴν πόλιν 
εἰσέρχεται. —C. 14. (p. 330. 7. ) Παρὰ 
κανόνας πράττεις πολλὰ, ὦ ᾿Επιφάνιε, 
πρῶτον μὲν χειροτονίαν ἐν ταῖς ὑπ᾽ 
ἐμὲ ἐκκλησίαις ποιησάμενος, K.T.A. 


SP Ee ee 


ΑΝ i ie ie 


ea π γυὰ ὰν ᾽ 








ordinations of the clergy. 81 


in the diocese of Chrysostom at Constantinople; but Chry- 
sostom told him, ‘that he acted contrary to canon in ordaining 
in Churches that_were not under his jurisdiction.’ Which 
shews, that this was an universal law, prevailing both in the 
Eastern and Western Churches. And by the same rule all me- 
tropolitans with their provincial bishops were confined to their 
own province, and might not ordain any bishop in another 
proyince, except they were invited by the bishops of that pro- 
vinee to come and give them their assistance. Which rule was 


‘made in the general Council of Constantinople!2, and confirmed 


in the Council of Ephesus, upon the controversy that arose 
between the Churches of Cyprus and the patriarch of An- 
tioch, who laid claim to the power of ordinations in those 
Churches, but was rejected in his claim, because they were out 
of his district, and under another jurisdiction. But it is to be 
observed, that these rules were only made for ordinary cases, 
to preserve peace and a good understanding among the bishops 
of the Church, whilst every one acted in his proper sphere, 
and kept to those bounds and limits which the laws appointed. 
For otherwise, as I have shewed heretofore '*, every bishop 
was a bishop of the whole Catholic Church, and in that capa- 
city authorized to ordain, or perform any other acts of the 
episcopal office in any part of the world, upon urgent necessity 
and extraordinary occasions. As Athanasius and Eusebius 
Samosatensis did in the times of the great prevalency of the 
Arian heresy; ordaining bishops and presbyters in any pro- 
vince or diocese, though contrary to the letter of this law, in 
order to preserve the Catholic faith, and a succession of ortho- 
dox men in the service of the Church. So that this was only 
a rule for common and ordinary cases. And in Cyprus, Epi- 
phanius says!*, they did not insist upon the rule at all one 


12 C, 2, (t. 2. p. 947 b.) ᾿Ακλήτους 
ὑπὲρ διοίκησιν μὴ ἐπιβαί- 
ἴαις, ἤ τισιν ἄλλαις 
κκλησιαστικαῖς. 
18 7. Decret. de Episc. Cypr. 
See before, b. 2. ch. 17. 8. 9. v. 1. 
204. 0. 49. 
᾿ 14 Β, 2, ch. 5, V. I. p. 94. 
ἰδ Ep. ad Joan, Hierosol. (t. 2. 


νειν ἐπὶ χε 


Ῥ. 312 c.) O vere benedicta episco- 


porum Cypri mansuetudo et boni- 
BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


tas, et nostra rusticitas, sensu tuo 
et arbitratu digna misericordia Dei! 
Nam multi episcopi communionis 
nostre et presbyteros in nostra or- 
dinaverunt provincia, quos nos com- 
prehendere non poteramus, et mise- 
runt ad nos diaconos et hypodiaco- 
nos, quos suscepimus cum gratia. 
Et ipse cohortatus sum beate me- 
moriz Philonem episcopum, et sanc- 
tum Theoprobum, ut in ecclesiis 


G 


82 Laws and customs in IV. vi 


among another, but any bishop ordained in any other man’s 
diocese, as occasion required, without breach of charity; for 
they gave a sort of general leave to one another, as finding 
it most expedient for the Church in that province to use such a 
liberty among themselves ; though they stiffly maintained their 
privilege against the encroachments of all foreign sees, and 
more especially that of Antioch..- 
oe. 6. The next things to be noted in this affair are such as 
four solemn concern the time and place of ordination. Concerning the time 
coal there may several inquiries be made. 1. Whether they had 
originally any set and constant times of ordination, as the 
Church now has four times a year !—2. Whether Sunday was 
always the day of ordination?—3. Whether ordinations were 
always confined to morning-service ? 
As to the first inquiry, it does not certainly appear that the 
Church had any constant annual times of ordination before the 
fourth century. For Habertus 16 truly observes, ‘ that then it was 
more usual to ordain men singly, as the present occasions of every 
Church required.’ Pope Leo’7 indeed derives the jeyunia quatuor 
temporum, the fasts of the four seasons of the year, which are 
now commonly called Ember Weeks, from apostolical tradition. 
But, as Mr. Pagi!® and Quesnel!9 in their censures of that 
author observe, there is nothing more usual with him, than to 
call every thing an apostolical law, which he found either in 
the practice of his own Church, or decreed in the archives of 
his predecessors, Damasus and Siricius. So that all other 


Cypri, que juxta se erant,ad mee (t. 1. p. 57.) Per canones igitur, in- 


autem parochie videbantur eccle- 


- siam pertinere, eo quod grandis es- 


set, et late patens provincia, ordina- 
rent presbyteros, et Christi ecclesiz 
providerent. 

, 16 Archierat. part. 8. observ. 4. 
(p. 130.) Tunc singuli, et quidem 
rari, non vero tam multi ac hodie 
ordinabantur. 

17 Serm. 2. [al. 79. 6. 1.1 de Je- 
"jun. Pentecost. p. 77. (t. 1. p. 316.) 
~ —It. Serm. 9. [al. 94. c. 1.] de Je- 

jun. Sept. Mensis. 5. de Jejun. Quat. 

Temp. p. 88. (ibid. p. 363.) — It. 

Serm. 7. [al. 92. c. 1.] p. 86. (ibid. 
8 


. 358. 
18 Crit. in Baron. an. 67. n. 10. 


quit Quesnellus, .... nihil aliud Leo 
intelligit, quam regulam ecclesiasti- 
cam solo usu et traditione ecclesia- 
stica firmatam, quomodo sepe se- 
plus usurpare videtur...... Fami- 
liare itaque est Leoni, ut cum de 
apostolica traditione sermonem ha- 
bet, de ea loquatur, quam ab Apo- 
stolo Petro ecclesize Romanez relic- 
tam putabat. Ea vero ex B. Petri 
traditione descendere existimavit, 
quze et olim observata, et decretis 
sancita inveniebat eorum ecclesiz 
sue pontificum, quorum monumenta 
supererant illa tate. 

19 Ap. Pagi. ibid. See preceding 
note, 





ordinations of the clergy. 83 


authors before Leo being silent upon this matter, we can lay 
‘no great stress upon his authority for it. Beside, he does not 
so much as once intimate, that these fasts were appointed upon 
the account of any set and solemn times of ordinations, but 
upon other more general reasons. So that it is not certain 
‘that the Church had any fixed times of ordination when Leo 
wrote, anno 450; and in the ages before it is more evident she 
had not. For as to bishops, it is certain the Church never 
‘confined herself to any set times for the ordination of them; 
‘but as soon as any bishop was dead, another was chosen and 
ordained in his room with all convenient speed; and in some 
places this was done within a day or two after his decease, as 
‘has been shewed in a former book2®°. As to presbyters, and 
deacons, and others below them, it is evident also, that for the 
‘three first ages they were ordained at all times, as the occa- 
sions of the Church required. Cyprian ordained Aurelius a 
reader upon the first of December, as bishop Pearson?! com- 
putes by the critical rules of calculation: and he ordained 
Saturus a reader, and Optatus a subdeacon, in the month of 
August??; neither of which were solemn times of ordination. 
Paulinus, who lived in the fourth century, was ordained on 
‘Christmas-day, as he himself?* informs us: yet neither was 
that one of the four days which afterwards became the stated 
times of ordination. The Roman Pontifical, under the name of 
‘Damasus, in the Life of almost every bishop, takes notice of the 
ordinations, which they made in the Roman province, of 
bishops, presbyters, and deacons, during their whole lives ; and 
always the ordinations are said to be made in the month of 
December ; which, if that book were of any great authority, 
would prove, that there was one fixed time of ordination at 


20 B. 2. ch. 11. 8.2. Vv. 1. p. 132. 
_ 21 Annal, Cyprian. an. 250. n. 20. 
Ῥ. 25. (p. 20.).... Mense mbri 
“‘Ineunte, us cum collegis suis, 
inconsulto clero suo, Aurelium con- 
‘fessorem ordinavit lectorem, et _ 
‘dem, ut opinor, ipsis calendis De- 
‘cembribus, &c. 

22 Thid. n. 15. (p. 19.). .. Scripsit 


ea ,mense Augusto ineunte, 
clerum Romanum. Scripsit etiam 
-eodem tempore ad Moysen et Maxi- 


‘mum reliquosque confessores Rome 


in earcere constitutos epistolam 28. 
.... Ut autem he literz solemniter, 
juxta morem ecclesiz, mitterentur ; 
Cyprianus fecit lectorem Saturum 
et hypodiaconum Optatum confesso- 
rem, easque per eosdem misit ; cujus 
rei statim clerum suum certiorem 


facit ove 29. 
23 Ep. 6. ad Sever. (p. 100 ult. lin.) 
.... Die Domini, quo nasci carne 


dignatus est, repentina .... vi mul- 
titudinis.... presbyteratu initiatus 
sum. 


G2 


IV. vi 


Rome, but not four. But I confess, the credit of that book 
cannot much be depended upon for the history of the primitive 
ages one way or other, it being of much later date than the 
title pretends; and perhaps the author only spake of an- 
cient things according to the custom of his own times, when 
one of these four times might be brought into use, which seems 
to have been before the time of Simplicius, anno 467. For the 
Pontifical, in his Life?+, adds February to December, as it does 
also in the Life of Gelasius. And in one of the Decrees of 
Gelasius2> there are no less than five stated times of ordination 
appointed, viz. June, September, December, the beginning of 
Lent, and the middle of Lent, and Saturday in the evening, in 
all these times, to be the precise time of ordination. Amalarius 
Fortunatus?6 takes notice of the change that was made in the 
time of Simplicius; telling us, that all the bishops of Rome 
before Simplicius made their ordinations always in the month 
of December, and that he was the first that ordained in Fe- 
bruary. Which no doubt he had from the forementioned pas- 
sages of the Pontifical, which in some places speaks of one, and 
in others of two solemn times of ordination, but never of four ; 
which argues, that these four were not as yet determined when 
that book was written, which, with the interpolations that it 
has now, was not till after the time of Justinian, as learned 
men generally agree. So that I leave it to further inquiry, 
whether there were any such fixed times of ordination in the 
Church of. Rome, as these authors mention, for four or five of 
the first centuries. In other Churches we read of none; but 
the instances that have been produced rather prove the con- 


84. Laws and customs in 


24 Vit. Simplic. (CC. t. 4. p. 
1066 a.) Hic fecit ordinationes in 
Urbe Roma tres, per mensem De- 
cembrem et Februarium, ὅσο. [Cf. 
Vit. Gelas. (ibid. p. 1155 8.) Hic 
fecit ordinationes duas in Urbe Ro- 
ma per menses Februarium et De- 
cembrem. Ep. | 

25 Ep. 9. ad Episc. Lucan. c. 11. 
fal. 1 Sa (CC. ibid. p. 1191 c.) Ordi- 
nationes etiam presbyterorum et 
diaconorum nisi certis temporibus 
et diebus exerceri non debent, id 
est, quarti mensis jejunio, septimi, 
et decimi, sed et etiam quadragesi- 
malis initii, ac mediana quadragesi- 


mee die, sabbati jejunio circa vespe- 
ram noverint celebrandas. 

26 De Offic. Eccles. 1. 2. c. 1. (ap. 
Bibl. Max. t. 14. p. 968 c.) Primi 
Apostolici [al. Apostoli] semper in 
Decembrio mense..... consecratio- 
nes ministrabant usque ad Simpli- 
cium, qui fuit a B. Petro quadrage- 
simus nonus. —Ipse primus sacravit 
in Februario. {And Mr. Wharton in 
his Auctarium of Bp. Usher’s His- 
toria Dogmatica de Scripturis et Sa- 
cris Vernaculis (p. 363.) says,—Om- 
nes Apostolicos a B. Petro, usque ad 
Simplicium Papam, ordinationes tan- 
tum in jejunio Decembris celebrasse, 


§ δ... ordinations of the clergy. 85 


trary. The inquisitive reader will be able to furnish himself 
with many other such instances, from which it may be con- 
cluded, that the times of ordination were not fixed for four of 
Ἄ the first centuries, since no ancient writer within that space 
makes any mention of them. And therefore there is no neces- 
sity, with Baronius®? and Bellarmin?*, to make the jejunia 
quatuor temporum an apostolical tradition; but it is sufficient 
to speak of them as an useful order of the Church, founded 
| upon ecclesiastical institution some ages after. 
a 7. The same must be said in answer to the second question, Ordinations 
᾿ whether Sunday was always the day of ordination? It is See 


< ly given on 
evident, that for the three first centuries it was not. For any day of 


t 
; 

Mr. Pagi?9 has unanswerably proved against Papebrochius, Px au 
from the most certain rules of chronology, that, before the time centuries. 
of Constantine, the ordinations of the bishops of Rome them- 
selyes were performed indifferently upon any day of the week, 
and that the affixing them to the Lord’s-day and other solemn 

festivals was the business of the fourth century. So that when 


Pope Leo says®°, ‘that such ordinations as were made upon 


8  e—————————@eaur”d lL ly ee eee 


αν a a 


———— σ .νθ 


a ee 


adnotavit Ivo Carnotensis in Libro 
MS. de Ecclesiast. Offic. c. 39. Εν. 

37 An. 57. 0. 209. (t. 1. p. 516 a.) 
Ipsa quatuor anni temporum jejunia, 
quz in ecclesia servari solent, ex 
apostolica institutione sumpsisse 
rincipium, sanctus Leo absque ulla 

ubitatione confirmat, &c. 
_ 28 De Verbo Dei non Scripto, 1. 4. 
Cc. 3. p. 206. (t. 1. p.171 a.) Sextum 
mendacium est: Calixtus jejunia 
saree temporum instituit: ergo 
m est, quod sint ex apostolica 
traditione. Mendacium est, quod 
Calixtus omnia instituerit quatuor 
temporum jejunia. Ipse enim, in 
Epist. 1, dicit, se tantum addidisse 
unum jejunium ad tria, que antea 
erant. Quocirca quod sanctus Leo, 
Sermon. 2. de Jejunio Pentecostes, 
et Sermon. 8. de Jejunio Septimi 
Mensis, dicit, illa jejunia esse ex 
apostolica traditione, non pugnat 
cum decreto Calixti. 

29 Crit. in Baron. an. 67. n. 14 et 
τό. [al. ΜΕ} I. p. 57.) Ante con- 
stitutam a Constantino Magno eccle- 
siz pacem, pontificum Romanorum 
ordinationes quocumque die indis- 
criminatim peracte. Hanc regulam 


tertio ecclesiz seculo tot exemplis 
comprobabimus, ut ea in dubium 
revocari minime possit. In Mar- 
tyrologio Hieronymiano, ad diem 
28. Decembris, legitur, Rome Feli- 
cis et Bonifacit episcopi de ordina- 
tione ; que ultima verba a librario 
corrupta et posita loco istorum, 
Episc. dies ordinationis, id est, epi- 
scoporum. Nam in Martyrologiis 
aliquando legitur, Ordinatio N. epi- 
scopi, vel episcopatus N., vel Natale 

iscopatus N., vel Natale cathedre, 
id est, S. Petri Antiochiz. Quare 
S. Felix, hujus nominis primus, anno 
centesimo sexagesimo nono, die vi- 
cesima octava mensis Decembris, 
qu in feriam tertiam incidebat, 
ordinatus est. Mitto alia exempla 
suis locis adducenda. Post itaque 
tria priora ecclesiz szcula in morem 
inductum, ut ordinationes tam Ro- 
manorum pontificum, quam cete- 
rorum episcoporum, diebus Domi- 
nicis vel festis solemnioribus perage- 
rentur. 

30 Ep. 81. ad Dioscor. c. 1. tot. 
(CC. t. 3. pp. 1374, 1375.) Quod 
ergo a patribus, &c, 


86 ΤΥ. vi. 


Laws and customs in 


other days than Sundays were against the canons and the tra- 
dition of the Fathers,’ he is to be understood, as before, to 
mean only the custom of his own times; if yet it was the 
custom when Leo lived: for there is some reason to doubt the 
authority either of Leo’s Epistle, or that of Gelasius, who lived 
not long after. For Gelasius says', ‘the ordinations of pres- 
byters and deacons were to be made on Saturday, in the 
evening.’ So that either one of these Epistles is spurious, 
or else the custom varied in the same century in the Church of 
Rome. 
Theceree 8. I confess Gelasius is singular in that part of his decree 
τῇ μᾷ ies. which fixes ordinations to evening service. For though the 
formed in ancients were not always precise to a certain day of the year, 
the time of 
theoblation OF a certain day of the week ; ; yet they more punctually ob- 
ecg served the time of the day, to give ordinations at morning 
service. This was a very ancient rule of the Church, as we 
may learn from the objection that was made against Novatian, 
that among his other irregularities he was ordamed at an 
uncanonical hour, dpa δεκάτῃ, at ten o'clock, or four in the 
afternoon, as Cornelius, in his Epistle to Fabian®?, lays the 
charge against him. The Council of Laodicea®® is still more 
punctual to the time, that ordinations should not be given 
while the hearers or catechumens were present, but at the 
time of the oblation. The reason of which was, that the 
person ordained might either consecrate, or at least participate 
of the eucharist at the time of his ordination. Whence Theo- 
doret, speaking of the ordination of Macedonius the anchoret, 
Says it was done® τῆς μυστικῆς ἱερουργίας προκειμένης, in the 
time of the mystical, that is, the communion-service. And so 
Epiphanius®> represents the ordination of Paulinianus, St. Je- 


31 Ep. 9. ad Episc. Lucan. c. 11. 
fal. 13.] See before, 5. 6. the last 
clause of n. 25, precisely. 

32 Ap. Euseb. 1. 6. c. 43. (v. 1. 
Ῥ. 311. 34.) Οὺς παραγενομένους, ἅτε 
δὴ St: ἀνθρώπους ἁπλουστέρους περὶ 
τὰς τῶν πονηρῶν μηχανάς τε καὶ ῥᾳ- 
διουργίαν, συγκλεισθέντας ὑπό τινῶν 
ὁμοίων αὐτῷ τεταγμένων ἀνθρώπων, 
ὥρᾳ δεκάτῃ μεθύοντας καὶ κραιπαλῶν- 
τας, μετὰ βίας ἠνάγκασεν εἰκονικῇ τινι 
καὶ ματαίᾳ χειρεπιθεσίᾳ ἐπισκοπὴν 


αὐτῷ δοῦναι, κι τ.λ. 

33 ©, 5: (t. 1. p. 1407 8.) Περὶ τοῦ 
μὴ δεῖν τὰς χειροτονίας ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ 
ἀκροωμένων γίγνεσθαι. 

34 Hist. Relig. 6. 12. See before, 
8. 3. p. 78. 0. 98. 

35 Ep. ad Joan. Hierosol. ({. 2. 
p- 313 a.) Et cum ministraret in 
sanctis sacrificiis, rursus eum in- 
genti difficultate tento ore ejus or- 
dinavimus presbyterum, et iisdem 
verbis, quibus antea suaseramus, 


> es ασὸνς α 


§8—n. ordinations. of the clergy. 87 
" 


“er 


rom’s brother, whom he ordained presbyter, whilst he minis- 
| tered in the holy sacrifice of the altar. But this is to be 
understood chiefly, if not only, of the three superior orders of 
bishops, presbyters, and deacons: for as to the rest, it was 
indifferent what time they were ordained, so long as it was in 
the church in any part of divine service. 

9. But out of the church no ordination could be regularly Thechurch 
performed. Though there was this difference between the Sg 
superior and inferior orders, that the one were conferred with- of ordina- 
2, in the sanctuary or altar-part, and the other without ; yet they 4 
Hy both agreed in this, that the church was still the proper place 
| to give birth to all such orders as were to be employed in any 
ecclesiastical service. And therefore Gregory Nazianzen justly 
upbraids Maximus the cynic, who intruded himself into his see 
of Constantinople*®, that, being excluded from the church, he 
was ordained in the house of a minstrel; which was also ob- 

jected to Ursinus, who was competitor with Damasus for the 

see of Rome, that he was not ordained in a church?7, but in an 
obseure corner of the hall called Sicona [ Sicina]. 
| 10. As to the ceremonies used in the act of ordination itself, Ordination 
} beside what has been noted before in speaking of each par- Sesaling at 
| ticular order, it will be proper to observe some things of them the altar. 
in general. As, first, that the ordinations of bishops, pres- 
byters, and deacons were always received kneeling before the 
altar. So the author under the name of Dionysius represents 
the matter in his Rationale upon the Church’s service®*. And 
Theodoret mentions it as the customary rite, when, speaking of 
, the ordination of a bishop, he says®9 ‘ they brought him to the 
πρὶν table, and made him kneel on his knees by foree.’, 

11. Secondly, the solemnity itself in giving the superior Given by 


. imposition 
} 
) 
Ἵ 


ἱρρυθόριαε αὖ sederet in ordine ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἀποκρύφῳ τόπῳ τῆς 

ἐσσι. βασιλικῆς τῆς ἐπικαλουμενὴης Σικίνης. 

Ne δας sua. (t. 2. Ρ- 15 a.) —See the PS. at the end of ch. 7, 
ov λυπρὸν οἰκητήριον. . 102. 

; 7 ge rp καὶ Θεῷ φί- ᾿ 88 De Hierarch. Eccles. c. ᾧ: n. 7. 

sub fin. et n. 8. (t. 1. p. 239 d.) Τοῖς 

j Aaov SF ἔχοντες τῶν ἀποβλήτων τινὰς, δὲ ἱερεῦσι τοῖν δυοῖν ποδοῖν ἡ κλίσις 
Κυνῶν τυποῦσι τὸν κάκιστον ποιμέδνδΑωἀι κ.τ.λ. 

Κείραντες, οὐ δήσαντες, οὐδὲ σὺν βίᾳ" ooh Ὁ c. 15. (ν. 3. Ρ. 166. 33.) 

Κύων γὰρ ἦν πρόθυμος εἰς τὰ κρείσ- Πάντων ..... τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον ψηφισα- 

μένων τοῦ ᾿ϑείου διάδοχον, καὶ παρὰ 

37 Vid. " Socrat. 1. 4. C. 29. (v. 2. τὴν ἱερὰν τράπεζαν ἀγαγόντων τε καὶ 

P- 251. 34.).... Χειροτονεῖται οὐκ ἐν κλίναι βιασαμένων τὰ γόνατα, k.T.A. 





a a a 7 


88 Laws and customs in IV. vi. 
ofhands orders was always performed by imposition of hands and 
sts eal prayer*®, Which is evident from St. Jerom*!, who says, ‘ that 


imposition of hands was therefore added to complete the ordi- 
nations of the clergy, lest any one by a silent and solitary 
prayer should be ordained without his knowledge.’ Gregory 
Nyssen 12 indeed tells us a very strange story of the ordination 
of Gregory Thaumaturgus, how Pheedimus, bishop of Amasea, 
ordained him only by prayer, without imposition of hands ; for 
he was absent, being fled to the wilderness to avoid ordination. 
Notwithstanding which Phaedimus consecrated him to the 
bishopric of Neo-Czesarea, which he afterwards accepted. But 
as a learned man 45. conjectures, it is most likely that he had 
another ordination; or if not, this act must pass for a singular 
instance, contrary to the common rule and established order of 
the Church. The Greeks call this imposition of hands both 
χειροτονία and χειροθεσία, as may be seen in the canons of the 
Councils of Nice+4 and Chalcedon*®, Yet sometimes those 
words are distinguished, as in the author of the Constitutions 46, 
where he says πρεσβύτερος χειροθετεῖ, οὐ χειροτονεῖ, a presbyter 


gives imposition of hands, but 
plain, that imposition of hands 


40 [The Ordination-Prayers, says 
the author in a manuscript note on 
the margin of the original edition, 
are spoken of by Gregory Nazian- 
zen, Orat. 19. al. 18. de Fun. Patr. 
The term χειροτονία occurs, (t. I. 
p- 286.) but Ido not find any dis- 
tinct allusion to the prayers. Ep. | 

41 L. τό. in Isai. c. 58. p. 265. 
(t.4. p.694e.).... Xetporovia, id est, 
ordinatio clericorum, que non 80- 
lum ad imprecationem vocis, sed ad 
impositionem impletur manus: ne 
scilicet vocis imprecatio clandestina 
clericos ordinet nescientes. 

42 Vit, Greg, Np aah (. a 
P. 544 4.) Ὃ Φαίδιμος... . ἀντὶ χει- 
pos ἐπάγει TO Γρηγορίῳ τὸν λόγον 
ἀφιερώσαι τῷ Θεῷ τὸν σωματικῶς οὐ 
παρόντα. 

43 Cave, Hist. Liter. (ν. 1. p. 94.) 

. A Phedimo, Amasez antistite, 
Neo-Ceesareze episcopus ordinatur, 
modo plane mirabili et hactenus in- 
audito.... Cum enim Gregorius in 
solitudinem secesserat, ne a philoso- 
phize studiis distraheretur animus, et 


does not ordain. Where it is 
means not ordination, but some 


ut Phedimi consilium evitaret, no- 
vas subinde latebras queereret ; Phe- 
dimus impetu quodam divino pro- 
vectus, oratione primum ad Deum 
conversa, deinde sermone ad Gre- 
gorium habito, eum, quasi jam pre- 
senti manus imponeret, Deo et ec- 
clesiz isti episcopum consecravit. 
Quam provinciam, Deo animum 
ejus suaviter disponente, Gregorius 
more consueto, uti credi par est, 
prius ordinatus, postea lubens sus- 
cepit. 

44 Ὁ. το. (t. 2. p. 37 6.) ᾿Ἐμνήσθη- 
μεν δὲ διακονισσῶν τῶν ἐν τῷ σχή- 
ματι ἐξετασθεισῶν, ἐ ἐπεὶ μηδὲ᾽ χειρο- 
θεσίαν τινὰ ἔχουσιν, ὥστε ἐξάπαντος 
ἐν τοῖς λαϊκοῖς αὐτὰς ἐξετάζεσθαι. 

45 C. 15. (t. 4. p. 763 a.) Εἰ δέ γε 
δεξαμένη τὴν χειροθεσίαν, καὶ χρόνον 
τινὰ παραμείνασα τῇ λειτουργίᾳ, ἑαυ- 
τὴν ἐπιδῷ γάμῳ, ὑβρίσασα τὴν τοῦ 
Θεοῦ χάριν, ἡ τοιαύτη ἀναθεματιζέ- 
σθω μετὰ τοῦ αὐτῇ συναφθέντος. 

46 LL. 8, c. 28. (Cotel. ν. 1. p. 411.) 

οὐ Πρεσβύτερος .... χειροθετεῖ, ov 
χειροτονεῖ. 


ordinations of the clergy. 89 


was used as well as in ordination. Neither does χειροτονία 
always signify ordination in ancient writers; though it does 
most commonly so, as Fronto Duceus‘4? and other learned 
persons have shewed; but sometimes it denotes no more than 
designation or election; as when Ignatius** uses the phrase 
χειροτονῆσαι θεοπρεσβύτην, only to signify the election or ap- 
pointment of a messenger to go upon an errand of the Church. 
Which I note to caution the reader against mistakes committed 
by some authors, who confound ordinations with elections, for 
want of distinguishing the critical senses of words as the subject 
matter requires. 

12. I must further observe, that as the sign of the cross was The sign of 
used upon many occasions by the primitive Christians so parti- ‘Be rs 
eularly in their ordinations; which we learn from Chrysostom, dination. 
who more than once mentions it upon this occasion. ‘ If,’ says 
he 49, ‘ we are to be regenerated, the cross is used, viz. in bap- 
tism; or if we are to eat the mystical food, the eucharist ; or 
| to receive an ordination, we are signed with the sign of the 
cross.’ Upon this account, Suicerus>° notes, out of the author 


ΨΙ ὺν. 


» ee a ΘΟ ΙΝ 


τ ΕΝ “«ο““ο«ἕ«ΨοΦῳ«Φ«ῶᾶ ὙΦ ee Ηρρ«ρρρρ«““ Ὁ“ 


παν Le 


47 Not.inChrysost, Hom.1.ad Pop. 

Antioch. p. 1. (Ed. Francof. 1699. 
t. 6. το em Ρ. 2 b.) De ordinatio- 
nibus Brixianus interpres verterat, 
de electionibus: atque apud pro- 
fanos quidem scriptores χειροτονία, 
que proprie manuum extensionem 
sonat, decretum significat, vel suf- 
fragiorum lationem, qua in populi 
comitiis magistratus deferebantur, 
et χειροτονεῖν per suffragia creare ; 
sed apud Christianos et sacros auc- 
tores peculiariter pro ecclesiastico- 
rum ministrorum ordinatione sumi- 
tur, qui plerique per impositionem 
_— accipiebant potestatem, 

c. 

48 Ep. ad Smyrn. n. 11. (Cotel. 
Vv. 2. p. 38.) Ἵνα οὖν τέλειον ὑμῶν 
γένηται τὸ ἔργον, καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς καὶ ἐν 
οὐρανῷ, πρέπει εἰς τιμὴν Θεοῦ χειρο- 
τονῆσαι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ὑμῶν θεοπρε- 
πεστάτην [al. θεοπρεσβύτην κ. τ. λ. 


’ * [Cotelerius reads ἐπίσκοπον in 


—Ep. ad Philadelph. ἢ. το. (Cotel. 
ibid. p. 85.) Πρέπον ἐστὶν ὑμῖν, ὡς 
ἐκκλησίᾳ Θεοῦ, χειροτονῆσαι διάκο- 
vov* εἰς τὸ πρεσβεῦσαι ἐκεῖ Θεοῦ 
πρεσβείαν, k.t..—Ep. ad Polycarp. 
n. 7. (Cotel. ibid. p. 97.) Πρέπει, 
Πολύκαρπε θεομακαριστότατε, συμ- 
βούλιον ἀγαγεῖν θεοπρεπέστατον, καὶ 
χειροτονῆσαι εἴ τινα [8]. τινὰ, ὃν] 
ἀγαπητὸν λίαν ἔχετε καὶ ἄοκνον, ὃς 
δυνήσεται Θεοδρόμος καλεῖσθαι,κ.τ.λ. 

49 Hom. 55. [Ed. Bened. 54.) in 
Matth. c. 16, 13—23. (t.7. p. 551 Ὁ.) 
Kay ἀναγεννηθῆναι δέη, σταυρὸς πα- 
ραγίνεται" κἂν τραφῆναι τὴν μυστικὴν 
ἐκείνην τροφὴν, κἂν χειροτονηθῆναι, 
κἂν ὁτιοῦν ἕτερον ποιῆσαι, πανταχοῦ 
τοῦτο τῆς νίκης ἡμῖν παρίσταται σύμ- 

λον. 

50 Thes. Eccles, in voc. σφραγὶς. 
(t. 2. p. 1199. n. 2.) Manuum im- 
positio, que fiebat ad ordinationem, 
σφραγίς, consignatio, dicebatur, quia 


the text, but observes (see n. 95 in 


loc.) Anglican. rectius, ordinare diaconum, id est, designare diaconum, qui 


legationem obeat. Ep. | 


IV. vi. 


90 Laws and customs in 


under the name of Dionysius, that the imposition of hands in. 
ordination was called σφραγὶς, consignation, and σταυροειδὴς, 
σφραγὶς, consignation in form of a cross*', because the sign of. 
the cross was made on the head of him that was ordained. 


But no 13. As to the ceremony of unction, I have already had oc- 
see. casion to shew its novelty in another place 2; together with the 


ΩΝ of custom of delivering some of the holy vessels into the hands of 
elivering ; A : 
vessels into the person ordained; which, Habertus says, was never used in 


ΕΔ soe θῇ giving any of the superior orders, but only the inferior, by the 

ters and rule of the fourth Council of Carthage, which makes that the. 

deacons. chief part of their ordination. Though Habertus®? and some 
others question the authority of that very Council, and reckon 
all its canons spurious. But that only by the way. 

Ordinations 14, When the ceremony of consecration was ended, it was 

ara usual for the clergy then present to salute the person newly 

wat 1 ordained with the kiss of peace>+. And so being conducted to 


dum manum imponerent capiti, sig- 
num crucis etiam in capite conse- 
crandi faciebant. Dionysius Areo- 
pagita, c. 5. de Ecclesiastica Hierar- 
chia, p. 314, oravpoedn σφραγῖδα 
vocat, et, p. 312, explicat mysterium 
sacerdotalis consecrationis : Exact, 
k.T.A. See.n..54. following. 

51 See the same, ἢ. 54. [Conf. 
6. 5. part. 3. n. 4. (p. 237d.) “Ἢ 
σταυροειδὴς δὲ σφραγὶς, κ.τ.λ. Ep. | 

52 B. 2. ch. 19. 8. 17. V. I. p. 239. 

53 Archierat. ad Rit. Ordinat. 
observ. 2. (p. 323.) ....- Martinus 

ecanus, 4. parte de Sacram. Tract. 
de Ordin. Qu. 4. Conclusione 3. 
Impositio manuum videtur esse ma- 
teria essentialis hujus sacramenti, et 
a Christo instituta: porrectio vero 
instrumentorum videtur esse acciden- 
talis, et ab ecclesia introducta. Con- 
cilium enim Florentinum in imstrue- 
tione Armenorum solum meminit ma- 
terie accidentalis, que ab ecclesia 
Suit instituta ; non autem substan- 
tialis, quam Christus prescripsit, 
quia hee ex scripturis et antiquis 
patribus erat satis cognita, non au- 
tem illa. Addo, si hoc argumentum 
valeret, posset ita optime retorqueri: 
Antiqua concilia non assignat aliam 
materiam nisi manuum impositionem. 
Contra que postrema Becani verba, 
quia proferri possent canones ordi- 


nationum Concilii 4. Carthaginen- 
sis, in quibus porrectionis instru-. 
mentorum fit aliqua mentio; mo- 
nendus est lector, primo fieri men- 
tionem solius manuum impositionis. 
in trium ordinum hierarchicorum, 
episcopi, presbyteri, et diaconi con- 
secratione: porrectionis vero calicis 
et aliorum instrumentorum in alio- 
rum ordinatione. Secundo, canones 
illos primos non esse Concilii Car- 
thaginensis, nec temporis illius; sed 
ex Libris Ritualibus posterioris se- 
culi illuc transpositos, ut alibi ple- 
nius ostenditur. 

54 Vid. Dionys. Hierarch. Eccles. 
ς. 5: part. 2. p. 367. (t. τ. p. 237 a.) 
Ἑκάστῳ δὲ αὐτῶν ἡ σταυροειδὴς ἐν- 
σημαίνεται πρὸς τοῦ τελοῦντος ἱεράρ- 
χου σφραγὶς, καὶ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἀνάρ- 
pnows ἱερὰ γίγνεται, καὶ τελειωτικὸς 
ἀσπασμὸς, ἀσπαζομένου παντὸς ἱερα- 
τικοῦ παρόντος ἀνδρὸς, καὶ τοῦ τελέ- 
σαντος ἱεράρχου τὸν πρός τι τῶν εἰ- 
ρημένων ἱερατικῶν ταγμάτων ἀποτε- 
eo Oevra.—Constit. Apost. 1. 8. 6. 5. 
(Cotel. v. I. p. 392.) Mera τὴν mpoo- 
ευχὴν, εἷς τῶν ἐπισκόπων ἀναφερέτω 
τὴν θυσίαν ἐπὶ τῶν χειρῶν τοῦ χει- 
ροτονηθέντος" καὶ τῇ ἕωθεν ἐνθρονι- 
ζέσθω εἰς τὸν αὐτῷ διαφέροντα τόπον 
παρὰ τῶν λοιπῶν ἐπισκόπων, πάντων 
αὐτὸν φιλησάντων τῷ ἐν Κυρίῳ φιλή- 
ματι. 


es 


* 
¢ 
q 


> 


13:14, 15. 


his proper station belonging to his office, if he was a bishop or 
a presbyter, he made-his first sermon to the people. But of 
this, as it relates to bishops, I have given an account before. 

1 As it relates to presbyters in the Greek Church, where it was 
more usual for presbyters to preach, the reader may find ex- 
amples of such sermons among those of Chrysostom®> and 
Gregory Nyssen*®, which they preached upon the day of their 
ordination. 

15. I cannot omit to mention one thing more, which should The anni- 
haye been mentioned in another place, because it was an ho- of abichop’s 
nour peculiarly paid to the order of bishops; which was, that Sot ae 
in many places the day of their ordination was solemnly kept tival. 
among the anniversary festivals of the Church. On these days 
they had church-assemblies, and sermons, and all the other 
solemnities of a festival. Which appears from St. Austin’s Ser- 
mons*?, two of which were preached upon the anniversary of 
his own ordination; and in another 583, published by Sirmondus, 
he also mentions the day under the same title of his own anni- 
versary. In a fourth*? he speaks also of the anniversary of 
Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, inviting the people to come 
and keep the festival in Basilica Fausti, which was a noted 

- church in Carthage. Among the Homilies also of Leo, bishop 
of Rome, the three first are upon the anniversary of his 
assumption to the pontificate. And a late learned critic® has 
observed, that in St. Jerom’s, and some other ancient Martyro- 
logies, there sometimes occur such festivals under the titles of 
ordinatio episcopi and natale episcopatus, that is, the ordina- 
tion or birthday of such or sugh a bishop. Which doubtless 
at first were the anniversaries of their ordination, which they 
themselves kept in their lifetime, and which were continued in 


ordinations of the clergy. 91 


55 Hom. cum Presbyter esset <4 
signatus, t. 4. Ρ. 953. (t. 1. Ρ. 436.) 

56 Hom. in suam Ordinat. (t. 2. 

. 40, .) 
Psy ean. 24. et 25. ex Quinqua- 
ginta. [al. Hom. 383. In die anni- 
versaria ordinationis episcopalis. (t. 
5: p. 1484 Ὁ.) et Hom. 339. In die 
ordinationis suz, 1.(t.eod. p.1308d.) 


thy 
Serm. 39. ex Quadraginta a 


SR editis. [al. Hom. 340. In 
ie ordinationis sux, 2. (t. 5. p. 


1gt1a.) Ep.} 
59 Hom. 32. [4]. 111. de Verb. 
Dom. (t. 5. Ρ. 563 g-) Dies anni- 


versarius ordinationis Domini Senis 
Aurelii crastinus illucescit ; rogat 
et admonet per humilitatem meam 
caritatem vestram, ut ad Basilicam 
Fausti devotissime venire digne- 
mini. 

60 Pagi, Crit. in Baron. an. 67. 
ἢ, 14. (al. 18.] (t. 1. p. 57-) In Mar- 
tyrologio Hieronymiano, &c. See 
before, s. 7. n. 29, preceding. 


Forced ordinations “TV. vii. 


92 


memory of them after death; by which means they came to be 
inserted into the Martyrologies as standing festivals, denoting 
there neither the day of their natural birth, nor their death, 
as some mistake, but the day of their ordination or advance- 
ment to the episcopal throne. But of this more when we come 
to speak of the festivals of the Church. 


CHAP. VII. 
The case of forced ordinations and re-ordinations considered. 


1. For the close of this book I shall add something concern- 
gy ing forced ordinations and re-ordinations, which were things 
quent inthe that very often happened in the primitive Church. For an- 
primitive ciently, while popular elections were indulged, there was no- 
thing more common than for the people to take men by force, 
and have them ordained even against their wills. For though, 
as Sulpicius Severus complains, many men were too ambitious 
in courting the preferments of the Church; yet there were 
some who ran as eagerly from them as others ran to them; 
and nothing but force could bring such men to submit to an 
ordination. We have seen an instance or two of this already® 
in the cases of St. Austin and Paulinus; and ecclesiastical his- 
tory affords us many others. For, not to mention such as only 
fled or absconded to avoid ordination; such as Cyprian ®, and 
Gregory Thaumaturgus®, and Athanasius®, and Evagrius®, 
and St. Ambrose; there were some who were plainly ordained 


Forced or- 


61 See before, ch. 2. s. 8. p. 22. 

62 Pont. Vit. Cypr. (Vit. p. 3.)... 
Judicio Dei et plebis favore, ad offi- 
cium sacerdotii et episcopatus gra- 
dum adhuc neophytus, et, ut puta- 
batur, novellus, electus est: .. Cum 
in dilectionem ejus et honorem 
totus populus adspirante Domino 
prosiliret, humiliter ille secessit, an- 
tiquioribus cedens, et indignum se 
titulo tanti honoris existimans, &c. 

63 Greg. Nyss. Vit. Thaumaturg. 


(t. 3. p. 544d.) See ch. 6.8.11. nw 


42, preceding. 

64 Sozom. 1. 2. 6. 17. (v. 2. p. 66. 
II.)...Tévye ᾿Αθανάσιόν φασιν ἀπο- 
φυγεῖν πειραθῆναι, καὶ ἄκοντα βιασ- 
θῆναι πρὸς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τὴν ἐπισκο- 
πὴν ὑποδέξασθαι. 

65 Socrat. 1. 4.°c. 22. (ibid. Ῥ. 


242.9.) ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ χρόνῳ ὕστερον 
καὶ Εὐάγριος ὑπὸ Θεοφίλου τοῦ ἐπι- 
σκόπου ᾿Αλεξανδρείας πρὸς ἐπισκοπὴν 
συλληφθεὶς ἀπέφυγεν, κ.τ.λ. 

66 Paulin. Vit. Ambros. [n. 8.7 
(t. 2. prefix. append. p. 3 c.) At 
ille cum videret nihil intentionem 
suam posse proficere, fugam para~ 
vit: egressusque noctis medio civi- 
tatem, tum Ticinum se pergere pu- 
taret, mane ad portam civitatis Me- 
diolanensis, que Romana dicitur, 
invenitur. .. Qui inventus cum cus- 
todiretur a populo, missa relatio 
est ad clementissimum imperatorem 
tunc Valentinianum ..... Pendente 
ratione, iterum fugam paravit, atque 
in possessione cujusdam Leontii 
ae viri aliquamdiu delituit, 

c. 


ΠῚ Ι, ἃ, and reordinations. 93 


against their wills; as Nepotian, of whom St. Jerom®’ says, 
‘that when his uncle Heliodore ordained him presbyter, he 
wept and lamented his condition, and could not forbear ex- 
pressing his anger against his ordainer, though that was the 
only time he ever had occasion to do it.’ St. Martin, bishop of 
‘Tours, was so averse from taking the bishopric, that he was 
forced to be drawn out of his cell by craft, and carried under 
a guard to his ordination, as the sacred historian® informs us. 
And the ordination of Macedonius, the anchoret, by Flavian, 
bishop of Antioch, was so much against his will, that they durst 
not let him know what they were about till the ceremony was 
over; and when he came to understand that he was ordained 
presbyter, he broke forth into a rage against Flavian, and all 
that were concerned in the action, as thinking that his ordina- 
tion would have obliged him to another sort of life, and de- 
prived him of his retirement and return to the mountains. So 
Theodoret, in his Lives of the Eastern Anchorets®, relates the 
story. And that this was a very common practice in those 
times, appears from what Epiphanius7° says of the custom in 
Cyprus; ‘that it was usual in that province for persons that 
fled to avoid ordination by their own bishop, to be seized by 
any other bishop, and to be ordained by them, and then be 
returned to the bishop from whom they were fled.’ Which ar- 
gues, that forced ordinations in those times were both practised 
and allowed. 

2. Nor was it any kind of remonstrance or solicitation what- No excuse 
soever which the party could make that would prevent his or- stmitted in 
dination in such cases, except he chanced to protest solemnly except a 
upon oath against ordination. For in that case he was to be tecte4 upon 
set at liberty, and not to be ordained against so solemn a pro- oath that 


testation. This is evident from one of the canons of St. Basil, wate 


dained. 


67 Ep. 3. [al. 60.] Epitaph. Nepo- 

tian. (t. 1. p. e.).. Presbyter or- 
dinatur, Jesu bone, qui gemitus, qui 
ejulatus, que cibi interdictio, que 
fuga oculorum omnium? tum pri- 
mum et solum avunculo iratus est. 
_ 68 Sulp. Sever. Vit. B. Martin. c. 7. 
{p. 471.) Ita dispositis jam in iti- 
mere civium turbis, sub quadam 
custodia ad civitatem [Turones] 
usque deducitur, &c. 


69 Hist. Relig. c. 13. See ch. 6. 


8. 3. p. 78. n. 98. 

% ger — Hierosol. (t. 11. 
p- 313 c-) Nam multi episcopi com- 
munionis nostre et presbyteros in 
nostra ordinaverunt provincia, quos 
nos comprehendere non poteramus, 
et miserunt ad nos diaconos et hy- 
podiaconos, quos suscepimus cum 
gratia, &c.—See ch. 6. 8. 5. ἢ, 155 
preceding. 


Forced ordinations IV. vii. 


94 


which says7}, ‘ that they who swear they will not be ordained, 
are not to be compelled to forswear themselves by being 
ordained.’ And this, I think, also may be collected from the 
account which Epiphanius gives of his own transaction with 
Paulinianus, St. Jerom’s brother, upon such an occasion. ‘ Pau- 
linianus,’ he says72,‘was one of those who fled from their bishop 
for fear of ordination; but providentially coming where Epi- 
phanius was, he caused him to be seized by his deacons, not 
dreaming or suspecting any thing of ordination; and when 
he came to it, he caused them to hold his mouth, for fear he 
should have adjured him by the name of Christ to set him 
free.’ Thus he ordained him deacon first, and presbyter some- 
time after, in the very same manner. Which seems to imply, 
that if he had suffered him to have made his protestation in 
the name of Christ, he could not have proceeded to his ordina- 
tion. But it seems nothing else but such an adjuration was 
available to set him free: and that is a further argument that 
in those times men might be ordained against their wills, and 
yet their ordinations stand good, and be accounted as valid as 


any others. 


This prac- 0. But in the next age this practice was prohibited, because 
ne pee of several inconveniences that were found to attend it. The 
bited by emperors Leo and Majorian made a law with sanctions and 
sn tate " penalties to prevent it; for they decreed73, ‘that no one 


71 Kp. Canon. c. το. (CC. t. 2. p. 
1728 a.) Οἱ ὀμνύοντες μὴ καταδέχε- 
σθαι τὴν χειροτονίαν, ἐξομνύμενοι μὴ 
ἀναγκαζέσθωσαν ἐπιορκεῖν. 

72 Ep. ad Joan. Hierosol. (t. 2. 
Ρ. 312 c.) Quum igitur celebraretur 
collecta. in ecclesia ville, que est 
juxta monasterium nostrum, igno- 
rantem eum, et nullam penitus ha- 
béentem suspicionem, per multos 
diaconos apprehendi jussimus, et 
teneri os ejus, ne forte liberari se 
cupiens adjuraret nos per nomen 
Christi, et primum diaconum ordi- 
navimus, proponentes ei timorem 
Dei, et compellentes ut ministraret. 
.... Et cum ministraret in sanctis 
sacrificiis, rursus eum ingenti diffi- 
cultate, tento ore ejus, ordinavimus 
presbyterum, &c. 

73 Novel. 2. ad calc. Cod. Theod. 
(t. 6. append. p. 34,) Ad suscipien- 


dum clericatus officium unicuique 
nos optionem dedisse, non legem: 
quia quamlibet sanctum onus, ut 
volentibus patimur imponi, ita ab 
invitis jubemus arceri. Nonnullo- 
rum enim persuasio sacerdotum re- 
luctantibus onus istud imponit, ut 
improvidas mentes, violentiz inter- 
cedentis offensa, ad odium pie reli- 
gionis instituat. Eo ergo licentiam 
hujus presumptionis excludimus, ut 
si quispiam probatus fuerit, vi coac- 
tus, sub contumelia publica clerica- 
tus officia suscepisse, spontaneis ac- 
cusationibus, vel si ipse voluerit 
allegare perpessa, licentiam commo- 
demus apud judices competentes 
hujusmodi admissa damnare: ut si 
inter leges objecta constiterint de- 
cem libras auri archidiaconus coga- 
tur inferre ei, qui pertulerit exsol- 
vendas: dehinc si ille desistit, accu- 


and reordinations. 95 


3,4. 
' ‘should be ordained against his will And, ‘whereas some and canons 
bishops did impose the burthen of orders upon men against near 
‘their consent they granted liberty in that case, either to the 
party himself or any other accuser to bring an action at law 
᾿ ‘against the archdeacon; who was liable to be fined ten pounds 
‘of gold, to be paid to the injured party, or to the informers, or 
‘to the states of the city. The bishop also was to be censured 
‘by his superiors, and the party ordained to be set at liberty, as 
if he had never been ordained.’ Pursuant to this law, John, 
‘bishop of Ravenna, for a transgression of this kind, was 
‘threatened to be deprived of the power of ordination by Sim- 
*plicius7*, bishop of Rome, anno 482. And the third Council of 
Orleans75, anno 538, made a decree for the French Churches, 
“that if any bishop ordained a clerk against his will, he should do 
‘penance for the fact a whole year, and remain suspended from 
‘his office till that term was expired.’ So great an alteration 
‘was there made in one age in the rules and practice of the 
‘Church from what they had been in the former. 
4. But I must note, that, after this correction was made, Yet a bi- 
‘there was still some difference to be observed between the rendey 
forced ordination of a bishop, and that of an inferior clerk, gainst his 
‘presbyter, deacon, or. any other. For though the foremen- μέσο "Ὡς 
‘tioned imperial law gave liberty to all inferiors so ordained to πον 
relinquish their office which was forced upon them, if they” * 
pleased, and betake themselves to a secular life again, yet 
it peremptorily denied this privilege to bishops, decreeing7®, 
‘that their ordination should stand good, and that no action 
brought against their ordainers should be of force to evacuate 
-or disannul their consecration.’ Which seems to be grounded 


-satoris censibus et civitatis ordini num, invitum facere forte credide- 


profuturas: illo suze reddito volun- 
tati, qui coactus non potuit conse- 
crari. Et quia ab ejusmodi ausu 
nec episcopum a verecundia esse 
convenit alienum, ad apostolice 
sedis devocetur antistitem. In illa 
reverendissima sede notam illicite 


_ preesumptionis incurrat. 


74 Ep. 2. ad Joan. Ravenn. (CC. 


«ἔν, 4. p. 1069 c.) Denuntiamus au- 
tem quod si posthac quidquam tale 


presumpseris, et aliquem seu episco- 
pum, seu presbyterum, seu diaco- 


ris, ordinationes tibi Ravennatis ec- 
clesiz vel A°miliensis noveris aufe- 
rendas. 

75 Ὁ, 7. (t.5. p. 297 6.) Episcopus 
qui invitum vel reclamantem pre- 
sumpserit ordinare, annuali poeni- 
tentiz subditus missas facere non 
presumat. 

76 Leo, Novel. 2. ad calc. Cod. 
Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 34.) Si qui 
sane episcopus invitus fuerit ordina- 
tus, hanc consecrationem nulla vio- 
lari accusatione permittimus, 


Forced ordinations IV. vii. 


96 


upon that ancient rule of the Church, mentioned in the Council 
of Antioch77, and confirmed in the Council of Chalcedon’, 
‘that if any bishop was ordained to a church, to which he 
refused to go, he should be excommunicated till he complied, 
or something were determined in his case by a provincial 
synod.’ Which seems to authorize the using a sort of violence 
in compelling men to undergo the burden of the episcopal 
function ; agreeably to that other law of Leo and Anthemius 
in the Justinian Code79, which puts this among other qualifi- 
cations of a bishop, ‘that he shall be so far from ambition, as to 
be one rather that must be sought for and compelled to take a 
bishopric.’ Such were anciently the laws of Church and State 
relating to forced ordinations. 

5. As to re-ordinations, before we can answer to the question 
about them, we must distinguish between the orders that were 
given regularly and canonically by persons rightly qualified in 
the Church, and such as were given irregularly by persons 
unqualified, or by heretics and schismatics out of the Church. 
As to such orders as were given regularly in the Church, they 
were supposed, like baptism, to impress a sort of indelible 
character, so as that there was no necessity upon any occasion 
to repeat them; but on the contrary it was deemed a criminal 
act so to do. The third Council of Carthage®°, following the 
steps of the plenary Council of Capua, or Capsa, decreed, 
‘that it was equally unlawful to re-baptize and re-ordain.’ 
And those called the Apostolical Canons*! make it deposition 


Re-ordina- 
tions gene- 
rally con- 
demned. 


80 C, 38. (t. 2, p. 1172 6.) Illud 


πες ἘΠ be Boe 569 a.) Εἴ tis 
autem suggerimus, mandatum nobis, 


ἐπίσκοπος χειροθεσίαν ἐ ἐπισκόπου λα- 


βὼν, καὶ ὁρισθεὶς προεστάναι λαοῦ, 
μὴ καταδέξοιτο τὴν λειτουργίαν, μηδὲ 
πείθοιτο ἀπιέναι εἰς τὴν ἐγχειρισθεῖ- 
~ ail αὐτῷ ἐκκλησίαν, τοῦτον εἶναι 
ἀκοινώνητον, ἔστ᾽ ἂν ἀναγκασθεὶς ay 
ταδέξοιτο, ἢ ὁρίσοι τι “περὶ αὐτοῦ ἡ 
τελεία σύνοδος τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν 
ἐπισκόπ. Ων. 

78 Act. 11. (t. 4. p. 691 c.) In the 
same words as the preceding quota- 
tion. 

79L. 1. tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 30. 
(t. 4. p. 95.) Tantum ab ambitu 

ebet esse sepositus, ut queratur 
cogendus, rogatus recedat, invitatus 
effugiat: sola illi suffragetur neces- 
sitas excusandi. 


quod etiam in Capuensi [al. Cap- 
sensi] plenaria synodo videtur sta- 
tutum: non liceat fieri rebaptizatio- 
nes et reordinationes, vel transla- 
tiones episcoporum. 

81 C. 67. [al. 68.] (Cotel. [c. 60. | 
v. I. p. 440.) Et tis ἐπίσκοπος, ἢ 
πρεσβύτερος, ἢ διάκονος δευτέραν 
χειροτονίαν δέξεται. παρά τινος, κα- 
θαιρείσθω καὶ αὐτὸς, καὶ δ᾽ χειρο- 
τονήσας" εἰ "μὴ δείξοι [8]. μήγε ἄρα 
συσταίη), ὅτι παρὰ αἱρετικῶν ἔχει 
τὴν χειροτονίαν. Τοὺς γὰρ παρὰ τῶν 
τοιούτων ᾿βαπτισθέντας ἢ ἢ χειροτονη- 
θέντας, οὔτε πιστοὺς, οὔτε κληρικοὺς 
εἶναι δυνατόν. 


and reordinations. 97 


δ 5,6. 


both for the ordainer and ordained to give or receive a second 

ordination. St. Austin®? says it was not the custom of the 

Catholic Church to repeat either orders or baptism. For men 
| _ did not lose their orders 53, as to the internal character and 
: virtue, though they were suspended from the execution of 
their office for some misdemeanour. Optatus ** testifies the same, 
telling us, ‘that Donatus was condemned in the Council of 
Rome, under Melchiades, for re-ordaining such bishops as had 
lapsed in time of persecution, which was contrary to the custom 
of the Catholic Church.’ And others** accuse the Arians upon 
the same account, for re-ordaining such of the Catholic clergy 
as went over to their party. 

6. There is indeed a passage in Optatus concerning Cecilian, The pro- 
bishop of Carthage, which at first view seems to import, as if seg ergs 
Ceeilian had been willing to have submitted to a re-ordination. ἤδη Ὁ 
For Optatus*®® says ‘ Cecilian sent this message to the Dona- tists exa- 
tist bishops, that, if Felix had given him no true ordination, as mined. 
they pretended, they should ordain him again, as if he were 


a ee 


a νυν στ τε 


still only a deacon.’ 


82 Cont. Parmen. 1. 2. c. 13. n. 28. 
(t.9. Ρ. 44 b.) Primo, quia nulla 
ostenditur causa, cur ille, qui ipsum 

ismum amittere non potest, jus 
dandi possit amittere. Utrumque 
enim sacramentum est: et quadam 
consecratione utrumque homini da- 
tur ; illud cum baptizatur, istud cum 
ordinatur: ideoque in catholica u- 


ere non licet iterari. 

_ 88 De Bon. Conjugal. c. 24. (t. 6. 
p- 247 a.) Manet in illis ordinatis 
sacramentu 


τῇ ordinationis ; et, si 


aliqua culpa quisquam ab officio 


removeatur, sacramento Domini se- 


Quod confessus sit se rebaptizasse, 
et episcopis lapsis manum imposu- 
isse ; ab ecclesia alienum est. 
85 Vid. Vales. Not. in Sozom. 1. 6. 
c. 26. (ν. 2. p.253-n. 4.) Porro Ariani 
non solum rebaptizabant Catholicos, 
sed etiam clericos eorum ad se ve- 
nientes iterum ordinabant. Cujus 
rei insigne exemplum habemus in 
Libello Precum Marcellini presby- 
teri, p. 81, sub finem: Hic est egre- 


BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


But St. Austin 57, who perhaps best under- 


gius et sanctissimus ille episcopus, 
qui cum fuisset primum a catholicis 
episcopis ordinatus episcopus, postea 
ab impio Georgio in laicorum nume- 
rum redactus, nihilominus ab ipso 
Georgio episcopus ordinatus est, in 
vexatione fidelium. Et paulo post: 
Nisi quia atrocius gessit Theodorus, 
cum de episcopo catholico fit laicus, 
piam damnans fidem, et subscribens 
Ariane impietati, ut ab heretico ite- 
rum episcopus ordinetur. Idem quo- 
que testatur Hieronymus in Chro- 
nico, de illo Hierosolymitano 
loquens. Cyrillus, inquit, cum a 
Mazximo fuisset presbyter ordinatus, 
et post mortem ejus ita ei ab Acacio 
epscopo Cesariensi et ceteris Aria- 
nis episcopatus promitteretur, si or- 
dinationem Mazimi repudiasset, dia- 
conus in ecclesia ministravit. In quo 
Ariani Donatistas videntur imitati, 
qui utrumque factitarunt. 

86 L. τς p. 41. (p. 20.)....A Ca- 
ciliano mandatum est, ut si Felix in 
se, sicut illi arbitrabantur, nibil con- 
tulisset, ipsi tamquam adhuc diaco- 
num ordinarent Cecilianum. 

87 Brevic. Collat. cum Donatist. die 


H 


98 IV. vil. 


Schismatical ordinations 


stood Cacilian’s meaning, says ‘he only spoke this ironi- 
cally to deride them, not that he intended to submit to a 
second ordination, but because he was certain that Felix and 
the rest of his ordainers were no traditors, as they accused 
them.’ So that we have no instances of re-ordaining such as 
were regularly ordained in the Catholic Church; it being 
esteemed ‘ unlawful,’ as Theodoret8* words it, ‘to give any 
man the same ordination twice. Whence neither in the trans- 
lation of bishops from one church to another do we ever read 
of a new ordination, but only of an enthronization or instal- 
ment; as of a new matriculation of presbyters and deacons, 
when they were taken out of one church to be settled in 
another. Cyprian89, speaking of his admission of Numidicus 
into his own church from another, where he was presbyter 
before, does not say he gave him a new ordination, but ‘ only a 
name and a seat among the presbyters of Carthage.’ And this 
was the constant practice of the Church in all such cases, for 
any thing that appears to the contrary. 


Schismatics ἢ. As to such as were ordained out of the Church by 
soe. schismatical or heretical bishops, the case was a little different. 
ed. 


For the Church did not always allow of their ordinations, but 
sometimes, for discipline’s sake, and to put a mark of infamy 
upon their errors, made them take a new ordination. This was 
decreed by the great Council of Nice in the ease of those 
bishops and presbyters, whom Meletius the schismatic ordained 
in Egypt, after he had been deposed by his metropolitan of 
Alexandria. ‘They were not to be admitted to serve in the 
Catholic Church, till they were first authorized by a more 
sacred ordination,’ as that Council words it in her Synodical 
Epistle or Directions to the Church of Alexandria. In pur- 


3. c. 16. (t.9. p. 571 b.) Dixerunt 89 Ep. 35. [al. 40.] (p. 225.)..... 


etiam scripsisse Duantnie, quod Ce- 


cilianus dixerit, ‘Si traditores sunt 


qui me ordinaverunt, ipsi veniant 
et ordinent me.’ Quod quidem si 
dictum est, ideo dici potuit ad illos 
irridendos, quibus hoc mandasse 


-perhibetur, quoniam certus erat or- 


dinatores suos non esse traditores. 
Non enim ait, quia traditores sunt ; 
sed, ‘ si traditores sunt.’ &c. 

88 Hist. Relig. c. 13. See ch. 6. 


5. 3. p. 78. n. 98. 


Admonitos nos et instructos sciatis 
dignatione divina, ut Numidicus 
presbyter adscribatur presbyterorum 
Carthaginiensium numero, et nobis- 
cum sedeat in clero. 

90 Ap. Socrat. 1. I. 6. 9. (v.2. p. 
27. 26.) Τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατασταθέν- 
Tas, μυστικωτέρᾳ χειροτονίᾳ βεβαιω- 
θέντας, κοινωνῆσαι ἐπὶ τούτοις, ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε 
ἔχειν μὲν αὐτοὺς τὴν τιμὴν καὶ λει- 
τουργίαν, δευτέρους δὲ εἶναι ἐξάπαν- 
TOS πάντων τῶν ἐν ἑκάστῃ παροικίᾳ τε 


eet 


— ew 





99 


suance of this decree, Theodore, bishop of Oxyrinchus, re- 
ordained the Meletian presbyters upon their return to the 
Church; as Valesius?? shews out of Marcellinus, and Fausti- 
nus’s Petition to the emperor Theodosius: and other learned 
men are of the same opinion. Yet in some cases the Church 
consented to receive schismatical bishops and presbyters with- 
out obliging them to take a new ordination. As in Afric, 
St. Austin % assures us, it was the custom to allow of the ordi- 
nations of the Donatists, and to admit them to officiate in what- 
eyer station they served before their return to the unity of the 
Church, without repeating their ordination any more than 
their baptism. He repeats this in several places of his writings. 
And that it was so, appears both from the canons of the 
African Councils‘, and the concessions made in the Collation 


and reordinations. 


of Carthage 95, where the proposal was, ‘that the Donatist 


καὶ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐξεταζομένων, τῶν ὑπὸ 
γοῦ void i καὶ συλλειτουργοῦ 
ἡμῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου προκεχειρισμένων. 
91 Not. in Theodor. 1. 1. ς. 9. 
(v. 3. Ρ. 32. n. 2.).... Falsum est, 
asserunt viri doctissimi, eccle- 

siam illis temporibus non probasse 
inationes episcoporum et pres- 
byterorum. Certe Marcellinus pres- 
byter in Libello Precum, quem ob- 
tulit Theodosio imperatori, diserte 
testatur Theodorum, Catholicum epi- 
scopum urbis Oxyrinchi, reordinasse 
pres partis Meletii. Sic enim 
scribit p. 83: Sane hinc vult se Ca- 
tholicum videri, quod et ipse quosdam 
nunc presbyteros seu diaconos Apol- 
lonit facit suasu quodam laicos, et 
eos iterum ordinat, ut videatur tur- 
pissime istius ordinationis vicem re- 
Serre, quam passus est. Theodorus 
igitur Catholicus, cum Meletianos 
presbyteros iterum ordinavit, in eo 
secutus videtur decretum synodi 


Nicene. 
92 Du Pin, Bibliothéque, Cent. 4. 
p. 251. (t. 2. p. 315.) Le concile... 
it a ice, &c. and note I 
p- 319.) on the words,—Qui est 
une espece de réordination. 
_ % Cont. Parmen. 1. 2. c. 13. (t. 9. 
p- 44 ¢.)....Si visum est opus esse 
ut eadem officia gererent ἐν gere- 
bant, non sunt rursum ordinati, sed 
sicut baptismus in eis, ita ordinatio 


mansit integra, &c.—Cont. Cres- 
con. l. 2. c. 11. (t. 9. ie 415 6.) 
Quamvis enim cum apud vos ordi- 
nantur, non super eos invocetur 
nomen Donati sed Dei: tamen ita 
suscipiuntur, ut videtur paci et uti- 
litati ecclesize convenire.—Conf. Ep. 
50. ad Bonifac. See n. 96, next page. 
—lIt. Ep. ay 270. [al. 43. ¢. 5-] 
(t. 2. μιῇ ς.) Et tamen qualis ipsius 
Beati Melchiadis ultima est prolata 
sententia, quam innocens, quam in- 
tegra, quam provida atque pacifica ; 
qua neque collegas, in quibus nihil 
constiterat, de collegio suo ausus est 
removere, et Donato solo, quem to- 
tius mali principem invenerat, ma- 
xime culpato, sanitatis recuperandze 
optionem liberam ceteris fecit, - 
tus communicatorias literas mittere 
etiam iis, quos a Majorino ordinatos 
esse constaret : &c. 

94 Cod. Eccles. Afric. ec. 69 et 70. 
[4]. c. 68.] (t. 2. p. rogr a.) Av αὐ- 
τῶν τῶν Δονατιστῶν, οἵτινες δήποτε 
κληρικοὶ διορθουμένης τῆς βουλῆς 
πρὸς τὴν καθολικὴν ἑνότητα μετελθεῖν 
θελήσοιεν ...... ἐν ταῖς ἰδίαις τιμαῖς 
αὐτοὺς ἀναδεχθῆναι, κ.τ.λ. 

% Die 1. c. 16. (ibid. p. 1352 c.) 
Sic [ecclesia] nobiscum teneant uni- 
tatem, ut non solum viam salutis 
inveniant, sed nec honorem episco- 
patus amittant. 


H 2 


100 Heretical ordinations IV. vii. 


bishops should enjoy their honours and dignities, if they would 
return to the unity of the Catholic Church.’ This had before 
been determined in the Roman Council, under Melchiades, 
where the Donatists had their first hearing. For there, as 
St. Austin informs us, it was also decreed, ‘that only Do- 
natus, the author of the schism, should be cashiered; but for 
all the rest, though they were ordained out of the Church, 
they should be received upon their repentance, in the very 
same offices and quality which they enjoyed before.’ So that 
the rigour of church-discipline was quickened, or abated in 
this respect, according as the benefit or necessities of the 
Church seemed to require. 


Andhere- 8, And the treatment of persons ordained by heretics was 
tics also 5 

upon their Much of the same nature. Some canons require all such 
erate without exception to be re-ordained. It was so in the Greek 
insome Church, at the time when those called the Apostolical Canons 
places. were made. For the same canon27 that condemns re-ordina- 


tions in the Church, makes an exception in the case of such as 
were ordained by heretics; pronouncing their ordination void, 
and requiring them to be ordained again. And this was gene- 
rally the practice of all those Churches, in the third century, 
which denied the validity of heretical baptism; for by much 
stronger reason they denied their ordinations. Therefore 
Firmilian 98, who was of this opinion, tells us also, that the 
Council of Iconium, anno 256, decreed, ‘that heretics had no 
power to minister either baptism, or confirmation, or ordi- 
nation.’ Nay, some of those, who allowed the baptism of here- 
tics, yet still continued to condemn their ordinations. As 
Innocent, bishop of Rome, who determines against such as 
were ordained by the Arians and such other heretics, ‘ that 


96 Ep. 50. [al. 185. c. 10.] ad Bo- baptizare. [Vid. Cypr. Ep. 72. ad 


nifac. p. 87. (t. 2. p. 661 g.) Dam- 
natoque uno quodam Donato, qui 
auctor schismatis fuisse manifesta- 
tus est, czteros correctos, etiamsi 
extra ecclesiam ordinati essent, in 
suis honoribus suscipiendos esse 
censuerunt. 
97 Can. Apost. c. 67. 
6. n. 81. 
Ep. 75. ap. Cypr. p. 221. (p. 
322.) Heeretico sicut ordinare non 
licet, nec manum imponere, ita nec 


See s. 5. 
p- 


Steph. p. 197. (p. 309.).... Si au- 
tem in ecclesia non sunt [heretici, ] 
immo et contra ecclesiam faciunt, 
quomodo baptizare baptismo eccle- 
sie possunt? Ep. 

99 Ep. 18. ad Alexandr. c. 3. (CC. 
t. 2. p. 1269 d.).... Non videtur cle- 
ricos eorum [Arianorum] cum sa- 
cerdotii aut ministerii cujuspiam 
suscipi debere dignitate ; quoniam 
iis [al. quibus] solum baptisma ra- 
tum esse permittimus, quod utique 


ἘΝ el eee 


as. 


and reordinations. 101 


they were not to be admitted with their honours in the 
Catholic Church; though their baptism might stand good, 
being administered in the name of the Father, and of the Son, 
and of the Holy Ghost.’ In another place! he says, it was the 
ancient rule of the Church of Rome to cancel and disannul 
all such ordinations; though in some places, he owns?, they 
were allowed: for ‘ Anisius, bishop of Thessalonica, with a 
Council of his provincial bishops, agreed to receive those, whom 
Bonosus, an heretical bishop of Macedonia, had ordained; 
that they might not continue to strengthen his party, and 
thereby bring no small damage upon the Church.’ Liberius 
not only admitted the Macedonian bishops to communion, but 
also allowed them to continue in their office, upon their sub- 
scription to the Nicene Creed, and abjuration of their former 
heresy; as Socrates?, and Sozomen‘, and St. Basil®, and 
others testify. In France the custom was, in the time of Clo- 
doyeus, to give a new imposition of hands to the Arian clergy 
that returned to the Catholic faith, as appears from the first 
Council of Orleans®, which made a decree about it. But that 


in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiri- 
tus Sancti perficitur, &c. 
_ 1} Ep. 22. ad Episc. Macedon. c. 5. 
ibid. p. 1274 c.) Anisii quondam 
tris nostri, aliorumque consacer- 
dotum summa deliberatio hec fuit, 
ut Bonosus ordinaverat, ne 
cum eodem remanerent, ac, ne fieret 
al, ac fieret non] mediocre scanda- 
um, ordinati reciperentur.... Jam 
ergo quod pro remedio ac necessi- 
tate temporis statutum est, constat 
primitus non fuisse. 
2 [Bonosus is called bishop of 
Macedonia, not because he was of 
the province of Macedonia, but of 
the larger district called the diocese 
of Macedonia, in the Νοῦς of the 
Empire and the Church. Learned 
men were a ms time at a loss to 
tell what see he was bishop of. 
Baronius and Petavius profess them- 
selves entirely ignorant of it; Chris- 
tianus Lupus says he was bishop of 
Sirmium ; but since Garnerius pub- 
i the works of Marius Merca- 
tor, it appears that he was bishop of 
ica: for Mercator gives him the 
title of Bonosus Sardicensis. Ep. ] 


3 L. 4. c. 12. (v. 2. p. 224. 10.) Ὁ 
δὲ [Λιβέριος] αὐτοὺς προσδέξασθαι 
οὐδαμῶς ἐβούλετο, κ. τ. A. 

4 L. 6. ς. το. (ibid. p. 231. 36.) 
᾿Αποκηρύττουσι .... πᾶσαν αἵρεσιν 
ἐναντιουμένην τῇ πίστει τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ 

v....@s δὲ τούτων ἔγγραφον 
ὁμολογίαν αὐτῶν ἔλαβε Λιβέριος, ἐκοι- 
νώνησεν αὐτοῖς. 

5 Ep. 74. [al. 263.] ad Episc. 
Occident. (t. 3. part. 2. p. 588 ¢. 
n. 2.) Kal οὕτως ἀπελαθεὶς τῆς ἐπι- 
σκοπῆς, διὰ τὸ ἐν [τῇ Μελιτινῇ προ- 
καθηρῆσθαι, ὁδὸν ἑαυτῷ τῆς ἀποκατα- 
στάσεως ἐπενόησε, τὴν εἰς [4]. δι} 
ὑμᾶς ἄφιξιν" καὶ τίνα μὲν ἔστιν, 
προετάθη αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ μακαριωτά- 
του ἐπισκόπου Λιβερίου" τίνα δὲ, ἃ 
αὐτὸς συνέθετο, ἀγνοοῦμεν" πλὴν ὅτι 
ἐπιστολὴν ἐκόμισεν ἀποκαθιστῶσαν 
αὐτὸν, ἣν ἐπιδείξας τῇ κατὰ Τύανᾳ 
συνόδῳ, ἀποκατέστη τῷ τόπῳ. 

6 Ὁ. το. (t. 4. p. 1406 ἃ) De he- 
reticis clericis, qui ad fidem catho- 
licam plena fide ac voluntate vene- 
rint ....id censuimus observari, ut 
si clerici fideliter convertuntur, et 
fidem catholicam integre confiten- 
tur, vel ita dignam vitam morum et 


104 FHeretical ordinations IV. vi. 


perhaps does not mean a new ordination, but only such a 
reconciliatory imposition of hands, as was used to be given to 
penitents in absolution. But if otherwise, it proves that the 
Church had different methods of proceeding in this case, as 
she judged it most expedient and beneficial for her service ; 
sometimes reversing and disannulling the ordinations of he- 
retics for discipline’s sake, and to shew her resentments of 
their errors; and sometimes allowing them to stand good for 
her own sake, to prevent greater scandals, and to encourage 
the straying people to return with their leaders to the unity of 
the Catholic faith. Upon which account the general Council 
of Ephesus? made an order concerning the Massalian heretics, 
otherwise called Euchites and enthusiasts, ‘that if any of their 
clergy would return to the Church, and in writing anathema- 
tize their former errors, they should continue in the same 
station they were in before; otherwise they should be de- 
graded, and enjoy neither clerical promotion nor communion 
in the Church.’ The Council of Nice® is thought to have made 
the like decree in favour of the Novatian clergy, only giving 
them a reconciliatory imposition of hands by way of abso- 
lution, not re-ordination. And there is nothing more certain, 
than that the African fathers so treated the Donatists. Parti- 
cularly St. Austin, in all his writings, pleads as much for the 
validity of heretical ordinations as heretical baptism; and says 
further?, ‘that when the Church judged it expedient not to 
suffer the Donatist bishops to officiate upon their return io the 


actuum probitate custodiunt, offi- 
cium, quo eos episcopus dignos esse 
censuerit, cum impositz manus be- 
nedictione suscipiant. 
7 Act. 7. Decret. cont. Messa- 
lianitas. (t..3. p. 809 b. 6.) Placuit 
.ut omnes, qui per universam 
provinciam heeretici Messaliani vel 
Enthusiastz sunt, vel de ejus hzere- 
seos morbo suspecti, sive clerici sive 
laici sint, conveniantur: et si qui- 
dem anathematizaverint, juxta ea 
que in predicta synodo scripto 
pronuntiata sunt, in scriptis; si 
clerici fuerint, maneant clerici; si 
laici, ad communionem admittantur. 
Quod si renuerint anathematizare ; 
si presbyteri vel diaconi fuerint, vel 


in alio quopiam gradu ecclesiz, ex- 
cidant et a clero, et a gradu, et a 
communione: laici vero anathema- 
tizentur. 

SC. 8. ρον 32 6.) Περὶ τῶν 
ὀνομαζόντων μὲν ἑαυτοὺς Καθαρούς 
ποτε, προσερχομένων δὲ τῇ καθολικῇ 
ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἔδοξε τῇ ἁγίᾳ καὶ μεγάλῃ 
συνόδῳ, ὥστε χειροθετουμένους av- 
Tous μένειν οὕτως ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ. 

9 Cont. Parmen. 1. 2. 6. 13. (t. 9. 
Ρ. 44 ¢.).... Et cum expedire hoc 
judicatur. ecclesia, ut prepositi eo- 
rum vyenientes ad catholicam socie- 
tatem, honores suos ibi non admi- 
nistrent ; non eis tamen ipsa ordina- 
tionis sacramenta detrabuntur, sed 
manent super eos. 





+ 
§ 8. 


and reordinations. 103 


Church, she did not thereby intend to deny the reality or va- 
lidity of their ordination, but supposed that to remain still 
perfect and entire in them.’ And this is what St. Austin 
meant by the sacrament of ordination, as he words it, or the 
indelible character, which was thereby imprinted; that though 
a man turned apostate, or was suspended or deprived for any 
crime, yet, if upon his repentance and satisfaction the Church 
thought fit to admit him to officiate again, there was no neces- 
sity of giving him a new ordination, no more than a new 
baptism, for the character of both remained entire. This was 
the doctrine and practice of the African Church, and most 
others, in the time of St. Austin. 





_ [P.S. On the word Sicona or Sicina, s.9. p.87, in connection with n. 37. 
The author’s original edition has Sicona, which is repeated in the folio 
reprint of 1726, and in other more recent editions. Sicina, which Gri- 
schovius employs in his Latin version, seems more in accordance with the 
Greek of Socrates, who calls the place where Damasus was said to have 
been ordained Σικίνη. I have taken great pains to find some explanation 
or recognition of this latter term, but without success; no Lexicon, or 
Glossary, or Commentator affording me any information as to what this 
basilica or hall was, or why it was called Σικίνη. I presume it was some 
public building, or court-house, or council-room at Rome, and known to 
the contemporaries of the historian by a name as familiar then as now it 
is obscure. The anonymous translator of Socrates (Bagster, Lond. 1844, 
8vo. p. 350.) calls it the palace of Sicinius, for which rendering he very 
quietly gives us no authority. ‘Truly it reads well enough in English, but 
is no fair version of the Greek. The historian too is speaking of a sort of 
Nag’s-Head-ordination, which my learned ancestor implies was the very 
point against Ursinus, or Ursicinus. Perhaps the term Sicinii, which is 
Valesius’s translation of Σικίνης, and is repeated by Reading, Cantabr. 
1720, may have led the Editor of Mr. Bagster’s publication astray. But 
see the Vita Damasi, ap. Labd. (CC. t. 2. p. 859 6.) where we read .. Et 
sic constitutus est Damasus, et Ursicinum ejecerunt ab urbe, et constituerunt 
eum Neapoli episcopum. Binius, in his not. ad loc., says .... Pars adversa, 
aliquanto tempore post, Ursicinum pseudopontificem creat, atque basilicam 
Sicinii occupat. This throws some light on the doubtful term, and might 
justify a translator in rendering the passage by the hall of Sicinius, which 
was not a church, but a public edifice and place of business. Ep. ] 


104 Instances of mutual respect 


BOOK V. 





OF THE PRIVILEGES, IMMUNITIES, AND REVENUES OF THE 
CLERGY IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 





CHAP. I. 


Some instances of respect, which the clergy paid mutually 
to one another. 


The clergy 1. HAVING thus far discoursed of the necessary qualifica- 
obliged to .. i 
give enter- tions of the clergy, and the several customs observed in the 
— designation of them to the ministerial office; it will be proper 
thren tra- in the next place to speak of the respect and honour that was 
πε αν generally paid them upon the account of their office. Under 
sary occa- which head I shall comprise whatever relates to the privileges, 
ag exemptions, immunities, and revenues of the ancient clergy. 
Some particular marks of honour, as they were peculiar to 
this or that order, have already been mentioned in speaking of 
those orders; but now I shall treat of those which were more 
universal and common to all orders. And here it will not be 
amiss in the first place to say something of that courteous 
treatment and friendship, wherewith the clergy of the ancient 
Church were obliged to receive and embrace one another. 
Two or three instances of which it will be sufficient to observe 
at present. First, that wherever they travelled upon neces- 
sary occasions, they were to be entertained by their brethren 
of the clergy in all places, out of the public revenues of the 
Church ; and it was a sort of crime for a bishop or other clerk 
to refuse the hospitality of the Church, and take it from any 


other. The historians, Socrates!° and Sozomen", tacitly 


10 L, 6. c. 12. (v. 2. p. 327. 26.) ζούσῃ δὲ καταλύει μονῇ. 
.... Τὸν μὲν προτροπὴν ᾿Ιωάννου ἐξ- 11 L. 8. 6. 14. (ibid. p. 344. 1.) 
έκλινε, Θεοφίλῳ χαριζόμενος, ἐν ἰδια- ‘O δὲ Ἰωάννης εἰσιόντα αὐτὸν, τῇ 


————_ το 


ἜΚ ὉΠ ΨΎ. 


§1. 


ὑπαντήσει τοῦ παντὸς κλήρου 


among the clergy. 105 


reflect upon Epiphanius for an action of this nature, ‘ that 
when he came to Constantinople, where Chrysostom shewed 
him all imaginable respect and honour, sending his clergy out 
to meet him, and inviting him to an apartment, according to 
custom in his house, he refused the civility, and took up his 
habitation in a separate mansion.’ This was interpreted the 
same thing as breaking Catholic communion with him, as it 
proved in effect, for he came on purpose, by the instigations of 
Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, to form an accusation against 
him. On the other hand, to deny any of the clergy the hos- 
pitality of the Church, upon such occasions, was a more unpar- 
donable crime, and looked upon as the rudest way of denying 
communion. Therefore Firmilian!? smartly reproves the be- 
haviour of Pope Stephen, both as insolent and unchristian, 
towards the African bishops, who were sent as legates from 
their Churches to him, ‘that he neither admitted them to 
audience himself, nor suffered any of the brethren to receive 
them to his house; so not only denying them the peace and 
communion of the Church, but the civility of Christian enter- 
tainment also.’ Which was so much the greater despite and 
affront to them, because every private Christian, travelling 
with letters of credence from his own Church, might have 
challenged that privilege upon the ‘ contesseration of hospi- 
tality, as Tertullian! words it, and much more the bishops 
and clergy from one another. By the laws of the African 
Church, every bishop that went as legate of a provincial synod 
to that which they called a general or plenary synod, was to 
be provided of all things necessary in his travels from thig 
liberality of the Church; as appears from a canon in the third 
Council of Carthage, which orders", ‘ that no province should 


send above two or three legates, that so they might appear 
ériun- litatis, ἄς, [Semler (v. 2. p. 19.) 

σεν. ᾿πιφάνιος δὲ δῆλος ἦν εἴξας ! ) " 
ταῖς κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ διαβολαῖς" προτρα- 
πεὶς γὰρ ἐν οἰκήμασιν ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς 
καταμένειν, οὐκ ἠνέσχετο. 

12 Ep. τῇ; ap. Cypr. p. 228. (p. 
327.).... Ut venientibus non solum 


reads contestatio. Ep 

14 C, 2. (t. 2. p. 1167 c.) Placuit, 
ut propter causas ecclesiasticas, qué 
ad perniciem plebium szpe veteras- 
cunt, singulis quibusque annis con- 
cilium convocetur. Ad quod omnes 


itium negaretur. 

De Prescript. c. 20. (p. 209 a.) 
Communicatio pacis et appellatio 
fraternitatis et contesseratio hospita- 


i et communio, sed et tectum et 
oe 


rovincie, que primas sedes habent, 

6 conciliis suis ternos legatos mit- 
tant, ut et minus invidiosi minusque 
hospitibus sumtuosi conventus plena 
possit esse auctoritas. 


106 


Instances of mutual respect 


with less pomp and envy, and be less charge to their enter- 


tainers.’ 


This implies that every Church was obliged, by 


custom at least, to give them entertainment in their passage. 
2. Another instance of customary respect which the clergy 

were obliged to shew to one another was, that when any 

bishop or presbyter came to a foreign Church, they were to 


crating the; be complimented with the honorary privilege of performing 


divine offices, and consecrating the eucharist in the church. 
This was a very ancient custom, as appears from what Irenzeus 
says of Anicetus, bishop of Rome, that when Polycarp came to 
settle the paschal controversy with him!, παρεχώρησεν τὴν εὖ- 
χαριστίαν τῷ Πολυκάρπῳ, which does not barely signify he gave 
him the eucharist, as the first translators of Eusebius render 
it, but he gave place to him, or liberty to consecrate the 
eucharist in his church. The Council of Arles 16, which turned 
this custom into a law, uses the very same expression about 
it, ‘that in every church they should give place to the 
bishop, that was a stranger, to offer the oblation or sacrifice.’ 
And the fourth Council of Carthage!” more plainly, ‘ that 
a bishop or presbyter visiting another church shall be received 
each in their own degree, and be invited to preach and conse- 


crate the oblation.’ 


So they were to be admitted to all the 


honours which the Church could shew them, the bishop was 
to seat his fellow-bishop in the same throne with himself, and 
the presbyters to do the same by their fellow-presbyters. For 
that the canon means by receiving them in their own degree. 
Which custom is referred to by the Catholic bishops in the 
Collation of Carthage!*, where they promise the Donatist 
bishops, ‘ that if they would return to the Church, they should 
be treated by them as fellow-bishops, and sit upon the same 


15 Ep. ad Victor. ap. Euseb. 1. 5. 
6. 24. (V. I. p. 249. 10.) Τούτων ov- 
T@S ἐχόντων ἐκοινώνησαν ἑαυτοῖς" καὶ 
ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ παρεχώρησεν ὁ ᾿Ανίκη- 
Tos τὴν εὐχαριστίαν τῷ Πολυκάρπῳ 
κατ᾽ ἐντροπὴν δηλονότι, καὶ per εἰ- 
ρήνης am ἀλλήλων ἀπηλλάγησαν, 
aE gw, 

16 Arelat. 1. 6. 20. [al. 19.] Ut 
‘peregrino episcopo locus sacrifican- 
di detur. [Labbe (t. 1. p. 1427 Ὁ.) 
reads the canon thus,—De episcopis 
peregrinis, qui in urbem solent ve- 


nire, placuit iis locum dari ut offe- 
rant. Ep.] 

17 C. 33. (t. 2. p. 1203 a.) Ut epi- 
scopi vel presbyteri, si causa visen- 
dee [al. visitande] ecclesiz alterius 
episcopi, ad ecclesiam venerint, et 
in gradu suo suscipiantur, et tam 
ad verbum faciendum, quam ad 
oblationem consecrandam, inyiten- 
tur. 

18 Die 1. c. 16. (ibid. p. 1352 ἃ.) 
Sicut peregrino episcopo juxta con- 
sidente collega. 


Vii 


$2, 3. 


thrones with them, as strangers were used to do.’ The author 
‘of the Constitutions joins all these things together, saying 19, 

“Let the bishop that is a stranger sit with the bishop and be 
invited to preach, let him also be permitted to offer the eucha- 
rist, or if in modesty he refuses it, let him at least be con- 
‘strained to give the blessing to the people.’ 

8. But then it is to be observed, that these honours were not The use of 
to be shewed to strangers as mere strangers, but as they could γυθυναμβ 
‘some ways give proof of their orthodoxy and catholicism to the enroll 
‘church to which they came. And in this respect the Litera in this τοῦ 

systatice, or commendatory letters, as they called them, were an 
of great use and service in the Church. For no strange 

‘clergyman was to be admitted so much as to communicate, 

much less to officiate, without these letters of his bishop, in any 

‘church where he was a perfect stranger, for fear of surrepti- 

‘tious or passive communion, as the Canons” call it. And 

bishops were under the same obligations to take the letters of 

their metropolitan, if they had occasion to travel into a foreign 

country, where they could not otherwise be known. The third 

Council of Carthage has a canon?! to this purpose, ‘ that no 

bishop should go beyond sea without consulting the primate of 

his province, that he might have his formate or letters of 

‘commendation. And that the same discipline was observed in 
all Churches, seems clear from one of those canons of the Greek 
‘Church, among those which go by the name of Apostolical 22, 

‘which says, ‘ No strange bishops, presbyters, or deacons shall 


19 [L. 2. c. 58. (Cotel. v. 1. p. 266.) 


among the clergy. 107 


(t. 2. p. 564 6.) Μηδένα ἄνευ εἰρηνι- 


“Εἴ δέ τις ἀπὸ παροικίας ἀδελφὸς... .. 
᾿ἐπέλθη .... εἰ ἐπίσκοπος σὺν τῷ ἐπι- 
᾿σκόπῳ καθεζέσθω τῆς αὐτῆς ἀξιούμε- 
vos ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τιμῆς, καὶ ἐρωτήσεις 
αὐτὸν, ὦ ἐπίσκοπε, προσλαλῆσαι τῷ 
“λαῷ λόγους διδακτικούς.... ἐπιτρέ- 
Wes δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν εὐχαριστίαν ἀν- 
otoa’ ἐὰν δὲ δι’ εὐλάβειαν .... μὴ 
θελήση ior pad κἂν els τὸν λαὸν 
εὐλογίαν αὐτὸν ποιήσασθαι καταναγ- 
ι«κάσεις. Grischov. 

20 Vid. C. Carth. 1. ¢. 7. (t. 2. p. 
616 [corrige, 716] b.) Clericus vel 
laicus non communicet in aliena 
plebe sine literis episcopi sui..... 
nisi hoc observatum fuerit, commu- 
nio fiet passiva.—C, Laodic. c. 41. 
(t. 1. p. 1504 ἃ.) Ὅτι od δεῖ iepari- 
"κὸν ἣ κληρικὸν ἄνευ κανονικῶν γραμ- 
μάτων ὁδεύειν. --- Ο. Antioch, c. 7. 


κῶν δέχεσθαι τῶν ξένων.---Ὁ. Aga- 
thens. c. 38. (t. 4. p. 1389 ἃ.) Cleri- 
cis sine commendatitiis epistolis epi- 
scopi sui licentia non pateat eva- 
gandi.—C, Chalced. c. 11. (ibid. 
p. 762 a.) Πάντας τοὺς πένητας καὶ 
δεομένους ἐπικουρίας, μετὰ δοκιμασίας, 
ἐπιστολίοις, εἴτουν εἰρηνικοῖς ἐκκλη- 
σιαστικοῖς μόνοις ὡρίσαμεν ὁδεύειν, 
καὶ μὴ συστατικοῖς" διὰ τὸ τὰς συστα- 
τικὰς ἐπιστολὰς προσήκειν τοῖς οὖσι 
μόνοις ἐν ὑπολήψει παρέχεσθαι προσ- 
ὦποις. 

21 C. 28. (t. 2. p. 1171 ¢.) Placuit 
ut episcopi trans mare non profi- 


ciscantur, nisi consulto prime sedis 


episcopo, ut ab episcopo precipue 
flea. precipuo] possint sumere for- 
matam [vel ee ae 

22 C. Apost. 11. [8}. 42.] (Cotel. 


The clergy 
obliged to 
end all 
their own 
controver- 
sies among 


themselves. 


108 Instances of mutual respect 


be received ἄνευ συστατικῶν, unless they bring commendatory 


letters with them; but without them, they shall only be pro- 
vided of necessaries, and not be admitted to communicate, 
because many things are surreptitiously obtaimed.’ The 
translation of Dionysius Exiguus indeed denies them necessaries 
also; but that is a manifest corruption of the Greek text, 
which allows them to communicate in outward good things, 
but not in the communion of the Church. And this is what 
some think the ancients meant by communio peregrina, the 
communion of strangers; when such as travelled without 
letters of credence were hospitably entertained and provided of 
sustenance, but not admitted to participate of the eucharist, be- 
cause they had no testimonials of their life and conversation. 
But others give a different account of this, which I shall more 
nicely examine when I come to speak of the discipline of the 
Church, under which head the communio peregrina will come 
to be considered as a species of ecclesiastical censure. 

4. A third instance of respect which the clergy shewed to 
one another was, that if any controversies happened among 
themselves, they freely consented to have them determined by 
their bishops and councils, without haying recourse to the 
secular magistrate for justice. Bishops, as I have had occasion 
to shew before?8, were anciently authorized by the imperial 
laws to hear and determine secular pecuniary causes, even 
among laymen, when both the litigants would agree upon 
compromise to take them for arbitrators. But among the 
clergy there needed no such particular compromise ; for by the 


rules and canons of the Ckurch they were brought under a 


general obligation not to molest one another before a secular 
magistrate, but to end all their controversies under the cogni- 
zance of an ecclesiastical tribunal. The case was somewhat 
different when a layman and a clergyman had occasion to go 


to law together; for then the layman was at liberty to choose 


[c. 26.] , ee a 441.) Μηδένα τῶν 
ξένων ἐπισκόπων, ἢ πρεσβυτέρων, ἢ 
διακόνων ἄνευ συστατικῶν [γραμμά- 
των] προσδέχεσθαι" (al. προσδέχεσθε' 7 
καὶ ἐπιφερομένων. [δὲ] αὐτῶν, ἀνακρι- 


νέσθωσαν" [καὶ ἐὰν μὲν ὦσι κήρυκες ᾿ 


τῆς εὐσεβείας, προσδεχέσθωσαν᾽ Co- 


tel. | εἰ δὲ μήγε, τὴν χρείαν [8]. τὰ 
πρὸς τὰς χρείας] αὐτοῖς ἐπιχορηγή- 
σαντες ἢ εἰς κοινωνίαν αὐτοὺς μὴ προσ- 
δέξησθε" πολλὰ γὰρ κατὰ συναρπαγὴν 
γίνεται. 


28 B. 2. ch. 7. v. I. Ρ. 105. 


* [Juxt. Vers. Dionys. Exig. c. 34. (ap. Cotel. ibid.).... Nec que sunt 
necessaria subministrentur eis, et ad communiorum nullatenus admittan- 


tur, ὅς, Ep.] 


—e~-- --- 


§ 4. 


among the clergy. 109 


his court, and was not obliged to refer his cause to any eccle- 
siastical judge, unless by compromise he brought himself under 
such an obligation. For so the imperial laws?‘ in this case 
had provided. Though in France in the time of the Gothic 
kings it was otherwise, for laymen there were not to sue 
a clerk in a secular court without the bishop’s permission ; as 
appears from a canon of the Council of Agde®5, made under 
Alaric, anno 506, which equally forbids a clergyman to sue a 
layman in a secular court, or to answer to any action brought 
against him there, without the bishop’s permission. But what- 
ever difference there was betwixt the Roman and Gothic laws 
in this particular, it is evident, that as to any controversies 
arising among the clergy themselves, they were to be de- 
termined before ecclesiastical judges; as appears from a canon 
of the Council of Chalcedon®, which is in these words: ‘ If any 
clergyman hath a controversy with another, he shall not leave 
his own bishop and betake himself to any secular court, but 
first have a hearing before his own bishop, or such arbitrators 
as both parties should choose with the bishop’s approbation : 
otherwise he should be liable to canonical censure.’ Which 
censure in the African Church was the loss of his place, whe- 
ther he were bishop, presbyter, or deacon, or any other in- 
ferior clerk, that declined the sentence of an ecclesiastical 
court, either in a civil or criminal cause, and betook himself to 
a secular court for justice. Though he carried his cause, and 
sentence were given on his side in a criminal action, yet he 
was to be deposed; or if it was a civil cause, he must lose 
whatever} advantage he gained by the action, as the third 
Council of Carthage? in this case determined: because he 


24 Valentin. Novel. 12. ad cale. in er seeculari proponere. 


Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 26.) 
In clerico petitore consequens erit, 
ut secundum leges pulsati forum 

uatur, si adversarius suus ad 
episcopi vel presbyteri audientiam 
non preestat adsensum. 

25 C, 32. (t. 4. p. 1388 ἃ.) Cleri- 
cus ne quenquam presumat apud 
secularem judicem, episcopo non 
permittente, pulsare. si pulsa- 
tus fuerit, non respondeat, nec pro- 
ponat, [al. respondeat, non propo- 
nat,] nec audeat criminale negotium 


9. (ibid. p. 759 ¢.) Εἴ τις 
κληρικὸς πρὸς κληρικὸν πρᾶγμα ἔχοι, 
μὴ καταλιμπανέτω τὸν οἰκεῖον ἐπίσκο- 
πον, καὶ ἐπὶ κοσμικὰ δικαστήρια κατα- 
τρεχέτω" ἀλλὰ πρότερον τὴν ὑπόθεσιν 
γυμναζέτω παρὰ τῷ ἰδίῳ ἐπισκόπῳ, ἣ 
γοῦν γνώμῃ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου, παρ 
οἷς τὰ ἀμφότερα μέρη βούλεται, τὰ 
τῆς δίκης συγκροτείσθω. εἰ δέ τις 
παρὰ ταῦτα ποιήσει, κανονικοῖς ὗπο- 
κείσθω ἐπιτιμίοις. 

27 C. 9. (t. 2. p. 1168 6.) Placuit 
ut quisquis episcoporum, presbyte- 


What care 
was taken 


in receiving 
accusations of one another; which bein 


against the 


bishops and 


clergy of 


110 Instances of mutual respect 


despised the whole Church, in that he could not confide in 
any ecclesiastical persons to be his judges. Many other 
Councils determined the same thing, as that of Vannes?%, 
Chalons292, and Mascon®°, And the Council of Milevis de- 
ereed3!, ‘that no one should petition the emperor to. assign 
him secular judges, but only ecclesiastical, under pain of de- 
privation.’ So great confidence did the clergy generally 
place in one another, and pay such a deference to the wisdom, 
integrity, and judgment of their brethren, that it was then 
thought they had no need to have recourse to secular courts 
for justice, but they were willing to determine all controversies 
of their own among themselves. And as the imperial laws did 
not hinder this, but encouraged it, so we seldom find any eccle- 
siastics inclined to oppose it, but either some factious and tur- 
bulent men, or such whose crimes had made them so obnoxious 


that they had reason to dread an ecclesiastical censure. 
5. I shall but observe one thing more upon this head, bile 
is the great care the clergy had of the reputation and character 


g a sacred and necessary thing in 


persons of their function, they did not think fit to let it be ex- 


theChurch. rorum, et diaconorum, seu clerico- 


rum, cum in ecclesia ei crimen fue- 
rit intentatum, vel civilis causa fuerit 
commota, si [de ]relicto ecclesiastico 
judicio publicis judiciis purgari vo- 
luerit, etiamsi pro ipso prolata fuerit 
sententia, locum suum amittat, et 
hoc in criminali actione [al. judicio]. 
In civili vero perdat, quod evicerit 
[8]. evicit,] si locum suum obtinere 
maluerit, [ἃ]. voluerit,| &c. 

28 C. 9. (t. 4. p. 1056 a.) Cleri- 
cis, nisi ex permissu episcoperum 
suorum, secularia judicia adire non 
liceat. 

29 Cabillon. 1. c. 11. (t. 6. p. 389 6.) 
Pervenit ad sanctam synodum, quod 
judices publici contra veternam con- 
suetudinem per omnes parochias, 
vel monasteria, que mos est episco- 
pis circuire, ipsi illicita preesump- 
tione videantur discurrere ; etiam et 
clericos vel abbates, ut eis preepa- 
rent, invitos atque districtos ante 
se faciant exhiberi: quod omnimo- 
dis nec religioni convenit, nec cano- 
num permittit auctoritas. . Unde 
omnes unanimiter censuimus sen- 


tientes, ut deinceps ista debeant 
emendare: et si preesumptione, vel 
potestate qua pollent, excepta invi- 
tatione abbatis vel archipresbyteri, 
in ipsa monasteria vel parochias ali- 
quid fortasse preesumpserint, ἃ com- 
munione omnium sacerdotum eos 
convenit sequestrari. 

30 C. pig oe 8.] (t. 5. p. 968 c.) 
Ut nullus clericus ad judicem se- 
cularem quemcumque alium fra- 
trem de clericis accusare, aut ad 
causam dicendam trahere quocum- 
que modo preesumat; sed omne ne- 
gotium clericorum, aut in episcopi 
sui, aut in presbyterorum, vel ar- 
chidiaconi presentia finiatur. Quod 
si quicumque clericus hoc implere 
distulerit, si junior fuerit, uno minus 
de quadraginta ictus accipiat; sin 
certe honoratior, triginta dierum 
conclusione multetur. 

31 C. το. (t. 2. p. 1542 a.) Placuit 
ut quicunque ab imperatore cogni- 
tionem judiciorum publicorum peti- 
erit, honore proprio privetur. Si 
autem episcopale judicium ab impe- 
ratore postulaverit, nihil ei obsit, 


5. 


among the clergy. lll 


posed to the malicious calumnies and slanders of every base 
‘and false accuser. But first in all accusations, especially against 
bishops, the testimony of two or three witnesses was required 
according to the rule of the Apostle. Therefore, when the 
Synod of Antioch proceeded to condemn Eustathius, bishop of 
Antioch, upon a single testimony, the historian®? censures it as 
an arbitrary proceeding in them against that apostolical canon, 
“Receive not an accusation against an elder, but before two 
or three witnesses.” Secondly, the character of the witnesses 
was to be examined, before their testimony was to be allowed 
of. An heretic was not to give evidence against a bishop; as 
may be collected from those canons which bear the name of 
the Apostles, one of which*? joins these two things together ; 
‘Receive not an heretic to testify against a bishop; nor a 
single witness, though he be one of the faithful; for the Law 
saith, “ In the mouth of two or three witnesses shall every word 
be established.’” Athanasius* pleaded the privilege of this law, 
when he was accused for suffering Macarius, his presbyter, to 
break the communion cup; he urged, ‘that his accusers 
were Meletians, who ought not to be credited, being schisma- 
tics and enemies of the Church.’ By the second Council of 
Carthage**, not only heretics, but any others that were known 
to be guilty of scandalous crimes were to be rejected from 
giving testimony against any elder of the Church. The first 


82 Theodor. 1. 1. c. 21. (v. 3. p. 
53. 2.) "Exeivns μηδένα σχεῖν μάρτυρα 
τῆς κατηγορίας λεγούσης, ὅρκον προὔ- 
τειναν ατοι δικασταί" καίτοι 
τοῦ νόμου διαρρήδην βοῶντος, ἐπὶ δύο 

τριῶν μαρτύρων εἶναι βέβαια τὰ 
"λεγόμενα" καὶ ἄντικρυς τοῦ Ἀποστόλου 
κελεύοντος, μὴ δὲ κατὰ πρεσβυτέρου 


"γινομένην γραφὴν δίχα δύο ἢ τριῶν 


pov προσδέχεσθαι ἀλλὰ τῶν 


"θείων οὗτοι νόμων καταφρονήσαντες, 


ἀμάρτυρον κατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς τοσούτου κατ- 
ηγορίαν ἐδέξαντο" ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἷς εἷ- 


mev ἐκείνη τὸν ὅρκον προστέθεικε, 
βοῶσα ἦ μὴν Ἑὐσταθίου τὸ βρέ- 


os εἶναι, ὡς κατὰ μοιχοῦ λοιπὸν οἱ 
φιλαλήθεις τὴν ψῆφον ἐξήνεγκαν, 
kK. T. A. 

33 C. 75. a 74-] (Cotel. [c. 67.] 
Vv. I. p. 440.) Εἰς ρίαν τὴν κατ 


αἱρετικὸν μὴ προσδέχεσθαι, 
ἀλλὰ μηδὲ πιστῶν ἕνα μόνον" ἐπὶ 


στόματος γὰρ δύο ἣ τριῶν μαρτύρων 
σταθήσεται πᾶν ῥῆμα. 

34 Apol. ad Constant. t. 1. p. 731. 
(t. τ. part. 1. p. 234 Ὁ.) Π nxn δὲ 
πρὸς φανερὰν ἀπόδειξιν, εἰ καταξιώ- 
σειας μαθεῖν, ὅτι παρόντων μὲν ἡμῶν, 
οὐδὲν ἀπέδειξαν οἱ κατηγοροῦντες κατὰ 
Μακαρίου τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου" ἀπόντων 
δὲ ἡμῶν, κατὰ μόνας ἔπραξαν ἅπερ 
ἐθέλησαν" τὰ δὲ τοιαῦτα προηγουμέ- 
vos μὲν ὁ θεῖος νόμος, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ 
ἡμέτεροι νόμοι μηδεμίαν ἔχειν δύναμιν 
> ἥναντο 


C. 6. (t. 2. p. 1160 6.) Placet 
....ut is, qui aliquibus sceleribus 
irretitus est, vocem adversus majo- 
res natu non habeat accusandi.— 
(Conf. Cod. Eccles. Afric. c. 8. (ibid. 
p: 1054 b.) ᾿Αρέσκει.. .. rods εἴς τινα 
pion (al. pion] ἐμπεπλεγμένους κατὰ 
πατέρων φωνὴν κατηγορίας ἀποτίθε- 
σθαι. Ep.| 


112 Instances of mutual respect 


general Council of Constantinople*® distinguishes the causes upon 
which an accusation might be brought against a bishop; for 
a man might have a private cause of complaint against him, as 
that he was defrauded in his property, or in any the like 
case injured by him; in which case his accusation was to be 
heard, without considering at all the quality of the person or 
his religion. For a bishop was to keep a good conscience, 
and any man that complained of being injured by him was to 
have justice done him whatever religion he was of. But ‘if the 
crime was purely ecclesiastical which was alleged against him, 
then the personal qualities of the accusers were to be exa- 
mined; so that no heretics should be allowed to accuse or- 
thodox bishops in causes ecclesiastical, nor any excommunicate 
persons before they had first made satisfaction for their own 
crimes; nor any who were impeached of crimes of which they 
had not proved themselves innocent.’ The Council of Chal- 
cedon adds37, ‘that no clergyman or layman should be ad- 
mitted to impeach a bishop or a clerk, till his own reputation 
and character were first inquired into and fully examined.’ So 
careful were they in this matter not to expose the credit of 
the clergy to the malicious designs or wicked conspiracies of 
any profligate wretches whom malice or bribery might induce 
to accuse them. Thirdly, in case of false accusation, whether 
public or private, the penalty against the offender was very 
severe. ‘If any clergyman,’ says one of the Apostolical 
Canons®8, ‘unjustly reproach a bishop, he shall be deposed ; 
for it is written, “ Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy 
people.”’ And, by a canon of the Council of Eliberis%9, for any 


36 C. 6. (ibid. t. 950 b.) Ei δὲ ἐκ- 
κλησιαστικὸν εἴη τὸ ἐπιφερόμενον & ἔγ- 
κλημα τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ, τότε δοκιμάζε- 
σθαι χρὴ τῶν κατηγορούντων τὰ πρόσ- 
ona’ ἵνα πρῶτον μὲν αἱρετικοῖς μὴ 
ἐξῇ κατηγορίας κατὰ τῶν ὀρθοδόξων 
ἐπισκόπων ὑπὲρ ἐκκλησιαστικῶν πραγ- 
μάτων ποιεῖσθαι" ον ν «ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ 
εἴ τινες τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐπὶ 
αἰτίαις τισὶ προκατεγνωσμένοι εἶεν καὶ 
ἀποβεβλημένοι, ἢ ἀκοινώνητοι. 5 ates 
μηδὲ τούτοις ἐξεῖναι κατηγορεῖν ἐπι- 
σκόπου, πρὶν ἂν τὸ οἰκεῖον ἔγκλημα 
πρότερον ἀποδύσωνται" ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ 
"τοὺς ὑπὸ κατηγορίαν προλαβοῦσαν 
ὄντας, μὴ πρότερον εἶναι δεκτοὺς εἰς 


ἐπισκόπου κατηγορίαν, i ἑτέρων κλη- 
ρικῶν, πρὶν ἂν ἀθώους ἑαυτοὺς τῶν 
ἐπαχθέντων αὐτοῖς ἀποδείξωσιν ἐγ- 
κλημάτων. 

a C. 21. (t. 4. p. 766 c.) Κληρι- 
κοὺς, ἢ λαικοὺς, κατηγοροῦντας ἐπι- 
σκόπων, ἢ κληρικῶν, ἁπλῶς καὶ ἀδο- 
κιμάστως μὴ προσδέχεσθαι, εἰ μὴ 
πρότερον ἐξετασθῆ αὐτῶν ἡ ὑπόλη- 


M55 C. 47 [al. 55.] (Cotel. v. I. 
Ρ. 445:) Εἴ τις κληρικὸς ὑβρίζει τὸν 
ἐπίσκοπον, καθαιρείσθω" ἄρχοντα γὰρ 
τοῦ λαοῦ σοῦ οὐκ ἐρεῖς κακῶς. [ Cotel. 
ὑβρίσει τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἀδίκως. 


39 C. 75. (ibid. p. 978 d.) Si quis 


ee νον 


among the clergy. 113 


man to charge a bishop, presbyter, or deacon with a false 
erime which he could not make good against them, was ex- 
communication. without hopes of reconciliation at the hour of 
death. Which was the usual penalty that was inflicted by 
that Council upon very great and notorious offenders; for 
which some have censured the Spanish Church as guilty of 
Noyatianism, but without reason, as I shall shew when I come 
to discourse of the discipline of the Church. Here it may be 
sufficient to observe, that they thought this crime one of the 
first magnitude, since they refused to give the external peace 
of the Church to such offenders, even at their last hour. 

Many other instances of the like respect might here be added, 
but by these few the reader will be able to judge with what 
candour and ciyility the clergy of the primitive Church were 
obliged to receive and treat one another. And it would have 
been happy for all ages, had they walked in the same steps, 
and copied after so good an example. 


CHAP. II. 


Instances of respect shewed to the clergy by the civil govern- 
ment. Particularly of their exemption from the cognizance 
of the secular courts in ecclesiastical causes. 


1. Nexr to the respect which the clergy shewed to one an- Bishops 
other, it will be proper to speak of the honours which were πον ἣν have 
done them by the civil magistrates ; which were more or less, any secular 
according as either the inclination and piety of the emperors ee tate 
led them, or as the state of the times required. These honours ‘stimony. 
chiefly consisted in exempting them from some sort of obliga- 

tions to which others were liable, and in granting them certain 
privileges and immunities which others did not enjoy. Of this 

kind was that instance of respect which, by the laws of Justi- 

nian*°, was granted to all bishops, ‘that no secular judge 

should compel them to appear in a public court to give their 


testimony before him, but he should send one of his officers to 


episcopum, presbyterum, vel diaco- Nulli vero judicum licebit Deo ama- 

num falsis criminibus appetierit, et biles episcopos cogere ad judicium 

probare non potuerit, nec in fine venire pro exhibendo testimonio; 

dandam ei communionem. sed judex mittat ad eos quosdam ex 
40 Novel. 123. c.7. (t.5. Ρ. 544.} personis ministrantium sibi, &c. 


BINGHAM, VOL. ΤΙ. I 


114 Exemption of the clergy 


take it from their mouths in private.’ This law is also repeated 
in the Justinian Code*!, and there said to be enacted first by 
Theodosius the Great, a law of whose is still extant in the same 
words in the Theodosian Code42. But Gothofred will have it, 
that this law, as first enacted by Theodosius, meant no more 
than to exempt the clergy from being bound to give an ac- 
count to the civil magistrates of what judgments or sentences 
they passed upon any secular causes that were referred to 
their arbitration. And indeed it is evident that the law-terms, 
ad testimonium devocari and εἰς μαρτυρίαν ἐπικαλεῖσθαι, are 
taken in this sense by the African fathers in the fifth Council 
of Carthage, where it was agreed 48 ‘to petition the emperors 
to make a decree, that, if any persons referred a civil cause to 
the arbitration of the Church, and one of the parties chanced 
to be displeased with the decision or sentence that was given 
against him, it should not be lawful to draw the clergyman, 
who was judge in the cause, into any secular court, to make 
him give any testimony or account of his determination.’ This 
was not intended to exempt clergymen in general from being 
called to be witnesses in a secular court, but only to free them 
from the prosecutions of vexatious and troublesome men, who, 
when they had chosen them for their arbitrators, would not 
stand to their arbitration, but prosecuted them in the civil 
courts, as if they had given a partial sentence against them. 
And though it was contrary to the law to give them any such 


41 L, τ. tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 7. (t. 
4. Ρ. 75.) Imperator Theodosius dixit, 
Nec honore, nec legibus episcopus 
ad testimonium dicendum flagitetur. 

42 L. 11. tit. 39. de Fide Testium, 
leg. 8. (t.4. p. 327.) In consistorio 
Imp. Theod. A. dixit: Episcopus, 
&c. 

43 C.1. (t.2. p. 1215 d.)....Sta- 
tuendum est ut qui forte in ecclesia 

uamlibet causam, &c.—Conf. Cod. 
Raa Afric. (ibid. p. 1086 c.) Δεῖ 
αἰτῆσαι ἔτι μὴν, wa ὁρίσαι καταξιώ- 
σωσιν, ὥστε ἐάν τινες ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ οἷ- 
ανδήποτε αἰτίαν ἀποστολικῷ δικαίῳ 
τῷ ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις ἐπικειμένῳ γυμνά- 
σαι θελήσωσι, καὶ ἴσως ἡ τομὴ τῶν 
κληρικῶν τῷ ἑνὶ μέρει ἀπαρέσοι, μὴ 
ἐξεῖναι πρὸς δικαστήριον εἰς μαρτυ- 


ρίαν προσκαλεῖσθαι τὸν κληρικόν" 
ἐκεῖνον τὸν πρότερον τὸ αὐτὸ πρᾶγμα 
σκοπήσαντα, ἢ καὶ σκοπουμένῳ παρα- 
τυχόντα καὶ ἵνα μηδὲ προσώπῳ τις 
ἐκκλησιαστικῷ προσήκων ἐναχθείη πε- 
pl τοῦ ὀφείλειν paprupeiv.—Conf. C, 
vulg. dict. African. c. 26. (ibid. p. 
1649 d.) Petendum etiam ut statuere 
dignentur, ut si qui forte in ecclesia 
quamlibet causam, jure apostolico 
ecclesiis imposito, agere voluerint, 
et fortasse decisio clericorum uni 
parti displicuerit; non liceat cleri- 
cum in judicium ad testimonium 
devocari eum, qui cognitor vel pree- 
sens [forsan, preses| fuerit. Et 
nulla ad testimonium dicendum ec- 
clesiastici cujuslibet persona pulse- 
tur. 


ee - “αὐ 





From secular cognizance. 115 


trouble, because, as I have shewed in another place“, all such 
determinations were to be absolutely decisive and final without 
appeal ; yet it is probable some secular judges in Afric might 
give encouragement to such prosecutions; which made the 
African fathers complain of the grievance, and desire to have it 
redressed, in the fore-mentioned canon, to which Gothofred 
thinks the law of Theodosius refers. But whether the law of 
Theodosius be thus to be limited, is a matter that may admit 
of further inquiry. Gothofred himself confesses that Justinian 
took it in a larger sense; and that is enough for me to found 
this privilege of bishops upon, that they were not to be called 
into a secular court, to give their testimony there in any case 
whatsoever. 

2. Another privilege of this kind, which also argued great Nor obliged 
respect paid to bishops, was, that when their testimony was (? Se. 
taken in private, they were not obliged to give it upon oath, mony —— 
as other witnesses were, but only upon their word, as became the aa et 
the priests of God, laying the holy Gospels before them. For Justinian. 
the same law of Justinian‘, which grants them the former 
privilege, enacted this in their favour and behalf also. And in 
pursuance of that law probably the Council of Tribur+®, some 
ages after, decreed, ‘that no presbyter should be questioned 
upon oath, but instead of that only be interrogated upon his 
consecration, because it did not become a priest to swear upon 
a light cause.’ But it does not appear that this indulgence 
was granted to bishops before the time of Justinian. For the 
Council of Chalcedon 47 exacted an oath in a certain case of the 
Egyptian bishops; and the Council of Tyre 45 required the same 
of Ibas, bishop of Edessa. And there are many other instances 
of the like nature. 


44 B. 2. c. 7. 88. 3, 4. V.1. p. 108. 


wv, ἢ ἐγγύας παρέξουσιν, εἰ τοῦτο αὐ- 
- ides δ 2 


. 6.7. (ἔ. 5. Ρ. 544.) τοῖς δυνατὸν, ἢ ἐξωμοσίᾳ καταπιστω- 

itis vangeliis, secundum θήσονται, ἀναμένοντες τὴν χειροτο- 
quod decet sacerdotes, dicant quod νίαν τοῦ ἐσομένου ἐπισκόπου τῆς ᾿Α- 
noverint, non tamen jurent. λεξανδρέων μεγαλοπόλεως. 


ee ee eS ΤῸΝ ὙΟΥΥ ΤΎ 


46 C. 21. (t.9. p.452a.) Presbyter 
vero vice juramenti per sanctam con- 
secrationem interrogetur ; quia 88- 
cerdotes ex levi causa jurare non 
debent, &c. 

Lis ty (t. tod he BET Se)» Ae: 

σχήματος οἱ 
Bioreres. ἐπίσκοποι τῶν Alyurri- 


48 Ap. pane: 9. C. Chalced. (ibid. p. 
30 6.) Πρὸς τοῦτο ἀπῃτήσαμεν ἡμεῖς 
ν [ἃ]. ὅρκον) τὸν θεοσεβέστατον 
ἐπίσκοπον Ἴμβαν, ὡς πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν τῷ 
Hayy πράγματι λυπήσασιν αὐτὸν, 


Νὰ “eri ἀντιπράττειν, ἀμνηστίαν 
ρεῖσθαι 


12 


Whether 
the single 
evidence of 
one bishop 
was good in 
law against 
the testi- 
mony of 
many 
others. 


116 Exemption of the clergy 


3. Constantine the Great granted many privileges to the 
clergy; but there are some, that go under his name, which were 
certainly never granted by him. ΑΒ his famed donation to the 
bishops of Rome, which Baronius‘? himself gives up for a for- 
gery, and De Marca 50 and Pagi>! prove it to be a spurious 
fiction of the ninth century, invented most probably by the 
same Isidore Mercator who forged the Decretal Epistles of the 
ancient bishops of Rome. There are other privileges fathered 
upon Constantine, which, though not such manifest forgeries 
as the former, are yet by learned men reputed of a doubtful 
nature; such as that which is comprised in a law under the 
name of Constantine at the end of the Theodosian Code®?2, 
where all judges are ‘ commanded to take the single evidence 
of one bishop as good in law against all others whatsoever.’ 
Gothofred is of opinion that this whole title in the Theodosian 
Code is spurious; and for this law in particular there are two 
arguments that seem to prove it not genuine. First, because 
Constantine himself in another law >? says, ‘ the testimony of a 
single witness shall not be heard in any case, no, not though 


49 An. 324. n. 118. (t. 3. p. 215 by) 
Jam vero reliquum foret, ut .... de 
vulgata ila omnium ore ageremus 
ejusdem Constantini donatione tot 
tantisque controversiis agitata: sed 
parcimus, quod nihil preter illa, 
que ab aliis dicta sint, afferre pos- 
sumus, et eadem repetere sit onero- 
sum atque pariter otiosum; cum 
liberum sit cuique, que eo argu- 
mento a pluribus sunt scripta, con- 
sulere. 

50 De Concord. 1. 6. c. 6. n. 6. 
(p. 806.) Alterum, quod mihi ob- 
servasse videor notatu dignum, 
nempe pallium esse genus quoddam 
imperatorii indumenti, cujus usum 
imperatores permisere patriarchis, 
videri prima fronte posset audacie 
plenum, nisi fidejussores optimos 
darem. Ecclesia namque Romana 
ita esse fatetur, que Constantini 
donationem, ubi scriptum est, pal- 
lium Romano pontifici tributum 
beneficio istius imperatoris, decreto 
Gratiani insertam suscepit. Adsen- 
tior sane viris eruditis, qui donatio- 
nem illam falsi arguunt, eo in pri- 
mis argumento, quod a Constantino 


facta esse dicatur. 

51 Crit. in Baron. an. 324. ἢ. 13. 
fal 16.] (t. 1. p. 400.) Donatio 

onstantini prorsus supposititia, ut 
fere inter eruditos convenit. ...Vi- 
detur igitur donatio illa ab Isidoro 
Mercatore cum veterum pontificum 
pseudographis epistolis supposita. 
Convenit enim Isidori ingenio, stylo 
et characteri scribendi plane squa- 
lido, ac denique rationi temporis, 
quo primum audita, Carolo scilicet 
Magno imperante; cum_laudetur 
ab Hincmaro episcopo Rhemensi, 
qui tunc floruit. 

52 L, τό. tit. 12. de Episc. Audi- 
ent. leg. 1. [al. Extravagans leg. 1. ] 
(t. 6. p. 304.) Testimonium, etiam 
ab uno licet episcopo perhibitum, 
omnes judices indubitanter accipi- 
ant, nec alius audiatur, cum testi- 
monium episcopi a qualibet parte 
fuerit repromissum. 

53 Vid. Cod. Theod. 1. 11. tit. 39. 
de Fide Testium, leg. 3. (t. 4. p. 321.) 

. Sanximus, ut unlus omnino testis 
responsio non audiatur, etiamsi 
preclare curie honore prefulgeat. 


ah i eel es a a ee 








§ 3, 4. 


From secular cognizance. 117 


the witness be a senator.’ Secondly, because the ecclesiastical 
laws, as well as the civil, require two witnesses, as has been 
noted in the last chapter; which, I think, are sufficient argu- 
ments to prove that no such extravagant privilege could be 
granted to bishops by Constantine; but I leave the reader 
to judge for himself, if he can find better arguments to the 


4. We have better proof for another privilege that we find 
granted to presbyters, which was, that if any of them were 
called to give testimony in a public court, they should not be 
examined by scourging or torture, as the law directed in other 
eases. For by the Roman laws witnesses might be examined 
upon the rack, in some cases, to make them declare the whole 
truth; as we learn not only from the laws themselves**, but 
from St. Austin®> and Synesius*®, who mention several new 
sorts of torture, which Andronicus, the tyrannical prefect of 
Ptolemais, invented beyond what the law directed. But now 
nothing of this kind could be imposed upon any presbyter 
of the Church; for they were exempted from it by a law 
of Theodosius the Great, which is still extant in both the 
Codes 7, by which it also appears that it was a peculiar pri- 


54 Vid. Cod. Justin. 1. 9. tit. 41. 
de Quest. (t. 4. p. 2427.)—It. Cod. 
Theod. 1. 13. tit. 9. de Naufragiis, 
leg. 2. (t. 5. p. 105.) Si quando 
causatio est de impetu procellarum, 
medium ex his nautis numerum na- 


τῆς ἐνεγκούσης αὐτὸν ὠνησάμενον, 
μήτε ἡγείσθω τὶς, μήτε καλείτω Χρι- 
στιανόν' ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀλιτήριος ὧν τοῦ 
Θεοῦ πάσης ἐκκλησίας ἀπεληλάσθω 
πανέστιος" οὐ διότι γέγονε Πενταπό- 
λεως ἐσχάτη πληγὴ, μετὰ σεισμὸν, 


vicularius exhibeat quzestioni, quos 
eum in navi, pro modo capacitatis, 
constat habuisse, quo eorum tor- 
mentis plenior veritas possit inquiri. 
55 Serm. 49. de Divers. t. 10. p. 
520. [al. Serm. 355. de Vit. et Mo- 
rib. Clericor. c. 4.] (t. 5. p. 1382 f.) 
Naviculariam nolui esse ecclesiam 
Christi. Multi sunt quidem, qui 
etiam de navibus acquirunt: tamen 
una tentatio (si esset, iret navis et 
naufragaret. Homines ad tormenta 
daturi eramus, ut de submersione 
navis secundum  consuetudinem 
tur, et torquerentur a judice, 

qui essent de fluctibus liberati, &c. 
56 Ep. 58. (p. 201 b. 3.) ᾿Ανδρό- 
viKov Beas aa τὸν κακῇ Πεντα- 
πόλεως » καὶ φύντα, καὶ τρα- 
φέντα, καὶ atendévra, καὶ τὴν ἀν» 


μετὰ ἀκρίδα, μετὰ λοιμὸν, μετὰ πῦρ, 
μετὰ πόλεμον, ἐπεξελθὼν ἀκριβῶς 
τοῖς ἐκείνων ἐγκαταλείμμασιν, ἄτοπα 
κολαστηρίων ὀργάνων γένη καὶ σχή- 
ματα πρῶτος εἰς g χώραν εἰσενεγ- 
Koy" εἴη δὲ εἰπεῖν, ὅτι καὶ μένος χρη- 
σάμενος, δακτυλήθραν, καὶ ποδοστρά- 
βην, καὶ πιεστήριον, καὶ ῥινολαβίδα, 
καὶ ὠτάγραν, καὶ χειλοστρόφιον᾽ ὧν 
οἱ προλαβόντες τὴν πεῖράν τε καὶ τὴν 
θέαν, καὶ τῷ πολέμῳ προαπολόμενοι, 
παρὰ τῶν κακῶς περισωθέντων ἐμα- 
καρίσθησαν, κ. τ.λ. 

7 L. 11. tit: 20. de Fid. Test. leg. 
10. (t. 4. p. 331.) Presbyteri citra 
injuriam questionis testimonium 
dicant; ita tamen ut falsa non si- 
roulent. Czteri vero clerici, qui 
eorum gradum vel ordinem subse- 
quuntur, si ad testimonium dicen- 


Presbyters 
privileged 
against be- 
ing ques- 
tioned by 
torture, as 
other wit- 
nesses were. 


The clergy 
exempt 
from the 
ordinary 
cognizance 
of the secu- 
lar courts 
in all eccle- 
siastical 
causes. 


118 Exemption of the clergy 


vilege granted to bishops and presbyters, but to none below 
them: for the rest of the clergy are excepted, and left to the 
common way of examination, which in other cases the law di- 
rected to be used. 

5. But the next privilege I am to mention was a more uni- 
versal one that extended to all the clergy; which was their 
exemption from the ordinary cognizance of the secular courts 
in several sorts of causes. Τὸ understand this matter aright, 
we must carefully distinguish two things. First, the different 
kinds of causes in which the clergy might be concerned; and, 
secondly, the different powers of the inferior courts from that 
of the supreme magistrate, who was invested with a peculiar 
prerogative-power above them. The want of attending to 
which distinctions is the thing that has bred so much confu- 
sion in modern authors upon this subject, and especially in the 
Romish writers, many of which are intolerably partial in their 
accounts, and highly injurious to the civil magistrates, under 
pretence of asserting and maintaining the rights and liberties 
of the Church. In the first place, therefore, to have a right 
understanding in this matter, we must distinguish the several 
sorts of causes in which ecclesiastical persons might be con- 
cerned. Now these were of four kinds: first, such as related 
to matters purely ecclesiastical, as crimes committed against the 
faith or canons and discipline and good order of the Church, 
which were to be punished with ecclesiastical censures; se- 
condly, such as related to mere civil and pecuniary matters 
between a clergyman and a layman; thirdly, such as related 
to political matters, as gross and scandalous crimes committed 
against the laws, and to the detriment of the commonwealth, 
as treason, rebellion, robbery, murder, and the like, which in 
the laws are called atrocia delicta ; fourthly, such as related 
to lesser crimes of the same nature, which the law calls levia 
delicta, small or petty offences. Now, according to this dis- 
tinction of causes, the clergy were or were not exempt from 
the cognizance of the civil courts by the laws of the Roman 
empire. In all matters that were purely ecclesiastical they 
were absolutely exempt, as Gothofred*7, the great civilian, 


dum petiti fuerint, prout leges pre- 57 In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. 
cipiunt, audiantur.—Cf. Cod. Jus- leg. 23. (t. 6. p. 52.) De causis ec- 
tin. 1. 1. tit. 3. leg. 8. (t. 4. p. 86.) clesiasticis, ra ἐκκλησιαστικὰ ζητή- 


-ὖ ee ἊΨ ee Ν 


§ 5, 9, 7. Srom secular cognizance. 119 


scruples not to own. For all causes of that nature were re- 
served to the hearing of bishops and their councils, not only 
by the canons-of the Church, but by the laws of the State 
also. 
6. This may be evidenced from the Rescripts of several em- This evi- 
perors successively one after another, most of which are extant creas 
in both the Codes. Constantius, anno 355, published a law®$, lawsofCon 
wherein he prohibited any accusation to be brought against a mre 
bishop before ἃ secular magistrate; but, if any one had any 
complaint against him, his cause should be heard and tried by 

a synod of bishops. This at least must signify in ecclesiastical 

causes; though Gothofred and some others say it extended 

also to civil and criminal causes; and that though it looked 

like a privilege, yet it was intended as a snare to the Catholic 

bishops, to oppress them by his Arian synods, in those times 

when the majority of bishops in any synod were commonly 

such as favoured the Arian party; and a Catholic bishop might 

expect more favour and justice from a secular court than from 

them. But whether this law extended to all civil and criminal 

causes, is not very easy to determine :—thus much is certain, 

that if it did, it was not long after in that part revoked, whilst 

in the other part it stood good, and was confirmed by the laws 


of the succeeding emperors. 


7. For Valentinian granted the clergy the same immunity And those 
in all ecclesiastical causes. As appears from what St. Ambrose °,\uen"” 


writes to the younger Valentinian concerning his father, say- Gratian. 
ing 9, ‘ Your father, of august memory, did not only say it in 


a apud Basilium, id est, in qui- Constantinop. et Novella Just. 83. 
bos de religione agitur, seu in causa cap.1. ..quz scilicet pcenis canoni- 
fidei,ut Valentinianus senior, impera- cis, atque in his exauctoratione. .. 
toris nostri pater, in hac ipsa re lege communionis privatione exercentur. 
sua dicebat, teste Ambrosio, Ep.32. ἔὅ8. Ap. Cod. Theod. 1. τό. tit. 2. 
in princ. Dubium nullum est, eas de Episcopis, leg. 12. (ibid. p. 37.) 
coram episcopis et synodis dicece- Mansuetudinis nostre lege prohibe- 
seon audiri oportere.... non vero mus in judiciis episcopos accusari. 
δημοσίοις δικαστηρίοις ecclesiasticos ....Si quid est igitur querelarum, 
στηλιτεύεσθαι. ..... Item, dubium quod quispiam defert, apud alios 
nullum est, causas ecclesiastici ali- potissimum episcopos convenit ex- 
cujus ordinis, ut et delicta ecclesi- plorari, &c. 
asticorum proprie contra discipli- 59 Ep. 32. [al. 21.] ad Valentin. 
nam ecclesiasticam et ordinem ad- (t. 2. p. 860 c.)...Auguste# memo- 
missa, ibidem agitata, qui ecclesi- riz pater tuus non solum sermone 
astica ἐγκλήματα seu ἤματα respondit, sed etiam legibus suis 
delicta dicuntur Can. 6. Concilii sanxit, in causa fidei, vel ecclesias- 


And Theo- 
dosius the 
Great. 


120 Exemption of the clergy 


words, but enacted it into a law, that, in matters of faith and 
ecclesiastical order, they ought to judge who were qualified by 
their office, and [ were] of the same order.’ For those are the 
words of his Rescript. That is, he would have priests to judge 
of priests. This law is not now extant in the Code, but there is 
another ® of Valentinian and Gratian to the same purpose ; 
wherein it is decreed, ‘that the same custom should be ob- 
served in ecclesiastical business as was in civil causes: that if 
there arose any controversies about matters of religion, either 
from the dissensions of men, or other small offences, they 
should be heard and determined in the places where they 
arose, or in the synod of the whole diocese. Except only such 
criminal actions as were reserved to the hearing of the ordi- 
nary judges, the proconsuls and prefects of every province, or 
the extraordinary judges of the emperor’s own appointing, or 
the illustrious powers,’ viz. the prefectus-pretorio of the dio- 
cese. Here it is plain, that though criminal actions against the 
state-laws are excepted, yet all matters ecclesiastical were to 
be heard by ecclesiastical judges, and no other. 

8. In the last title of the Theodosian Code there is a law®!, 
under the name of Theodosius the Great, to the same purpose, 
wherein it is decreed, ‘that no bishop, nor any other minister 
of the Church, shall be drawn into the civil courts of any ordi- 
nary or extraordinary judges, about matters or causes of an 
ecclesiastical nature, because they have judges of their own 
and laws distinct from those of the State. This law is cited in 
Gratian’s Decree, but the words quantum ad causas eccle- 
siasticas tamen pertinet are there® fraudently left out, to 


tici alicujus ordinis eum judicare 
debere, qui nec munere impar sit, 
nec jure dissimilis : hac enim verba 
Rescripti sunt: hoc est, sacerdotes 
de sacerdotibus voluit judicare. 

60 L.16. tit. 2. de Episcopis, leg. 23. 
(t. 6. p. 52.) Qui mos est causa+ 
rum civilium, iidem in negotiis ec- 
clesiasticis obtinendi sunt: ut siqua 
sunt ex quibusdam dissensionibus, 
levibusque delictis, ad religionis ob- 
servantiam pertinentia, locis suis et 
a suz diceceseos synodis audiantur. 
Exceptis, que actio criminalis ab 
ordinariis extraordinariisque judi- 
cibus, aut illustribus potestatibus 


audientia [leg. audienda] constituit. 

61 [bid. tit. 12. [al. Extravagans. | 
de Episcop. Judic. leg. 3. (p. 311.).. 
Continua lege sancimus, ut nullus 
episcoporum vel eorum, qui ecclesize 
necessitatibus serviunt, ad judicia 
sive ordinariorum sive extraordina- 
riorum judicum (quantum tamen δα 
causas ecclesiasticas pertinet) pertra- 
hatur, &c. 

62 Gratian. Caus. 11. quest. I. 6. 5. 
(t. 1. p. gor. 12.) [Neither is there 
any notice of the omission in the 
margin. Similar omissions in seve- 
ral authors are common in the later 
editions. Ep.] | 


§ 8, 9, το. From secular cognizance. 121 


~ 


serve the current doctrine and hypothesis of his own times, 
and make the reader believe that the clergy anciently enjoyed 
an exemption not only in ecclesiastical causes, but all others. 
I the rather mention this corruption, because none of the Cor- 
rectors of Gratian have taken any notice of it. The Roman 
Censors silently pass it over, and it has escaped the diligence 
of Antonius Augustinus, and Baluzius also. Gothofred indeed 

. questions the authority of the law itself; but I shall not stand 
to dispute that, since there is nothing in it contrary to the 
preceding laws or those that followed after. 

9. For Arcadius and Honorius continued the same privilege And Arca- 
to the clergy, confirming the ancient laws, ‘that whenever εἰπρίευ οὖ 
any cause relating to religion was debated, the bishops were 
to be judges; but other causes, belonging to the cognizance of 

| the ordinary judges and the use of the common laws, were to 

| be heard by them only.’ 

10. Theodosius Junior and Valentinian the Third refer to And Valen- 

this law of Honorius as the standing law then in force, con- ind ὌΣ 

cerning the immunities and liberties of the clergy, saying in J™sti™an. 

: one® of their decrees, ‘ that bishops and presbyters had no 

court of secular laws, nor any power to judge of other causes, 

| except such as related to religion, according to the Consti- 

tutions of Arcadius and Honorius inserted into the Theodosian 

Code.’ So that all the same laws, which denied them power 

| in secular causes, allowed them the privilege of judging in 
ecclesiastical causes; and the very excepting of other causes 

is a manifest proof that there was no contest made about these 

to the time of Justinian, who confirmed the privilege which so 

many of his predecessors had granted before him. For in one 
of his Novels® we find it enacted, ‘ that all ecclesiastical crimes, 
which were to be punished with ecclesiastical penalties and 


68 Cod. Theod. lib. 16. tit. 11. de divalia constituta, que Theodosia- 
F Religione, leg. 1. (t.6. p. 298.) Quo- num Corpus ostendit, preter reli- 
ties de religione agitur, episcopos gionem cognoscere. 
. convenit judicare : czteras vero cau- 65 Novel. 83. c. 1. (t. 5. Ρ. 386.) 
sas, = ad -ordinarios cognitores, Si vero ecclesiasticum sit delictum, 
vel ad usum publici juris pertinent, egens castigatione ecclesiastica et 
legibus oportet audiri. multa, Deo amabilis episcopus hoc 
64 Novel. 12. ad calc. Cod. Theod. discernat, nihil communicantibus 
(ibid. append. p. 26.) Quoniam con-  clarissimis nce agate Ne- 
stat episcopos et presbyteros forum que enim volumus talia negotia om- 
ibus non habere: nec de aliis cau- nino scire civiles judices, &c. 
sis, secundum Arcadii et Honorii 








The clergy 
also exempt 
in lesser 
criminal 
causes. 


122 Exemption of the clergy 


censures, should be judged by the bishop, the provincial judges 
not intermeddling with them. For,’ saith he, ‘it is our pleasure 
that such matters shall not be heard by the civil judges.’ 

11. Gothofred® is also of opinion that some of the lesser 
criminal causes of ecclesiastics were to be determined by the 
bishops and their synods likewise. For in the forementioned 
law of Gratian (see before, sect. 7.) the levia delicta or lesser 
crimes are reserved to the hearing of bishops. And St. Am- 
brose 57, having spoken of the decree of Valentinian, which or- 
ders all ecclesiastical causes to be judged by bishops only, adds 
also, ‘that if in other respects a bishop was to be censured, 
and his morals came under examination, such causes as those 
likewise should appertain to the episcopal judgment.’ Which 
seems to put some distinction between ecclesiastical and civil 
criminal causes, and reserves both to the hearing of bishops 
and their synods. But then, as Gothofred rightly observes, 
this must only be understood of lesser criminal causes; for in 
greater criminal actions the clergy were liable to the cogni- 
zance of the secular judges, as well as all others. Which is 
freely owned by De Marca, and some other ingenuous writers 
of the Romish Church. For De Marca® quits the positions of 
Baronius and the Canonists, and confesses, ‘ that, as it appears 
from the Theodosian Code, that the ecclesiastical crimes and 
lesser civil crimes of the clergy were left to the hearing of 
bishops, and the synods of every diocese or province; so the 
greater civil crimes of the clergy, which he reckons five in 
number, were reserved to the hearing of the public courts and 
civil judges, which, he says, ‘ appears from the laws published 
by Sirmondus in his Appendix to the Theodosian Code.’ 


66 In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. 
leg. 23. (t. 6. p. 54.).... De hujus- 
modi delictis episcopi quoque judices 
esse possunt, &c. 

67 Ep. 32. [al. 21.] ad Valentin. 


s. 7.) Unde in Codice Theodosiano 
controversie, que ad religionem 
pertinent, in quibus sunt crimina 
ecclesiastica, et minora delicta e ci- 
vilium numero, episcopis et cujus- 
O- 


(t. 2. p. 860 d.) Quinetiam si alias 
quoque argueretur episcopus, et mo- 
rum esset examinanda causa, etiam 
hec [al. hanc] voluit ad episcopale 
judicium pertinere. 

68 Dissert. in Cap. Clericus, ad 
calc. Anton. August. de Emendat. 
Gratian. p. 577. (ap. Oper. De 
Marce, Bamberg.1789. t. 4. p. 415. 


τ diceceseos sive provincie 5 
is relinquuntur: servata judiciis 
publicis atrocium criminum, que 
numero quinque, adversus clericos 
cognitione; ut docent leges aliquot 
editee cura Sirmondi in Appendice 
Codicis Theodosiani. 

69 [Vid. Benign. Milletot. de Le- 


gitima Judicum Secularium Potes- 


§ 11, 12. Jrom secular cognizance. 123 


12. Some reckon those laws to be of no very great authority, But not 
and therefore I shall rather choose to confirm this position from ‘tester 
the undoubted laws which occur in the body of the Theodosian causes. 
Code. Such as that of Theodosius and Gratian?°, which par- _ 
ticularly excepts these greater criminal actions, and reserves 
them to the hearing of the ordinary or extraordinary judges, 
or the preefectus-pretorio of the diocese ; and those other laws 
of Theodosius, and Arcadius, and Honorius, and Valentinian 
the Third, which have been cited in the foregoing sections7', 
and need not here be repeated. To which we may add that 
law?72 of the elder Valentinian, which orders ‘all such eccle- 
siasties to be prosecuted in the civil courts, that were found 
guilty of creeping into the houses of widows and orphans, and 
so insinuating into their affections, as to prevail upon them to 
disinherit their relations and make them their heirs.’ And 
that other law73 of the emperor Marcian, which in criminal 
causes exempts the clergy of Constantinople ‘from the cogni- 
zance of all inferior courts, but not from the high court of the 
prefectus-pretorio of the royal city. Which appears also 
to have been the practice at Rome: for Socrates?‘ observes, 
that when in the conflict, which happened at the election of 
Pope Damasus, some persons were slain, many both of the 
laity and clergy upon that account were punished by Maximi- 
nus, who was then prefectus-pretorio at Rome. It appears 
further from the Novels of Valentinian the Third75, that in 


tate in Personas Ecclesiasticas. (ap. rum vel propinqui putaverint defe- 


Monarchiam Goldasti, t. 3. p. 774. 
Francof. 1613. fol.) Liber prohib. 
ap. Soto-Major.—Cf. Be . Lau- 
rent. Casus, quibus Judex Secula- 
ris potest manus injicere in Personas 
jasticas: item de Privilegiis 
i . Paris. 1517. 8vo. Ep. | 
70 L, τό. tit. 2. de Kpisc. leg. 23. 
(t. 6, p. 52.).... Exceptis quze actio 
ees — oe nen 
riisque judicibus, aut illustribus 
veuaibas audienda constituit. 2 
71 See notes 61, 63, 64, preced- 


"ἢ Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. leg. 
20. (ibid. p. 48.) Ecclesiastici..... 
viduarum ac pupillarum domos non 
adeant: sed publicis exterminentur 
judiciis, si posthac eos affines ea- 


rendos. 

78 Cod. Justin. 1. i. tit. 4. de E- 
isc. leg. 25. (t. 4. p. 87.).... Qui 
actor] in nullo alio foro, vel apud 

quemquam alterum judicem em 
clericos litibus irretire, et civilibus 
vel criminalibus negotiis tentet in- 
nectere. 

74 L. 4. ς. 29. (v. 2. p- 252. 3:) 
Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ συμπληγάδες τῶν ὄχλων 
ἐγίνοντο᾽ ὥστε καὶ ἐκ τῆς παρατριβῆς 
πολλοὺς ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πολ- 
λοὺς Aaixovs τε καὶ κληρικοὺς ὑπὸ 
τοῦ τότε ἐπάρχου Μαξιμίνου τιμωρη- 


vat. 

75 Novel. 5. de Sepulcr. Violat..ad 
calc. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 
22.) Quisquis igitur ex hoc numero 
[clericorum} sepulcrorum violator 


Nor in 


vemses mth troversies which the clergy had with laymen. 


laymen. 


124 Exemption of the clergy 


such criminal actions as those of murder, robbing of graves, or 
the like, bishops as well as any other clerks were bound to - 
answer before the civil magistrate by their proctors. But 
Justinian a little enlarged the privilege with respect to bishops, 
making a decree7®, ‘that no one should draw a bishop in any 
pecuniary or criminal cause before a secular magistrate against 
his will, unless the emperor gave particular order to do it.’ 
This was the plain state of the matter as to what concerned the 
exemption of the clergy in this sort of criminal causes, notwith- 
standing what Baronius or any others of that strain have said 
to the contrary. Nay, some ages after, such crimes, as murder 
theft and witchcraft, were brought before the secular judges in 
France, as appears from the Council of Mascon77, anno 581. 
13. The case was much the same in all civil pecuniary con- 
For though 
they might end all such causes which they had with one 
another in their own courts or before a synod of bishops; and 
the canons obliged them so to do, as has been noted in the last 
chapter 78; yet, if their controversy happened to be with a 
layman, the layman was not bound to refer the hearing of his 
cause to an ecclesiastical court, unless he voluntarily consented 
by way of compromise to take some ecclesiastical persons for 
his arbitrators. This is evident from one of the Constitutions 
of Valentinian the Third, which says79, ‘that if the plaintiff 


exstiterit, illico clerici nomen amit- 
tat, et sic stilo proscriptionis addic- 
tus perpetua deportatione plectatur. 
Quod ita servari oportere censemus, 
ut nec ministris nec antistitibus sa- 
cre religionis in tali causa statua- 
mus esse parcendum.—It. Novel. 
12. (ibid. p. 26.) Quam formam 
etiam circa episcoporum personam 
observari oportere censemus, ut si 
in hujusmodi ordinis homines actio- 
nem pervasionis et atrocium inju- 
riarum dirigi necesse fuerit, per pro- 
curatorem solemniter ordinatum 
apud judicem publicum inter leges 
et ee confligant. 

6 Novel. 123. c. 8. (t. 5. p. 544.) 
Sed neque, pro qualibet pecuniaria 
causa vel criminali, episcopum ad 
judicem civilem aut militarem invi- 
tum producere aut exhibere, citra 


imperialem jussionem, permittimus, 
&e. 

77 Matiscon. 1. 6. γῇ (t. 5. Ρ. 968 b.) 
Ut nullus clericus de qualibet causa, 
extra discussionem episcopi sui, a 
seculari judicio injuriam patiatur, 
aut custodize deputetur. Quod si 
quicumque judex cujuscumque cle- 
ricum absque causa criminali, id est, 
homicidio, furto, aut maleficio, hoc 
facere fortasse preesumpserit, quam- 
diu episcopo loci illius visum fuerit, 
ab ecclesiz liminibus arceatur. 

78 Ch. 1. 8. 4. p. 108. 

79 Novel. 12. ad calc. Cod. Theod. 
(t. 6. append. p. 26.).... Petitor lai- 
cus, seu in. civili seu in criminali 
causa, cujuslibet loci clericum ad- 
versarium suum, si id magis eligat, 
τ auctoritatem legitimam ‘in pu- 

lico judicio respondere compellat. _ 


Srom secular cognizance. 125 


§ 13, 14. 


was a layman, he might compel any clergyman with whom he 
had a civil contest to answer in a civil court, if he rather chose 
it.’ And the Council of Epone®°, according to the reading of 
Sirmond’s edition, says the same, ‘ that the clergy, if they were 
sued in a secular court, should make no scruple to follow the 
plaintiff thither.’ But Justinian*!, at the instance of Mennas, 
patriarch of Constantinople, granted the clergy of the royal 
city a peculiar privilege, ‘that in all pecuniary matters their 
cause should first be brought before the bishop; and if the 
nature of the cause happened to be such that he could not de- 
termine it, then recourse might be had to the civil judges, but 
not otherwise.’ From all which it appears, that anciently 
exemptions of this nature were not challenged as matters of 
divine right, but depended wholly upon the will and pleasure 
of Christian princes, however afterages came to put another 
kind of gloss upon them. 

14, Nay it must be observed, that even in ecclesiastical Of the ne- 
causes, a great difference was always observed between the rupert 
power of the prince or supreme magistrate, and that of the tween the 

ὲ ae aie, . preme 
subordinate and inferior judges. For though the ordinary and subor- 
judges were bound by the laws not to intermeddle with eccle- seach αὶ 
siastical causes; yet in some cases the prince himself inter- this busi- 
posed and appointed extraordinary judges, and sometimes pessch shes : 
heard and decided the cause himself, or reversed the decisions 
of ecclesiastics by his sovereign power, which no ordinary 
judges were qualified to do. But this belongs to another sub- 
ject, that will have a more proper place in this work, when we 
come to speak of the power of Christian princes. 


habet adversus eos quamlibet pecu- 
niarum causam, prius ad. . archiepi- 


80 Ὁ, 11. (t. 4. Ρ. 1577 d.)....Si 
δα fuerint, sequi ad szculare 


judicium non morentur.—Yet note, 
that other editions, as those of Crabbe 
and Binius, read it to a contrary 
sense,—Sequi ad seculare judicium 


non t. 
᾿ 8] ove: 83. Preefat. (t. 5. p. 385.) 


Petiti sumus a Menna.... clericis 
hoe dare privilegium, ut si quis 


scopum pergat, sub quo constitutus 
est, et inte et eum, &c.—Ibid. 
n. I. (p. 386.) Si vero aut propter 
cause naturam, aut propter quan- 
dam forte difficultatem non fuerit 
possibile ....episcopo decidere ne- 
gotium, tunc licenciam esse et ad 
civiles judices pergere, &c. 


126 Exemption of the clergy V. iii. 


CHAP. III. 


Of the immunities of the clergy in reference to taxes and 
civil offices and other burdensome employments in the 
Roman empire. 


No divine © 1, ANnotHER privilege which the clergy enjoyed by the 
scare favour of Christian princes was, that in some certain cases, ac- 
ancient cording to the exigency of times and places, they were exempt 
cenlg from some of the taxes that were laid upon the rest of the 
~ ce Roman empire. But whatever they enjoyed of this kind, they 


did not pretend to as matter of divine right, but freely ac- 
knowledged it to be owing to the pious munificence and favour 
of Christian emperors. Therefore Baronius®? does them great 
injustice, and is guilty of very gross prevarication, in pretending 
that ‘they claimed a freedom from tribute by the law of Christ; 
and that no emperor ever imposed any tax upon them, except 
only Julian the Apostate, and Valens the Arian, and the 
younger Valentinian, who was wholly governed by his mother 
Justina, an Arian empress; that, when St. Ambrose paid 
tribute under this Valentinian, he did it only out of his 
Christian meekness, not that he was otherwise under any 
obligation to have done it.’ How true this representation is, 
the reader may judge in part from the words of St. Ambrose 88, 
which are these: ‘If the emperor demands tribute of us, we 
do not deny it: the lands of the Church pay tribute. We pay 
to Cesar the things that are Cesar’s, and to God the things 
that are God’s. Tribute is Cesar’s, and therefore we do not 
refuse to pay it.’ This is so far from challengmg any ex- 
emption by divine right, that it plainly asserts the contrary. 
As in another place 84 he argues, that all men are under an 
obligation to pay tribute, because the Son of God himself paid 


82 An. 387. nn. 10—T5. (t. 4. pp. 
$48,549.) Nonne ut de ipso Domino, 
6. 


88 Orat. cont. Auxent. de Tra- 
dend. Basilic. post. Ep. 32. [al. 21.] 
ad Valentin. (t. 2. Ρ. 872 6. et p. 87 
d.) Si tributum petit [imperator 
non negamus ; agri ecclesiz solvunt 
tributum..... Solvimus, que sunt 
Cesaris, Ceesari, et que sunt Dei, 
Deo. Tributum Cesaris est; non 
negatur. 


8ι Τὴ Luc. gs. 1.4. ἘΠῊΝ (ere 
Ῥ. 1354 a.) Magnum quidem est et 
spiritale documentum, quod Chris- 
tiani viri sublimioribus potestatibus 
docentur debere esse subjecti, ne 
quis constitutionem regis terreni 
putet esse solvendam. Si enim cen- 
sum Dei Filius solvit, quis tu tantus 
es, qui non putes esse solvendum? 
Et ille censum solvit, qui nihil pos- 
sidebat: tu autem, qui szeculi seque- 
ris lucrum, cur seculi obsequium 


δ 1. 


᾿ 





Jrom taxes and civil offices. 127 


it, Matth. 17,23. And yet Baronius*® cites that very passage 
of the Evangelist to prove that the clergy are jure divino 
exempt, because our Saviour says, “then are the children 
free.” ‘For if, says he, ‘the children be free, much more so 
are the fathers, that is, the pastors under whose care princes 
are. Bellarmin is much more ingenuous in handling this 
question; for he asserts 56, against the Canonists, whose opinion 
Baronius labours to maintain, ‘that the exemption of the 
clergy in political matters, whether relating to their persons or 
their goods, was introduced by human right only, and not 
divine; and that in fact they were never exempted from any 
other but personal tribute till the time of Justinian, when they 
were freed from taxes upon their estates and possessions also.’ 
So little agreement is there betwixt these two great carainals 
of the Romish Church in their accounts of this matter, either 


non recognoscas ?—It. ap. Gratian. gquamdam similitudinem deduci Font 
Caus. 11. quest. 1. c. 28. (t. 1. p. sit. Atque hine fortasse conciliart 
908.) where the same words with a poterunt theologorum et jurisperito- 

ight variation are read. rum sententie. Illi enim cum negant, 
An. 387. n. 12. (t.4. p. 548 6.) exemtionem clericorum esse juris 
Cum ui ex Domini sententia divini, preceptum divinum proprie 


_gensi nova, aliter 


si non a filiis reges tributum exi- 
gunt, &c. 

Ed. Ingolds espe oxi τς 28. ( ἘΝ 
1590. et Paris, 1620.) 
Exceptio clericorum in rebus politi- 
cis, tam quoad personas, quam quo- 
ad bona, jure humano introducta 


est, non divino. Hee propositio 
est contra Canonistas. [Grischo- 
vius makes the following remarks 


on this citation: In Editione Colo- 
niensi, 1615. (t. 2. p. 329 a.) et Pra- 
7 rorsus hec le- 
guntur, quam Binghamus noster ea 
exhibet, nimirum ita: Exceptio cle- 


ricorum ....introducta est jure hu- 
mano iter et divino. Et addit 
ibi inus: Et quidem quod 


jure humano introducta sit, patet ex 
iis testimoniis, que attulimus in ter- 
tia et quarta iti anda, 
Quod autem sit etiam introducta jure 


per jus divinum non intelligere pre- 
ceptum Dei proprie dictum, quod ex- 
stet expresse in sacris litteris; sed 
ab exemplis, vel testimoniis 
amenti Veteris, vel Novi, per 


dictum expresse in Scripturis exstare 
negant ; isti vero cum affirmant, 
eamdem exemtionem esse juris divini, 
id solum affirmant, quod theologi mi- 
nime negant, deduct per similitudi- 
nem ab exemplis et testimoniis sacre 


Scripture, Deum voluisse, ut clerict 
et ipsorum bona libera essent a potes- 
tate et jurisdictione laicorum. Paulo 


ante in ay. ee sete quarta heec ha- 
bet idem Bellarminus, ad quz re- 
pa auctor: (p. 327 d.) Ubi tamen 
observandum est, ante Justiniant tem- 
a, legibus priorum principum im- 
τὸν Suisse clericos a wthedio per- 
sonalibus, ut etiam indicat S. Hiero- 
nymus, in Commentario ad c. 17. 
Matth.: non tamen fuisse liberos a 
tributis, que pendi solent ratione 
possessionum, ut colligitur ex Sancto 
Ambrosio, in Oratione de Tradendis 
Basilicis, ubi dicit: Agri ecclesie 
solvunt tributum; et ex Theodoreto, 
l. 4. Histor. c. 7. ubi scribit, Valen- 
tinianum seniorem, in Epistola ad 
iscopos Asie, illa verba posuisse : 
Boni iscopi tributa pensitant regi- 
bus.— collation of editions is 
often most important. Ep.] 


Yet gene- 
rally ex- 
cused from 
personal 
taxes or 
head-mo- 
ney. 


128 Exemption of the clergy 


as to fact or right, that in every thing their assertions are 
pointblank contrary to one another. 

2. To set the matter in a clear light, it will be necessary for 
me to give the reader a distinct account of the several sorts of 
tribute that were imposed upon subjects in the Roman empire, 
and to shew how far the clergy were concerned in each of 
them, which will be best done by having recourse to the Theo- 
dosian Code, where most of the laws relating to this affair are 
still extant. And this I shall the rather do, because Baronius 
makes use of the same authority, but with great partiality, 
dissembling every thing that would not serve the hypothesis 
he had undertaken,to maintain. 

Now the first sort of tribute I shall take notice of is that 
which is commonly called census capitum, or personal tribute, 
to distinguish it from the census agrorum, or tribute arising 
Srom men’s estates and possessions. That the clergy were ge- 
nerally freed from this sort of tribute is agreed on all hands. 
Only Gothofred has a very singular notion about it: for he 
asserts 56 ‘that under the Christian emperors there was no such 
tribute as this paid by any men; so that the exemption of the 
clergy in this case was no peculiar privilege belonging to them, 
but only what they enjoyed in common with all other subjects 
of the Roman empire.’ But in this that learned man seems 
evidently to be mistaken. For, first, he owns there was such a 
tribute under the heathen emperors, from which, as Ulpian re- 
lates*7, none were excused, save only minors under fourteen, 


86 In Cod. Theod. 1. rt. tit. τ. de 
Annon. et Tribut. leg. 15. (t. 4. p. 
27. col. dextr.) Atque hec quidem, 
&c.—It. in 1.13. tit. 10. de Censu, 
leg. 4. (t.5. p. 119.) De immunibus 
tribus personarum generibus a cen- 
su seu a plebeia capitatione, est hzec 
Valentiniani Sen. constitutio, et qui- 
dem per Gallias, quod notandum : 
pariter ut altera 1. 6. infr. que eum- 
dem Valentinianum auctorem habet, 
et ad eumdem Viventium PP. data 
est: sic tamen ut illa ab hac in non- 
nullis recedat: mox ut ostendetur. 
Et sic pertinet hec lex ad censum 
Gallicanum, pariter ut due leges 
proxime 5,6..... Plerique vero in- 
terpretum id de tributo capitis, seu 
capitis censu,quod pro capite dabatur, 


accipiunt. De quo est sane Lex 3, 
π. De Censibus: ubi similis quoque 
immunitas continetur. itatem in- 
censendo significare necesse est, quia 
quibusdam etas tribuit, ne tributo 
onerentur : veluti in Syrts a quatu- 
ordecim annis masculi, a duodecim 
Semine, usque ad sexagesimum quin- 
tum annum tributo capitis obligan- 
tur: @etas autem spectabatur cen- 
sendi tempore. Verum eum nullum 
jam amplius hoc evo capitis seu pro 
capite libero tributum usurparetur ; 
est omnino hec lex, ut et d. 1. 6, ac- 
cipienda de capitatione et jugatione 
pro capitibus et jugis seu possessio- 
nibus, &c. 

87 Digest. 1. 50. tit. 15. de Censi- 
bus, leg. 3. (t. 3. p. 1789.) Autatem 


§2. : 





Jrom taxes and civil offices. 129 


and persons superannuated, that is, above sixty-five; nor does 
he produce any law to shew when or by whom that tribute was 
ordered to be laid aside. Secondly, Theodosius Junior, the au- 
thor of the Theodosian Code, makes express mention of it, 
when in one of his Novels 55 he distinguishes betwixt the census 
capitum and census agrorum. Thirdly, there are several laws 
in the Theodosian Code, exempting the clergy from tribute, 
which cannot fairly be understood of any other tribute but this 
sort of capitation. As when Constantius grants the clergy the 
same immunity from tribute as minors had, he plainly refers to 
the old law about minors, mentioned by Ulpian, and puts the 
clergy upon the same foot with them, granting them this privi- 
lege®9, ‘that not only they themselves, but their wives and 
children, their menservants and their maidservants, should all 
be free from tribute;’ meaning personal tribute, or that sort of 
capitation called capitis census. After the same manner we 
are to understand those two laws of Valentinian, where he 
grants to devoted virgins, and widows, and orphans under 
twenty years of age, the same immunity from tribute, or, as it 
is there called, ‘the capitation of the vulgar.’ As also that 
other law of his®, where he grants the like privilege to 


in censendo significare necesse est, 
&c. See the remainder, as printed in 
italics, in the preceding note. 

88 Novel. 21. ad calc. Cod. Theod. 
(t.6. append. p.11. sub fin.).... Re- 
petita tize nostre preeceptione 
sancimus, ut ary uatis gees 

ivilegiis, que vel dignitatibus de- 
fata maid vel diverse militiz col- 
legia meruerunt, aut nomine vene- 
rande religionis obtentum est, omnis 
ubique census, qui non personarum 
est sed agrorum, ad universa munia 
a nova duntaxat indictione, ut supra 
definivimus, absque ulla discretione 
eogatur in quarta parte. 

Cod. Theod. 1. τό. tit. 2. de 
Episc., ὅτε. leg. το. (t. 6. p. 34.) Cle- 
ici j i rebeatur im- 
et conjugibus 
et liberis eorum et ministeriis majo- 
ribus pariter ac feminis ind 
mus; quos a censibus etiam ju 
mus perseverare immunes.—lIbid. 
leg. 14. (p.40.) Omnibus clericis hu- 
jusmodi prerogativa succurrat, ut 

BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


conjugia clericorum ac liberi quo- 
que et ministeria [i. e. mares pariter 
ac feminze] eorumque etiam filii im- 
munes semper a censibus et sepa- 
rati ab hujusmodi muneribus perse- 
verent. 

90 Cod. Theod. 1. 13. tit. το. de 
Censu, leg. 4. (t. 5. p. 118.) In virgi- 
nitate perpetua viventes, et eam vi- 
duam de qua ipsa maturitas pollice- 
tur zetatis nulli jam eam esse nuptu- 
ram, a plebeiz capitationis injuria 
vindicandas esse decernimus: item 
pupillos in virili sexu usque ad vi- 

inti annos ab istiusmodi functione 
immunes esse debere; mulieres au- 
tem donec virum unaqueque sorti- 
tur.—Ibid. leg. 6. (p. 120.) Nulla vi- 
dua, nemo pupillus,....exactionem 
plebis oscat, &c. 

91 Tbid. tit. 4. de Excusat. Artific. 
leg. 4. (p.54.) Picture professores, 
si modo ingenui sunt, placuit, neque 
sui capitis censione, neque uxorum, 
aut etiam liberorum nomine, tribu- 
tis esse munificos. 


K 


130 Exemption of the clergy V. iil. 
painters, together with their wives and children. From all 
which we may very reasonably conclude, that this exemption 
from personal taxes was not a thing then common to all, but a 
peculiar privilege of some certain arts and professions, among 
which the most honourable was that of the clergy. 

This may be further confirmed from an observation or two 
out of Gregory Nazianzen and Basil. Nazianzen, in one of his 
Epistles9? to Amphilochius, complains ‘ that the officers of the 
government had made an illegal attempt upon one Euthalius, 
a deacon, to oblige him to pay taxes:’ therefore he desires 
Amphilochius % ‘not to permit this injury to be done him; since 
otherwise he would suffer an hardship above other men, not 
being allowed to enjoy the favour of the times, and the honour 
which the emperors had granted to the clergy.’ Here he 
plainly refers to some immunity from tribute, which the impe- 
rial laws granted particularly to the clergy; which could not 
be any exemption of their estates from tribute, for there was 
no such law then in force to be appealed to. Εἰ must therefore 
mean their exemption from personal taxes, from which they 
were freed by the laws of Valentinian and Constantius already 
mentioned. This will still receive greater light and confirma- 
tion from the testimony of St. Basil, who had occasion to make 
a like complaint to Modestus, who was Prefectus-Pretorio 
Orientis under Valens, of some who had infringed the privi- 
lege of the clergy in exacting tribute of them against the laws. 
‘The ancient way of taxing,’ says he, ‘ excused such as were 
consecrated to God, presbyters and deacons, from paying tri- 
bute ; but now they who are set over this affair, pretending to 
have no warrant from your eminency to excuse them, have 

92 Ep. 150. ((. τ. p. 873 b.) Τούτων 


(t. 3: part. 1. p. 284 6.) Τοὺς τῷ Θεῷ 
εἰς ἐστι καὶ ὁ συνδιάκονος ἡ ἡμῶν ΕῤΛθά- 


ἡμῶν ἱερωμένους, πρεσβυτέρους καὶ 


Atos" ὃν οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως εἰς μείζω τάξιν 
μεταχωρήσαντα διαγράφειν ἐπιχει- 
ροῦσι χρυσὸν οἱ τῆς ἡγεμονικῆς τάξε- 
ὡς" τοῦτο μὲν ἀνεκτὸν φανήτω σοι καὶ 
χεῖρα ὄρεξον τῷ τε διακόνῳ καὶ τῷ 
κλήρῳ παντὶ, καὶ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἡμῖν, 
οἷς σοι μέλει. 

98 Tbid. (c.) Δεινότητα ἂν πάθοι, 
μόνος ἀνθρώπων μὴ τυγχάνων. τῆς τῶν 
καιρῶν φιλανθρωπίας, καὶ τῆς διδο- 
μένης τοῖς ἱερατικοῖς παρὰ τῶν βασι- 
λέων τιμῆς. 


94 Ep. 270. [al. το4.] ad Modest. 


διακόνους, ὁ παλαιὸς κῆνσος ἀτελεῖς 
ἀφῆκεν. Οἱ δὲ νῦν ᾿ἀπογραψάμενοι, 
ὡς οὐ λαβόντες παρὰ τῆς ὑπερφυοῦς 
σου ἐξουσίας πρόσταγμα, ᾿ἀπεγρά- 
ψαντο, πλὴν el μή που τινὲς ἄλλως 
εἶχον ὑπὸ τῆς ἡλικίας τὴν ἄφεσυ-.-- 
Δεόμεθα οὖν μνημόσυνον τῆς ῆς εὖ- 
εργεσίας τοῦθ᾽ [8]. τοῦτο] ἡ ἡμῖν [ἐν]- 
αφεθῆναι, παντὶ τῷ ἐπιόντι χρόνῳ 
ἀγαθὴν περί σου μνήμην διαφυλάτ- 
τον, καὶ συγχωρηθῆναι κατὰ τὸν πα- 
λαιὸν νόμον τῆς συντελείας τοὺς ἱερα- 
τεύοντας, Κι τ. Ἃ. 


Jrom taxes and civil offices. 131 


ὁ 2, 3. 


taxed them all, except such as could claim a privilege from 
their age.’ Therefore his request to him was,—ovyxepnOjjvat κατὰ 
τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον τῆς συντελείας τοὺς ieparevovras,—that the 
clergy might be exempt from tribute, according to the ancient 
laws. St. Basil, in this passage, refers to two sorts of laws ex- 
empting persons from tribute: the one, those ancient laws of 
the heathen emperors, which only excused minors and super- 
annuates from personal tribute; the other, those laws of Con- 
stantius and Valentinian, which exempted the clergy also, 
granting them that immunity which only minors enjoyed be- 
fore. And this is the thing he complains of, that the clergy were 
not allowed the benefit of the Christian laws, but only those 
laws of the heathen emperors, whereby, if they chanced to be 
minors or superannuated, that is, under twenty or above sixty- 
five, they were excused, but not otherwise. From all which 
it evidently appears, that the clergy might claim a peculiar 
privilege by the laws to be exempted from personal tribute, 
and that this was not common to all the subjects of the empire, 
whatever Gothofred, and Pagi® from him, have suggested to 
the contrary. 

3. The next sort of tribute was that which was exacted of But not ex- 
men for their lands and possessions, which goes by several ee 
names in the Civil Law and ancient writers. Sometimes it is and pos- 
called κανὼν, as by Athanasius%, where he complains how he ame 
was unjustly accused of imposing a tax upon Egypt for the use 


% Crit. in Baron. an. 353. n. 


ro. [al. 13.] (t. 1. p. 479.) Data 
et hoc anno a Constantio lex io. 


Nazianzeni Epistolis, vem 159 et 
156. Basilius quoque, Epistola 279 
ad Modestuim prefectum-pretorio 








Codicis Theodosiani, de Episcopis, 
ἔλα immunitas omni- 
icis conceditur, ut seen: 

rum cs concursu 
gentium frequentetur, asec: aa 
dum in ea lege dicitur. pc nen 
bus namque ja Jam ubique ecclesiis de 
eae: in dies ione Christi- 
vided’ solito pluribus etiam 
εισέλελ ϑὺς homines ad clerica- 
tum invitandi visi sunt, preter ve- 
teres immunitates jam concessas. 
Prima itaque immunitas est a censi- 
possessionum nomine fisco 
duntur. Quz immunitas a 
‘censibus et vectigalibus postea se- 
Ἂν» infracta, presertim sub Va- 
nte, ut constat ex duabus Gregorii 


Orientis, de eadem immunitate sub 
eodem Valente imperatore concul- 
tata conqueritur, eamque instaurari 


petit, &c. 

% Apol. 2. p. 788. (t. 1. part. 1. 
Ρ. 141 Ὁ. n. 8 Πολλὰ plo οὖν ζη- 
τήσαντες καὶ μ εὑρόντες, ὕστερον 

γνώμης τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον συν- 
τιθέασι, καὶ πλάττονται πρώτην κατη- 
γορίαν διὰ ᾿Ισίωνος, καὶ Εὐδαίμονος, 
an Καλλινίκου, περὶ στιχαρίων λι- 
νῶν, ὡς ἐμοῦ κανόνα τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις 
ἐπιβαλόντος, καὶ πρώτους αὐτοὺς ἀ- 
παιτήσαντος.---ἰ Conf. Sozom. 1. 2. 
roe atl δος Scie ὰ τύ 3 
ὑπομένει γρα ὡς χιτωνίων λινῶν 
φόρον εὐξυα af x.t. A. Grischov.] 


K 2 


132 Exemption of the clergy V. i. 
of the Church of Alexandria. So in the Theodosian Code 
there is a whole title97 De Canone Frumentario Urbis Rome, 
which signifies the tribute of corn that was exacted of the 
African provinces for the use of the city of Rome. It is other- 
wise called jugatio from juga, which, as Gothofred%* notes, 
signifies as much land as a yoke of oxen could plough in a 
year ; and, because the taxation was made according to that 
rate, it had therefore the name of jugatio and juga. It has 
also frequently the name of capitatio and capita; and, because 
men’s servants and cattle were reckoned into their taxable pos- 
sessions as well as their lands, therefore in some laws29 the one 
is called capitatio terrena, and the other capitatio humana 
and animalium, or,animarum descriptio. These taxes were 
usually paid three times a year, once every four months ; 
whence Sidonius Apollinaris! styles them tria capita, or the 
monster with three heads, which he desired the emperor 
Majorianus to free him from, that he might live and subsist 
the better ; for thus he addresses himself to him in his poetical 
way : 
Geryones nos esse puta, monstrumque tributum ; 
fie capita, ut vivam, tu mihi tolle tria. 

In which words, which none of the commentators rightly un- 
derstood, he refers to a law of Valentinian’s?, and several 
others in the Theodosian Code; where this sort of tribute is 
required to be paid by three certain portions in a year, or 
once in four months, which in his phrase is the tria capita, 


or monster with three heads. 
also hence called cephaleote, 


7 L, 14. tit. 15. (t. 5. p. 226.) Ne 
pessimus panis, &c.—It. 1. 11. tit. 9. 
de Distrahend. Pignoribus, leg. 1. (t. 
4. p. 86.).. Eo quod vestes canonicas 
vel equos minime intulerunt, &c. 

98. In Cod. Theod. 1. 13. tit. το. 
de Censu, leg. 2. (t. 5. p. 118. ad 
summ. col. dextr.) ... Ego juga pu- 
tem dicta terree modum, cui colendo 
per annum jugo boum opus est. 

99 Vid. Cod. Theod. 1. 11. tit. 29. 
de Collat. Donat. leg. 6. (t. 4. p. 
155-) Exceptis his, que in capita- 
tione humana atque enim alium di- 
versis qualiacumque concessa sunt ; 


The collectors of this tax were 
collectors of the capitation, in 


ita ut omnium, que preedicto tem- 
pore, atque etiam sub inclute re- 
cordationis avo nostro in terrena 
sive animarum descriptione revelata 
sunt, &c. 

1 Carm. 13. ad Majorian. (p. 141. 


9.) 

2 Ap. Cod. Theod. 1. 11. tit. 1. de 
Annon. et Tribut. leg. 15. (t. 4. p. 
26.) Unusquisque annonarias spe- 
cies, pro modo capitationis et sor- 
tium, prebiturus, per quaternos 
menses anni curriculo distributo, 
tribus vicibus summam collationis 
implebit. 


I 





From taxes and civil offices. 133 
some laws? of the Theodosian Code: and because this tribute 


was commonly paid in specie, as in corn, wine, oil, iron, brass, 
&c., for the emperor’s service; therefore it is often called spe- 
cierum collatio ; and, being the ordinary standing tax of the 
empire, it is no less frequently styled* indictio canonica, in 
opposition to the superindicta et extraordinaria, that is, such 
taxes as were levied upon extraordinary occasions. I have 
noted these things here all together, that I may not be put to 
explain the terms at every turn hereafter, as I have occasion 
to make use of them, which are indeed a little uncommon, and 
not easily understood, but by such as are conversant in the 
Civil Law. 

Now to the question in hand, whether the clergy in general 
were exempt from this ordinary canonical tribute laid upon 
men’s goods and possessions? I answer in the negative against 
Baronius, who asserts the contrary. Some particular Churches, 
indeed, had special favours granted them by indulgent princes, 
to exempt them from all tribute of this kind; but those very 
exceptions prove, that what was matter of grace to some par- 
ticular Churches could not be the common privilege of all 
Churches. Theodosius Junior® granted a special exemption to 
the Church of Thessalonica, ‘ that she should pay no capitation 
for her own estate, provided she did not take other lands into 
her protection, to the detriment of the commonwealth, under 
the pretence of an ecclesiastical title.’ He also allowed the 
Churches of Constantinople and Alexandria the same privilege, 
upon the like condition®, ‘that they should not take any vil- 


3L. 11. tit. 24. de Patrocin. Vi- 
cor. leg. 6. (ibid. p. rex ua- 
quam tis, hirenarchis, [leg. 
pmlc ay [Vid. Du Fresne, Med. 
et Infim. Latinit. in voce. Ep.] lo- 
gographis chomatum, et ceteris li- 
turgis, sub quolibet patrocinii no- 
mine, publicis functionibus denega- 
tis, &c. 

4 Vid. Cod. Theod. 1. 6. tit. 26. 


de Proximis Comitibus, &c. leg. 14. 
(t. 2. p. 158.) Quamvis innumeris 


ibus scriniorum gloria decoretur, 


jubemus tamen, ut primo omnium 
‘sit eorum secura possessio ab omni- 


bus sordidis muneribus excusata. 
Superindictum non timeant, venali- 


-tium non petantur, solumque cano- 


niceindictionis ‘prestent tributum. 
Glevalis auri solutionem nesciat la- 
bore dignitas conquisita, extraordi- 
narium munus ignoret, &c. 

5 Tbid. 1. 11. tit. 1. de Annon. et 
Tribut. leg. 33. (t. 4. p. 42.) Sacro- 
sancta Thessalonicensis ecclesia ci- 
vitatis excepta: ita tamen ut aperte 
sciat, proprize tantummodo capita- 
tionis modum beneficio mei numinis 
sublevandum : nec externorum gra- 
vamine;tributorum rempublicam ec- 
clesiastici nominis abusione leden- 
dam. 

6 Tit. 24. de Patrocin. Vicor. leg. 
6. (ibid. p. 178.) Quicquid . . .eccle- 
siz venerabiles, (id est, Constanti- 
nopolitana et Alexandrina) posse- 


194 Exemption of the clergy 


lages, great or small, into their patronage, to excuse them 
from paying their ancient capitation.’ Gothofred is also of 
opinion, that in the beginning of Constantine’s reign, while the 
Church was poor, and her standing revenues but small, her 
estates and possessions were universally excused from tribute ; 
for there is a law in the Theodosian Code’, which may be in- 
terpreted to this purpose; though the words are so obscure, 
that, without the help of so wise an interpreter, one would 
hardly find out the sense of them. However, admitting them 
to signify such a privilege, it is certain it lasted not many 
years: for in the next reign under Constantius, when the 
Church was grown pretty wealthy, all the clergy that were 
possessed of lands +were obliged to pay tribute in the same 
manner as all others did; as appears from a law of Constan- 
tius, directed to Taurus, Prafectus-Pretorio, which is still 
extant in both the Codes’. This is further evident from the 
testimony of Valentinian, who, in an Epistle to the bishops of 
Asia recorded by Theodoret?, says ‘ all good bishops thought 
themselves obliged to pay tribute, and did not resist the im- 
perial power.” And thus matters continued to the time of 
Honorius and Theodosius Junior, in one of whose laws! the 


disse deteguntur, id pro intuitu reli- 
gionis, ab his precipimus firmiter 
retineri: sub ea videlicet sorte, ut 
in futurum functiones omnes quas 
metrocomiz debent, et publici vici 
pro antique capitationis professione 
debent, sciant subeundas. 

7L.11. tit.1. de Annon. et Tri- 
but. leg. 1. (ibid. p.6.) Preeter pri- 
vatas res nostras, et ecclesias catho- 
licas, et domum clarissimze memo- 
riz Eusebii ex consule, et ex magi- 
stro equitum et peditum, et Arsacis 
regis Armeniorum, nemo ex nostra 
jussione precipuis emolumentis, fa- 
miliaris juvetur substantie. 

8 Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc., 
δία. leg. 15. (t. 6. p. 42.) De his 
sane clericis, qui preedia possident, 
sublimis auctoritas tua non solum 
eos aliena juga nequaquam statuet 
excusare, sed etiam his que ipsi 
possident eosdem ad pensitanda fis- 
calia perurgeri: universos namque 
clericos possessores duntaxat pro- 
vinciales pensitationes recognoscere 
jubemus.—Justin. 1. 1. tit. 3. leg. 3. 


(t. 4. p. 72.) where the same words 
occur. 

9 L. 4. 6. 8. (v. 3. Pp. 188: 22)... 
Ta δημόσια κατὰ νόμους εἰσκομίζειν 
ἴσασι, καὶ οὐκ ἀντιλέγουσι τῇ τοῦ 
κρατοῦντος ἐξουσίᾳ. 

10 Vid. Cod. Theodor. 1. 16. tit. 
2. de Episc., &c. leg. 40. (t. 6. p. 
79.) Placet, rationabilis consilii te- 
nore perpenso, destricta moderatio- 
ne preescribere, a quibus specialiter 
necessitatibus ecclesize urbium sin- 
gularum habeantur immunes. Pri- 
ma quippe illius usurpationis con- 
tumelia depellenda est, ne preedia 
usibus czlestium secretorum dicata 
sordidorum munerum fasce vexen- 
tur: nulla jugatione, que talium 
privilegiorum sorte gratulatur, mu- 
niendi itineris constringat injuria : 
nihil extraordinarium ab hac, super- 
indictitiumve flagitetur: nulla pon- 
tium instauratio: nulla translatio- 
num solicitudo gignatur: non au- 
rum ceteraque talia poscantur. 
Postremo nihil preter canonicam 
illationem, quod adventitiz necessi- 


8 3, 4: From taxes and civil offices. 135 


Church lands are still made liable to this ordinary or canonical 
tribute, as it is there worded, though excused from all other. 
So little reason had Baronius to assert with that confidence, 
‘that no prince, except Julian the Apostate, and Valens the 
> Arian, and the younger Valentinian, who was under the con- 
duct of an Arian woman, ever exacted any tribute of the 
clergy ;’ when, as it appears, every emperor after Constantine 
did exact it; and Baronius could not be ignorant of this, having 
viewed and perused the Theodosian Code, where these things 
are recorded. 
4. If in any thing of this tribute they were exempt, it must Of the tri- 
be from the obligation some provinces lay under to furnish the >™% led 


aurum ti- 
emperors with new soldiers, called tirones, and fresh horses for ronicum, 


the wars; which, because they were exhibited by way of <=. τ 
tribute, are called in the law equi canonici, from the Civil Law 
term canon and canonica, which, as I observed before, signifies 
the tribute that was laid upon men’s lands and _ possessions. 
Sometimes this tribute was exacted in money instead of horses, 
and then it was called!! equorum canonicorum aderatio, 
horse-money. In like manner as the sum that was paid instead 
of the tirones was called aurum tironicum and stratioticum, 
soldiers-money, which we find mentioned in Synesius 12, where, 
speaking of Andronicus, governor of Ptolemais, he says he 
set one Thoas to collect this awrum tironicum; which, the 
editor by mistake says was so called, quia solvebatur tironi- 
bus, because it was paid to the tirones: whereas, indeed, it 
was the money that was paid instead of the tirones, by way of 
tribute, into the treasury of the empire. Now, that some 
bishops, at least in Afric, were excused from this tribute, is 
concluded by some learned men from a law of Theodosius 
Junior 13, which excuses certain persons from it, under the title 


tatis sarcina repentina depoposcerit, 13 Cod. Theod. 1. 7. tit. 13. de 
ejus functionibus ascribatur. Tiron. leg. 22. (t. 2. p. 39I.)....- 
11 Cod. Theod. 1. 11. tit. 17. de Precipimus proconsularis provincize 
. (t.4. p. 138.) non eandem sacerdotalium, que est 
σον canonicos militaris diceceseos de ceteris, in prebendis tironibus 
ican ...... jussimus adzrari, habendam esse rationem: non ini- 
que siquidem ea potissimum ab hoc 
12 Ep. 79. ad Anastas. p.293.(p. officio provincia videtur excepta, 
224d. 4.)....Tais inenkonartents uz omnium intra Africam provin- 
τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ χρυσίου τοῦ καλου- ciarumobtinet principatum, cujusque 
μένου τιρωνικοῦ. majoribus fatigantur expensis. 





186 Exemption of the clergy VY. il. 


of sacerdotales, in the proconsular Afric; and that, because 
they were otherwise obliged to be at great expenses in that 
province. But now the question is,—who are meant by the 
name sacerdotales? The learned Petit!+ says it denotes 
Christian bishops; and if so, the case would be clear as to 
their exemption. But Gothofred!> rather inclines to think it 
means the high priests among the heathens, who were still im 
being and obliged by their office to be at great expenses ἴῃ 
exhibiting the ludi sacerdotales to the people. I will not 
venture to decide so nice a dispute betwixt two such learned 
men, but think, however, I may safely infer even from Gotho- 
fred’s notion,—that, if the Christian emperors were so liberal 
to the heathen high priests, they would at least be as liberal 
to their own bishdps, and grant them the same immunity. 
But I leave this matter to further inquiry. 

TheChurch 5. One thing is more certain, that whatever burdens any 

obliged to lands were originally encumbered with, they were liable to the 


such bur- 
dens as the same even after their donation to the Church, unless discharged 


mn to be. Of them by some particular grant and favour of the emperors. 
Solberg This we learn from a memorable instance in a particular case, 
| " wherein St. Austin was concerned, the account of which we 
have from his own relation. For the right understanding of 

which I must first acquaint the reader, that by the laws of the 

Roman polity many times a company of tradesmen were so incor- 

porated into a society, for the service of the empire, that their 

estates were tied to that office and duty, so that, whoever had 

the propriety of them, he was bound to the duty annexed to 

them. Thus it was particularly with the incorporated company 

of the navicularii of Afric and Egypt, who were concerned in 
transporting the yearly tribute of corn from those provinces to 

Rome and Constantinople. Their estates were tied to the 
performance of this service, as appears from a title in the Theo- 

dosian Code'®, which is De Prediis Naviculariorum. And 

they were so tied, that if any ship chanced to be lost in the 


14 Variar. Lection. 1. 3. c. 1. (p. nebantur, &c. 

28.) Cum igitur indicti sacerdotibus 15 In Cod. Theod. 1. 7. tit. 13. 
et episcopis Africee exigerentur tiro- leg. 22. (t. 2. p. 391.) Sacerdotes 
nes, atque Numidiz episcopieoscon- quoque provinciarum, paganos sci- 
ferrent et preeberent, &c....Quia si licet, tironibus prestandis obnoxios 
tirones, quos conferebant episcopi, fuisse, &c. ἷ 

militiam deseruissent, et oppressi 16 1,.1.3. tit. 6. (t. 5. pp. 92, seqq.) 
fuissent, redhibere illos tirones te- 


> 
dal ‘ 
ξ res 
aie 





137 


passage, the whole body was obliged to make good the effects 
to the emperor’s coffers'7, and the master of the ship was . 
obliged to give up his men that escaped the shipwreck to be 
examined by torture afterwards; otherwise he must have 
borne the whole burden himself alone, on presumption that he 

was guilty of some fraud in the matter against the rest of his 
society. Now it happened, while St. Austin was bishop of 
Hippo, that one of these navicularii, Boniface, a master of a 
ship, left his whole estate to the Church, which yet St. Austin 
refused to receive, because of these burdens that lay upon it. 
‘For,’ says he’, ‘I was not willing to have the Church of 
Christ concerned in the business of transportation. It is true, 
indeed, there are many who get estates by shipping; yet 
there is one temptation in it: if a ship should chance to go 
and be lost, then we should be required to give up our men to 
the rack, to be examined by torture according to law, about 
the drowning of the ship, and the poor wretches that had 
escaped the waves must undergo a new severity from the 
hands of the judge. But we could not thus deliver them up ; 
for it would not become the Church so to do. Therefore she 
must answer the whole debt to the exchequer. But whence 
should she do this? for our circumstances do not allow us 
to keep a treasury. A bishop ought not to lay up gold ina 
bank, and meanwhile refuse to relieve the poor.’ These words 
of St. Austin do plainly evince what has been observed, that 
the donation of an estate to the Church did not ordinarily free 


Srom taxes and civil offices. 


_ WIbid. tit. 9. de Naufragiis, leg. 2. quzrerentur: et torquerentur a ju- 
(p. 105.) Si quando causatio est de dice qui essent a fluctibus liberati. 
impetu proce , medium ex his Sed non eos daremus: nullo pacto 
nautis numerum navicularius exhi- enim hoc facere deceret ecclesiam. 


beat questioni..... quo eorum tor- 
a plenior veritas possit in- 


μι Ὑ πὰς 49. 6 Divers. t.10. Ρ. 520. 
al. . Serm. 355. de Vita et Moribus 
oe 4.1 (t. 5. p. 1382 f.) 
itatem suscipere no- 

ape non een, sed timore. 
Naviculariam nolui esse ecclesiam 
Christi. Multi sunt quidem qui 
etiam de navibus acquirunt: tamen 
una tentatio est, a] iret navis et 
naufragaret: homines ad tormenta 
uri eramus, ut de submersione 
nayis secundum  consuetudinem 


Onus ergo fiscale persolveret. Sed 
unde persolveret? En! thecam no- 
bis habere non licet, &c. [The Ed. 
Bened. reads enthecam, and notes 
inthe margin, Enthecaest gaze repo- 
sitorium. According to Du Fresne, 
Glossar. Med. et Infim. Latinit., 

theca is capsa sanctorum reliquiis in- 
structa; and entheca he cites as used 
by Eadmer, speaking of the burial 
of the body of St. Wilfrid by Odo, 
for the high altar. Theca is simply 
a bor or bag: entheca, a bank or 
store. Ep.] 


138 Exemption of the clergy V. ii. 


it from the tribute or duty that the public otherwise demanded 
of it; but if the Church would receive it, she must take it with 
the usual burdens that lay upon it. I confess indeed the sense 
of the passage, as it lies in St. Austin without a comment, is 
not very easy to be understood; nor have any of his editors, 
no, not the last Benedictines, thought fit to expound it; but for 
that reason, as well as to make good my own observation, 1 
have recited it in this place, and explained it from those laws 
and customs of the empire to which it manifestly refers. And 
such a digression, if it were a digression, I presume would not 
be unacceptable to the curious reader. é 
Ofthechrys- 6. But now to proceed. Another sort of tribute, im which 
oe rat the clergy had some concern, was the tax upon trade and 
tax, andthe commerce. This in ancient writers!9 is known by the name 
ων ied χρυσάργυρον, chrysargyrum, the silver-and-gold-tax, because 
gy from it. it was paid in those coins. Zosimus2° indeed makes the chrys- 
argyrum another thing, viz. a scandalous tax exacted of lewd 
men and women; and in his spite to Christianity he represents 
Constantine as the author of it: in which his groundless ¢a- 
lumny he is abundantly refuted by Baronius*!, and more espe- 


19 Vid. Evagr. 1. 3. 6. 39. (Vv. 3. 
P- 371. 20.) Ὑπερμέγεθες δὲ κατε- 
πράχθη αὐτῷ καὶ θεῖόν τι χρῆμα, ἡ 
τοῦ καλουμένου χρυσαργύρου ἐς τέλεον 
κωλύμη. 

20 L. 2. (p. 114.) Κωνσταντῖνος 
ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος διετέλεσε δωρε- 
ais οὐκ ἐνδέοντι γινομέναις, ἀλλὰ εἰς 
ἀναξίους καὶ ἀνωφελεῖς ἀνθρώπους 
τοὺς φόρους ἐκδαπανῶν᾽ καὶ τοῖς μὲν 
εἰσφέρουσι γινόμενος φορτικὸς, τοὺς 
δὲ μηδὲν ὠφελεῖν δυναμένους πλουτί- 
lov’ τὴν δὲ ἀσωτίαν ἡγεῖτο φιλοτι- 
μίαν" οὗτος καὶ τὴν εἰσφορὰν ἐπήγαγε 
χρυσίου τε καὶ ἀργύρου πᾶσι τοῖς 

col “a ~ 4 > , 
ἀπανταχοῦ γῆς μετιοῦσι Tas ἐμπορίας, 
καὶ τοῖς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι πανωνίαν προ- 
τιθεῖσι, μέχρι καὶ τῶν εὐτελεστάτων᾽" 
οὐδὲ δυστυχεῖς ἐταίρας ἔξω ταύτης 
ἐάσας τῆς εἰσφορᾶς" ὥστε ἦν ἰδεῖν, 
μέλλοντος τοῦ τετραετοῦς ἐνίστασθαι 
χρόνου, καθ᾽ ὃν ἔδει τοῦτο τὸ τέλος 
εἰσφέρεσθαι, θρήνους ἀνὰ πᾶσαν πό- 
λιν καὶ ὀδυρμούς" ἐνστάντος δὲ, μα- 
στιγας καὶ βασάνους ἐπιφερομένας 
τοῖς σώμασι τῶν διὰ πενίας ἐσχάτης 
ζημίαν ὑπενεγκεῖν μὴ δυναμένων" ἤδη 
δὲ καὶ μητέρες ἀπέδοντο τοὺς παῖδας, 
καὶ πατέρες ἐπὶ πορνείου θυγατέρας 


ἐστήσαντο, ἐκ τῆς τούτων ἐργασίας 
ἀργύριον τοῖς τοῦ χρυσαργύρου πράκ- 
τορσιν εἰσενεγκεῖν ἐπειγόμενοι, K.T. A. 

21 An. 330- n. 36. (t. 3. p. 426 6.) 
.... Quod de tributis a Constantino 
impositis exstet adversus eum que- 
rela Zosimi, sunt hee accuratius 
examinanda: quod enim ait, auri 
argentique collationem impositam 
negotiatoribus, omnibus dardana- 
riis, nempe fraudulentis venundato- 
ribus annone, atque personis qui- 
buscumque vilissimis ac meretrici- 
bus, confundit plane diversa tribu-~ 
torum genera: nam quod impositum 
erat negotiatoribus, proprie auri et 
argenti erat, dictumque chrysargy- 
rum, diversumque ab eo, quod pen- 
dere consueverant lenones, meretri- 
ces, et exoleti: quod quidem tan- 
tum abest ut a Constantino Christi- 
ano principe impositum fuerit, ut 
etiam longe ante Alexandri impera- 
toris tempora Rome exigi consue- 
verit; quod idem imperator zquis- 
simus, cum ex turpi lucro colligere- 
tur, vetuit in erarium inferri; non 
tamen abstulit, sed ad publicas fa- 
bricas deputavit, &c. 





§ 6. 


ee 





Srom taxes and civil offices. 139 


cially by the learned Gothofred*, and Pagi?®, whom the 
curious reader may consult. Here I take the chrysargyrum 
in the common notion, only for the tax upon lawful trade and 
commerce, which St. Basil? calls πραγματευτικὸν χρυσίον, com- 
merce-money. In the Civil Law it is known by the name of 
lustralis collatio, the lustral tax, because it was exacted atthe 
return of every dustrum or four years’ end. It was indeed a 
very grievous tax, especially upon the poor ; for not the meanest 
tradesman was exempted from it. Evagrius®> says it was ex- 
acted even of those who made begging their trade,—e& ἐράνου 
τὴν τροφὴν πορίζυυσι. Whence Libanius?® calls it ‘the intole- 
rable tax of silver and gold, that made men dread the terrible 
pentaéteris or return of every fifth year. And for the same 
reason, as the author under the name of St. Austin?” takes 
notice, it was commonly called auwrum pannosum, the poor 
man’s tax, or as some editions read it, aurwm poenosum, the 
cruel tax, because it was exacted of the poor. But now a par- 
ticular respect was paid to the Church in this matter; for 
when her revenues were scanty, and not sufficient to give all 
the clergy a decent maintenance, the inferior orders, the cle- 
rici, were allowed to traffic to support themselves, without 
paying any tribute of this nature. This indulgence was first 
granted by Constantius?* without any restriction, ‘ that if any 
of them were minded to follow a calling to maintain themselves, 


22 In Cod. Theod. 1. 13. tit. 1. de 
Lustral. Collat. leg. 1. (t. 5. p. 4.) 
τ τὸ ag crimen, &c. 

Crit. in Baron. an. 330. n. 6. 
{) 24 Ρ 426.) Calumnia, &c. 

24 Ep. 243. [al. 88, Sine Inscript. 
(t. 3. part. 1. p. 257 68.) Τὴν δυσκο- 
λίαν τῆς τ ppm rod | πραγματευ- 
τικοῦ χρυσίου, πάντων μάλιστα ἡ σὴ 
τιμιότης κατέμαθε. 

, 510, 8. ©. 39. (v. 3. P. it. 30.) 
Ἑπέκειτο δὲ ἑτέροις τε πολλοῖς ἐξ 
ἐ τὴν τροφὴν πορίζουσι, καὶ ταῖς 

μπωλούσαις τὴν ὥραν τοῦ σώμα- 
τος, K.T.A. 

26 Orat. 14. cont. Florent. (t. 2. 

p. 427d. 11.)...Todro δέ ἐστιν ὁ a- 
φόρος, ἄργυρος καὶ χρυσὸς, 

ττειν προσιούσας ποιῶν τὰς 
πεντετηρίδας" κιτ.ὰλ. [Thucydides, 1. 
8. ¢. 104, has πεντετηρὶς, and in Pin- 


dar, O. 3.38,we find revraernpis. Ep. | 

27 Quest. in Vet. et Nov. Test. 
75: (t. 3. append. Ἃ 73 68.) Didrach- 
ma capitum vel tributi exactio intel- 
ligitur; quod nunc pannosum au- 
rum appellatur, quia et pauperes 
μόνοδδν. ταν The Ed. Bened. reads 
the first clause thus, — Didrachma 
capitum exactio intelligitur, non pre- 
diorum. Poe 

28 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de 
Episc., &c. leg. 8. (t. 6. p. 32.) ... 
.. +. Si qui de vobis alimoniz causa 
negotiationem exercere volunt, im- 
munitate potientur.— Ibid. 1. 13. 
tit. 1. de Lustral. Collat. leg. 1. (t. 5. 
p. 3.) Negotiatores omnes protinus 
convenit aurum argentumque pre- 


was bere: clericos excipi tantum, [et] 


qui copiate appellantur, nec alium 
quenquam esse immunem. 


140 Exemption of the clergy V. ii. 


they should be freed from custom.’ But, that none of them 
might abuse this privilege to covetousness, they were confined 
afterwards by several laws to trade within a certain sum, which 
if they exceeded they were to pay custom for it. This appears 
from a second law 29 of the same Constantius, and another 80 of 
Gratian’s, where the Italian and Illyrican clerict are confined 
to the sum of ten solids, and the Gallican to fifteen. Yet if any 
would trade further, only with a charitable design, to raise 
funds and monte-pios for the use of the poor, they were allow- 
ed, by two other laws?! of Constantius, to employ what sums 
they pleased, and pay none of this tribute for them. It is to be 
noted further, that this immunity was granted by Honorius*? 
to the Catholic clergy only, and to no others. And the privi- 
lege was esteemed so great, that some covetous tradesmen 
would use means to get themselves admitted to a titular office 
among the inferior clergy of the Church, with no other design 
but to enjoy this immunity, and to follow their trade without 
paying the lustral duty. Against whose fraudulency and cor- 
ruptions the emperor Arcadius made a severe law 88, command- 
ing ‘all such, if they followed their merchandize, to be deprived 
of this immunity of the clergy; or if they would devote them- 
selves to the sacred service, then they should abstain from all 
such fraudulent and crafty ways of gain: for,’ saith he, ‘the 
wages of religion and craft are very different from one an- 
other.’ And for this reason probably, when the revenues of 


29 Tbid. leg. 15. (t. 6. p. 42.) Cle- 
rici vero, vel hi quos copiatas recens 
usus instituit nuncupari, ita a sor- 
didis muneribus debent immunes 
atque a collatione preestari, si exi- 
guis admodum mercimoniis tenuem 
sibi victum vestitumque conqui- 
rent. 

30 Ibid. 1. 13. tit. 1. de Lustral. 
Collat. leg. 11. (t.5. Ρ. 14.) Etsi 
omnes mercatores spectat lustralis 
auri depensio, clerici tamen intra 
Illyricum et Italiam in denis soli- 
dis; intra Galliam in quinis denis 
solidis immunem usum conversa- 
tionis exerceant. Quicquid autem 
supra hunc modum_ negotiationis 
versabitur, id oportet ad functionem 
aurariam devocari. 

31 Tbid. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc., 
ἄς. leg. 10. (t. 6. p. 34.) Negotia- 


torum dispendiis minime obligentur 
[clerici,] cum certum sit questus, 
quos ex tabernaculis [leg. tabernis | 
atque ergasteriis colligunt, pauperi- 
bus profuturos.—Ibid. leg. 14. (p. 
40.).... Si quid....mercatura.... 
congesserint, in usum pauperum at- 
que egentium ministrari oportet, &c. 

32 Tbid. leg. 36. (ibid. p.74.)..... 
Catholice religionis clerici.... ab 
auraria pensione habeantur immu- 
nes. 

33 Tbid. 1. 13. tit. 1. de Lustral. 
Collat. leg. 16. (t. 5. p. 17.) Omnes 
corporatos ....... precipimus con- 
veniri, ut, aut commoda negotia- 
torum sequentes a clericorum excu- 
satione discedant, aut Sacratissimo 
Numini servientes versutis queesti- 
bus .. abstineant; distincta enim sti- 
pendia sunt religionis et calliditatis. 


46,7 . From taxes and civil offices. 141 


the Church were become sufficient to maintain all the clergy, 
Valentinian the Third enacted a law*‘, ‘ that none of the clergy 
should negotiate as formerly; otherwise they should come 
under the cognizance of the secular judges, and not enjoy the 
privilege of the clergy.’ Evagrius®* adds, that the emperor 
Anastasius quite abolished the chrysargyrum or lustral tax 
itself: and that is the reason why there is no mention at all 
made of it afterward in the Justinian Code. 

ἢ. Another sort of duty incumbent on the subjects of the of - me- 
empire, was the burden and charge of giving entertainment to What 
the emperor’s court and retinue, when they had occasion to per 
travel; or to the judges, or soldiers, as they passed from one and the ex- 

_ place to another. This the Civil Law calls metatum, and the pecs 
Greeks μιτάτον, from the word metatores, which signifies the from it. 
emperors’ harbingers or forerunners, who were sent before to 
provide lodging and entertainment for them. In allusion to 
which, Cyprian, speaking of Rogatian, an eminent presbyter of 
Carthage, who was the first martyr that was sent to prison in 

the Decian persecution, says’, ‘he was metator to the rest, 

their harbinger that went before them to prepare a place in 
prison for them.’ And in the same sense Lucian the martyr, 

in Cyprian*®, elegantly styles Decius himself, metatorem Anti- 
christi, the harbinger of Antichrist, who by that terrible per- 
secution made preparation for his coming into the world. From 

this notion of the word metator, that duty of yielding enter- 
tainment to the emperor’s retinue, &c. has the name of meta- 

tum in the two Codes of the Civil Law. But the clergy were 
excused from this by a law of Constantius®®, where he says 
‘they should not be obliged to entertain strangers ;’ by which 

he cannot be supposed to excuse them from the Christian duty 


CS eae ee a ee 


J 





34 Novel. 12. ad calc. Cod. Theod. 
(t. 6. append. p. 26.) Jubemus ut 
elerici nihil protaue negotiationis 
exerceant. Si velint negotiari, sciant 
se judicibus subditos, clericorum 


privilegio non muniri. 
39 L. 3. c. 39. See 8. 6. n. 19. pre- 


98 ὅρα. Theod. 1. 7. tit.8. de Onere 


Metati. (t. 2. pp. 352, seq ng ἐρῶ τα 
Justin. 1. 12. dt . de Metatis. (t. 


ad cal 
oP fot sr. fal.) (p. 198.) F270. 


Primum hospitium vobis in carcere 
preparavit, et metator quodammo- 
do vester nunc quoque vos ante- 
cedit. 

38 Ap. Cypr. Ep. 20. [al. 22.] (p. 


᾿ 202.) Nam tu, Deo volente, ipsum 


anguem majorem, metatorem Anti- 
christi, non tantum confessus deter- 
ruisti vocibus illis, &c. 

89 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de 
Episc., &c. leg. 8. (t. 6. p. 32.) 
Preeterea neque hospites suscipie- 
tis. 


142 Exemption of the clergy V. iil. 
of hospitality to the indigent, but from this civil duty of the 
Roman state, to which other subjects were obliged. Whence 
Gothofred+° very truly observes, ‘that the clergy in this 
respect had equal privileges with senators’ houses, and Jewish 
synagogues, and Christian churches; all which were exempt 
from this duty of entertaining. And if the Greek collector of 

. the Ecclesiastical Constitutions out of the Code, published by 
Fabrotus, mistake not, this immunity extended to their ser- 
vants also. For he says*!, ‘neither the clergy nor their ser- 
vants were subject to any new impositions, or to this burden 


called the metatum.’ 


Of the su- 8. And hence it appears further, that they were freed from 
case all exactions, which went by the name of swperindicta and ex- 
ges - traordinaria, that is, such impositions as the emperors thought 
exempt necessary to lay upon the empire, or any part of it, beyond 
from them. 


the ordinary canonical taxes, upon great exigencies and extra- 
ordinary occasions. Tor as the ordinary taxes were called in- 
dictions, so these extraordinary were called superindictions*. 
From these the clergy were universally exempted by several 
laws of Christian emperors. As by that of Constantius in the 
Theodosian Code43, where he refers to a preceding law to the 
same purpose. ‘According to the decree,’ says he, ‘ which you 
are said to have obtained heretofore, no one shall impose any 
new taxes upon you or your servants, but you shall enjoy a 
perfect immunity in that respect.’ Gothofred upon the place 
says, by this law ‘they were freed from all extraordinary ἢ 
tribute, and only bound to the ordinary and canonical taxes.’ 
And so it was in the time of Honorius and Theodosius Junior, 


40 Paratitl. ad Cod. Theod. 1. 7. 
tit. 8. de Onere Metati. (t. 2. p. 264.) 
Immunes scilicet erant a metato 
clerici, senatorum domus, synagogze 
Judzorum, et religionum loca. 

41 Collect. Constit. Eccles. ex Cod. 
1. I. tit. 3. s. 1. (ap. Corp. Jur. Ca- 
non. t. 2. p. 1253.) Οἱ κληρικοὶ καὶ 
τὰ ἀνδράποδα αὐτῶν οὐχ ὑπόκεινται 
καιναῖς εἰσφοραῖς ἢ μιτάτοις. [ Vid. 
ap. Basilic. 1.3. tit. 1. ce. 50. (Fa- 
brot. t. 1. p. 142.) Κληρικὸς ἢ οἰκέ- 
της αὐτοῦ, μὴ βαρείσθω Kawais συν- 
ων αμ μηδὲ μιτάτα διδότωσαν. 

Ὁ. 


" # Vid. ee Theod. 1. Σὰ: tit. 6. 
6 Superindicto. (t.4. pp. 63, 5664. 
et Cod. Justin. 1. 10. ἐξ τῷ ae 
dem. (t. 5. p. 31.) Nihil super indic- 
torum, &c. 

43 Τ|. 16. tit. 2. de Episc., &c. leg. 
8. (t.6. p.32.) Juxta sanctionem, 
quam dudum meruisse perhibemini, 
et vos et mancipia vestra nullus 
novis collationibus obligavit [id est, 
obligabit,| sed vacatione gaudebi- 
tis.—Cf. Gothofr. in loc. (ibid. col. 
dextr.) Ab. extraordinariis..... col- 
lationibus immunes facti fuerunt, at 
nondum ab ordinariis et canonicis. 


§ 8, 9. Jrom taxes and civil offices. 143 


anno 412, when, by a law granting many other privileges to 
the Church relating to her possessions, they insert this among 
the rest‘*, ‘that no extraordinary tribute or superindiction, 
: but only-the common canonical tax, should be required of her.’ 
᾿ Which was finally confirmed by Justinian*®, and made the 
standing law of the Roman empire. 
9. As to some other duties and burdens, the laws a little The clergy 
varied. For sometimes the clergy were exempted, and some- {Yempt 


times not; as particularly in the case of contributing to the —_ κων 
maintenance and reparation of public ways and bridges. By the pit 
the forementioned law*® of Honorius, anno 412, all church- ep a 
lands are excused from those duties, and it is called an injury init 
to bind them to any contribution toward them. Yet not long 

after, anno 423, Theodosius Junior made a law 57 for the Eastern 

empire, which excepts no order of men from bearing a share 

in this matter, but obliges, as well his own possessions, (called 

domus divine in the style and language of those times,) as 
churches, to take their proportion in it. And about the same 

: time Valentinian the Third made a law4® to the same effect in 

the West. Justinian confirmed the law of Theodosius by insert- 

ing it into his Code+9, and added another law of his own 


among his Novels®°, where though he grants the clergy an 


a es SFU 8. 








44 Thid. leg. 40. (p. 79.) Nihil ex- 
traordinarium ab hac superindicti- 
tiumve flagitetur.... Nihil preter 
canonicam illationem ejus functio- 

45 Novel. τῇ ( 82.) 

ovel, 121. c. t. 5. 
Ad hee ve a που phe 
rum ecclesiarum possessionibus, ne- 
que sordidas functiones, neque ex- 
a descriptiones sustinere, 


46 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de 
Nulla} &e. leg. 40. (t. 6. p. 79.) 
ulla jugatione, que talium privile- 
giorum sorte gratulatur, muniendi 
itineris constringat injuria ; ... nulla 
pontium instauratio; nulla transla- 
tionem solicitudo gignatur. 

47 Ibid. 1. 15. tit. 3. de Itiner. Mu- 
niend. leg. 6. (t. 5. p- 344.).... Ad 
instructiones reparationesque itine- 
rum pontiumque nullum genus ho- 
minum ....cessare oportet. Domos 
etiam divinas, ac venerandas eccle- 


sias tam laudabili titulo libenter a- 
scribimus. 

48 Novel. 21. ad calc. Cod. Theod. 
= με append. rt.)....Sancimus, ut 

tiquatis omnibus privilegiis, que 
vel ignitatibus delata fuerunt, vel 
diversz militiz, collegia meruerunt, 
aut nomine venerande religionis 
obtentum est, omnis ubique census, 
qui non personarum est, sed agro- 
rum, ad universa munia a nova 
duntaxat indictione, ut supra defi- 
nivimus, absque ulla discretione co- 
gatur in quarta parte. 

49 L. τ. t. 2. leg. 7. (t. 4. P- 35+) 
Ad instructiones Tiexam pontium- 
que etiam divinas domos et venera- 
biles ecclesias tam laudabili titulo 
libenter ascribimus: quia non est 
inter sordida munera numeratum. 

50 Novel. 131. 6. 5. (t. 5+ P- 583. 
ad calc.) Si tamen itineris sternen 
aut pontium edificii vel reparatio- 
nis opus fuerit, ad instar aliorum 


144 Exemption of the clergy V. i. 
immunity from extraordinary taxes, yet he adds, ‘ that if 
there was occasion to make a way or build or repair a bridge, 
then churches as well as other possessors should contribute to 
those works, if they had possessions in any city where such 
works were to be done.’ [| And so, anno 742, King Ethelbald>, 
in the Synod of Cliff or Clovesho, granted an immunity to 
church-lands, excepting payments to an expedition and build- 


ing bridges and castles. | 


As itd 10. The laws varied likewise in another instance of duty 
aay auto required of the subjects, which was to furnish out horses and 
angari@, carriages for conveying of corn for the soldiers, and such other 
paranga- ; A 

rie, δ. things as belonged to the emperor’s exchequer. This duty 


in the Civil Law®? goes by the name of cursus publicus, and 
angarie, and parangaric, and translatio, and evectio, and 
the horses used in this service are particularly called parave- 
redi and equi cursuales. Now the clergy at first were exempt 
from this service by two laws of Constantius made in the 
former part of his reign>?, which expressly excuse both their 
persons and their estates from the duty of the parangarie. 
But by another law in the last year of his reign, anno 360, he 
revoked this privilege, obliging the clergy to the duty of trans- 
lation, as it is there worded>*, by which he means this duty 
of furnishing horses and carriages for the emperor’s service. 
And this he did, notwithstanding that the Council of Ariminum 
had petitioned for an immunity, being at a time when Con- 
stantius was displeased with them. However this law continued 
in force, not only under Julian, but under Valentinian and 
Theodosius, till by a contrary law*> about twenty years after, 


possessorum, hujusmodi opus et 
sanctas ecclesias et venerabiles do- 
mos complere, dum sub illa possi- 
dent civitate, sub qua tale fit opus. 

51 [ Vid. Spelman. Concilia. Lond. 
1639. (t. I. p. 231.).... Ut per om- 
nia libertas, honor, auctoritas, et se- 
curitas Christi ecclesiz a nulla per- 
sona denegetur, sed sit libera ab 
omnibus szecularibus servitiis, et 
omnes terre ad illam pertinentes ; 
exceptis, expeditione, pontis et ar- 
cis constructione. Ep. 

52 Cod. Theod. 1.8. t. 5. de Cursu 
Publico, Angariis, et Parangariis. 
(t. 2. pp. 506, seqq.)—Cod. Justin. 


1; 12. οι (ες 6. org) 

53 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de 
Episc., &c. leg. 10. (t. 6. p. 34.) 
Parangariarum quoque parili modo 
[a clericis] cesset exactio.—Ibid. 
leg. 14. (p. 40.) Ad parangariarum 
quoque preestationem non vocentur, 
nec eorundem facultates atque sub- 
stantie. 

54 Ibid. leg. 15. (p. 42.)....Ad 
universa munia sustinenda, transla- 
tionesque faciendas, omnes clerici 
debeant attineri. 

59 [bid. l. r1. tit. 16. de Extraord. 
et Sordid. Muner. leg. 15. (t. 4. 
p. 127.) Circa ecclesias, rhetores, 


Ψ 


§ 10, 11. Jrom taxes and civil offices. 145 
anno 382, they restored the clergy to their ancient privilege ; 
which was further confirmed to them by Honorius**, anno 412, 
whose law is still extant in both the Codes. Yet Theodosius 
Junior and Valentinian the Third, anno 440, took away their 
privilege again, and, by two laws*?, made church-lands liable 
to these burdens of the angarie, parangarie, §c., whenever 
the emperor should be upon any march or expedition, as well 
as all others. From all which it appears, that there was no 
certain rule observed in this matter, but the clergy had, or 
had not this privilege, according as the state of affairs would 
bear, or as the emperors were inclined to grant it. 

11. Besides these public taxes and duties, there was also one Of the tri- 
private 'tax, from which all lands given to the Church or to any {ute called 
charitable use were exempt by the laws of the empire. This in ™us, uncia, 
the Civil Law is called denarismus or uncice, and descriptio rime ah ol 
lucrativorum. The reason of which names will be understood mee 
by explaining the nature of the tribute. It was a sort of tax Church’s 

paid, not to the emperors, but to the curia or curiales of ae 
every city, that is, to that body of men who were obliged by 
virtue of their estates to be members of the court or common- 
council, and bear the offices of their country. Now it some- 
. times happened, that one of these cuwriales left his estate to 
| another that was not of the curia; and an estate, so descend- 
ing, was said to come to him ex causa lucrativa, which, being 
opposed to causa onerosa, is when a man enjoys an estate by 
gift or legacy, and not by purchase. But now, lest in this case 
the giving away an estate from the curia might have brought 
a greater burden upon the remaining part of the curiales, the 


person so enjoying it was obliged to pay an annual tribute to 


quolibet munere excusari precipi- 
mus, cum ad felicissimam expedi- 
tionem nostri numinis, omnium 
provincialium per loca, qua iter arri- 
pimus, debeant solita nobis minis- 


atque grammaticos eruditionis utri- 
usque, vetus tomore durante, .... ne 
paraveredorum hujusmodi viris aut 

i prebitio mandetur, 





Lope 1. 16. ἐπὶ 2. de E a? 
A . 40. (t. 6. p. 79.) 
pee, aaa pe Mae e atur, 
&c. al. signetur, as it is in the Jus- 
tinian Code, 1. 1. tit. 2. de Sacro- 
sanct. Eccles. leg. 5. 

57 Cod. Justin. 1. 2. tit. 2. leg. 11. 
(t. 4. p. 38.) Neminem ab angariis, 
vel parangariis, vel plaustris, vel 


BINGHAM, VOL. Il. 


teria exhiberi; licet ad sacrosanctas 
ecclesias possessiones pertineant.— 
It. 1. 12. tit. 51. de Cursu Publico, 
leg. 21. (t. 5. p. 322.) Nullus peni- 
tus cujuslibet ordinis seu dignitatis, 
vel sacrosancta ecclesia, vel domus 
regia, tempore expeditionis excusa- 
tionem angariarum, seu parangaria- 
rum habeat. 


L 


140 Exemption of the clergy V. π|. 
the curta of the city, which from the nature of his tenure was 
called descriptio lucrativorum, the lucrative tax: and because 
every head of land, every jugum or caput as the law terms it, 
was obliged to pay annually a denarius, or ounce of silver, 
therefore the tax itself was called unciw and denarismus; as 
in the laws of Theodosius the Great*’, cited in the margin. 
Theodosius Junior and Valentinian the Third made this tax 
double*?, laying four siliqgue, which is two ounces of silver, 
upon every head of land. According to which rate, every 
possessor, who held any estate by the aforesaid tenure, was 
obliged to pay tribute out of it to the curia of the city to 
which he belonged. But if any such estate was given to the 
Church, it was exempt from this tribute, if not before, yet at 
least in the time of Justinian. For there are two laws of his 
to this purpose, the one in his Code®, the other in his Novels ®, 
in both which such lands, as any of the curiales gave to a 
church, or a monastery, or hospital of any kind, are parti- 
cularly excepted from this lucrative tax; and that pietatis 
intuitu, as it is there worded, ‘in regard to religion, and be- 
cause it was fit to put some difference between things human 
and divine.’ But whether the Church enjoyed this immunity 
under any other prince before Justinian, is what I leave the 
curious to make the subject of a further inquiry; whilst I 
proceed to consider another sort of immunity of the clergy, 


58 Cod. Theod. 1. 12. tit. 1. de 


rum jugis et capitibus quaternas 
Decurionibus, leg. 107. (t. 4. p. εν 


siliquas annue [leg. annuas | ordini- 


452.) Quicunque heres curiali, 
vel legitimus, vel electus testa- 
mento graduve successerit ...vel si 
quem liberalitas locupletaverit forte 
Viventis, quos a curle nexu con- 
ditio solet dirimere, sciant, pecu- 
niariis descriptionibus,....ad de- 
narismum sive uncias, sese auctoris 
sui nomine retinendum.—lIt. leg. 
123. (ibid. p. 467.) Quidquid ex 
substantia curialium ad unumquem- 
que diversa largiendi occasione per- 
venerit, denarismo vel unciis habea- 
tur obnoxium in ea parte, in qua auc- 
toris sui nomine fuerat retentatum. 

59 1014. tit. 4. de Imponenda Lu- 
crativis Descriptione, leg. unic. (p. 
529.) Hi, qui ex lucrativa causa pos- 
sessiones detinent, que aliquando 
curialium fuerint, pro singulis ea- 


bus nomine descriptionis exsolvant. 

60 Cod. Justin. 1. 1. tit. 2. de Sa- 
crosanct. Eccles. leg. 22. (t. 4. p. 62.) 
Sancimus res ad venerabiles eccle- 
sias, vel xenones, vel monasteria, 
vel orphanotrophia, vel gerontoco- 
mia, vel ptochotrophia ....descen- 
dentes ex qualicunque curiali liber- 
alitate ....a lucrativorum inscrip- 
tionibus liberas immunesque esse. . . 
Cur enim non faciamus discrimen 
inter res divinas et humanas? 

61 Novel. 131. c. 5. (t. 5. p. 584.) 
Si que vero res ex curialium 
substantiis ad quamlibet sacrosanc- 
tam ecclesiam, aut aliam venerabi- 
lem domum, secundum leges vene- 
runt, aut postea venerint, liberas 
eas esse sancimus descriptione lu- 
crativorum. 


§ 11, 12, 13. Srom taxes and civil offices. 147 


which was their exemption from civil offices in the Roman 

12. Of these offices some were personal and others predial, The clergy 
that is, such as were tied to men’s estates and possessions. fom Pa 
Some again were called honores, honourable offices ; and others iia) ork 
munera sordida, mean and sordid offices. Now, from all ome 
these, as well patrimonial as personal, honourable as well as 
sordid, by the first laws of Constantine, the clergy were uni- 
versally and entirely exempt. But after-ages made a little 
distinction as to such of the clergy, who enjoyed patrimonial 
secular estates of their own, distinct from those of the Church : 
for such of the clergy were sometimes forced to leave their 
ecclesiastical employment, and bear the civil offices of the 
empire ;—of which more by and by. But as to offices, which 
were purely personal, the clergy were entirely exempt from 
them; as appears from a law of Valentinian and Gratian®, 
still extant in both the Codes, where every order of the clergy, 
not only presbyters and deacons, but subdeacons, exorcists, 
readers, door-keepers, and acolythists, are specified as exempt 
from personal offices: and that is the meaning of that law of 
Constantius, mentioned both by Athanasius®, and Socrates®, 
and Sozomen®, where they say he granted the clergy of 
Megypt ἀλειτουργησίαν and ἀτέλειαν Accroupynudtov,—exemption 
from such offices as had been forced upon them in the Arian 
persecution, 

13. Again, for those called sordid offices, not only the per- And from 





sons of the clergy, but the estates of the Church were dis- —_ be 
charged of all burdens of that nature. Constantius made two predial and 
personal. 


. 62 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de est. Ep.] 


Epise., &c. leg. 24. (t. 6. p. 56.) 63 Apol. 2. t. I. p. 772. (t. I. 
teros, Dione, subdiaconos, part. 1. p. 136 e. n. 7.).... Τὴν ἀτέ- 





exorcistas, lectores, ostiarios etiam, 
et omnes perinde qui primi sunt, 
personalium munerum expertes esse 
coy nq Justinian Code, 

I. tit. 3. leg. 6. (t. 4. p. 75.) has 
the same, only instead of the words 


omnes 
lythos. [Annotat. in loc. Hoc ver- 
bum in uno duntaxat manuscripto 
reperi, cum in ceteris desit. Et in 
C. Th. sunt qui clericos fuisse ne- 
gent. Qua de re amplius videndum 


mi sunt, it reads aco- ἔ 


λειαν, ἧς ἔτυχον πάλαι of dua αὐτῷ 
κληρικοὶ, τούτοις Be, ἣναι προσ- 
ηκόντως. 

64 L, 2. c. 23. (v. τ. p. 116. 3.)... 
Τὴν ἀλειτουργησίαν, ἣν of αὐτοῦ κλη- 
ρικοὶ εἶχον, τὴν αὐτὴν πάλιν θέλομεν 

ew. 
X65 L. 3. c. 21. (ibid. p. 126. 41.) 
Ipocérage .... ὡς τὸ πρὶν ἀτέλειαν 
ἔχειν λειτουργημάτων τοὺς αὐτοῦ κλη- 
ρικούς. 


L 2 


148 Exemption of the clergy V. 1. 


laws 6 to this purpose, which Valentinian and Theodosius con- 
firmed, granting the clergy, and some other orders of men, the 
same immunity in this respect, as they did to the chief officers 
and dignitaries of the empire; and they intimate®7 also, that 
this was no new privilege, but what by ancient custom they 
had always enjoyed. The same is said by Honorius, that this 
was an ancient privilege of the Church, conferred upon her by 
his royal ancestors, and that it ought not to be diminished ; 
therefore he made two laws 68 particularly in behalf of the bishop 
of Rome, ‘that no extraordinary office or sordid function 
should be imposed upon him.’ Nor do we ever find the clergy 
called to bear any Such office in the empire. Tor though Go- 
thofred, in his Notes upon the forementioned law of Theodo- 
515 69, where several of these offices are specified, reckons the 
angarie and building and repairing of ways and bridges 
among sordid offices; yet I have shewed before, that what was 
exacted of the clergy in reference to those two things, was 
under the notion of a tribute, and not an office. And the laws, 
which require the clergy to contribute toward them, say ex-. 
pressly7°, ‘that they are not to be looked upon as sordid. 
offices, nor any duty to be exacted under that notion.’ 

14. As to the other sort of offices called honores, honourable 
or municipal offices, which are otherwise termed curial offices, 
because they who bare them were called curiales et decurio- 
nes, men of the court or curia of every city, all the clergy who 


Also from 
curial or 
municipal 
offices. 


66 Cod.Theod. 1.16. tit.2. de Episc., 
&c, leg. το. (t. 6. p. 34.).... Repel- 
laturque ab his exactio munerum 
sordidorum.—Conf. ibid. leg. 14. (p. 
40.) Omnis a clericis .... iniquze ex- 
actionis repellatur improbitas, &c. 

67 Thid. 1. τι. tit. τό. de Extraord. 
et Sordid. Muner. leg. 15. (t. 4. 
Ρ- 127.) Maximarum culmina dig- 
nitatum .... ab omnibus sordidis 
muneribus vindicentur. .... Circa 
ecclesias, rhetores, atque grammati- 
cos eruditionis utriusque, vetusto 
more durante, &c. 

68 Τ0 14. leg. 21. (p. 133.) Privile- 
gia venerabilis ecclesie, que divi 
principes contulerunt, imminui non 
oportet: proinde etiam quz circa 
urbis Rome episcopum, observatio 
intemerata custodiet. Ita ut nihil 


extraordinarii muneris vel sordid 
functionis agnoscat. [Conf. ibid. 
leg. 22. (p. 133.) Privilegia venera- 
bili ecclesiz, &c. Grischov. | 

69 In Cod. Theod. 1. 11. tit. 16. 
leg. 15. (t. 4. p. 128.) Quartum [sor- 
didum munus] est paraveredorum 
et parangariarum prebitio. ... Duo- 
decimum munus inter sordida nu- 
meratur viarum et pontium con- 
structionis solicitudo. 

70 Cod. Theod. 1. 15. tit. 3. de 
Itiner. Muniend. leg. 6. Honor. et 
Theod. Jun. (t. 6. p. 344.) Absit ut 
nos instructionem vie publice, et 
pontium stratarumque operam..... 
inter sordida munera numeremus, 
&e.—Vid. Cod. Justin. 1. τ. tit. 2. 
de Eccles. leg. 7. Ejusd. Honor. et 
Theod. (t. 4. p. 35.) 


δ 14. Srom taxes and civil offices. 149 


had no lands of their own, but lived upon the revenues and 
possessions of the Church, were entirely exempt from them, 
because the duties of the Church and State were not thought 
well consistent in one and the same person; and it was deemed 
unreasonable to burden the lands of the Church with the civil 
duties of the empire. When Constantine was first quietly set- 
tled in his government, immediately after the great Decennial, 
commonly called the Dioclesian persecution, he seems to have 
granted a full and unlimited immunity in this respect to all the 
clergy, as well those who had lands or patrimony of their own, 
as those who lived wholly upon the revenues of the Church. 
For thus he expresses himself in a law directed to Anulinus, 
proconsul of Afric, recorded by Eusebius7!, which bears date 
anno 312 or 313: ‘ Our pleasure is that all those in your pro- 
vince, who minister in the Catholic Church, over which Czci- 
lian presides, who are commonly called the clergy, be exempted 
from all public offices whatsoever, that they may not be let or 
hindered in the performance of divine service by any sacrile- 
gious distraction.’ Anulinus has also an Epistle still extant in 
St. Austin72, written to Constantine not long after, wherein he 
mentions this grant as sent to him to be intimated to Cecilian 
and the Catholic clergy, viz. ‘that by the kind indulgence of 
his majesty they were exempt from all manner of offices, that 
they might with due reverence attend divine service.’ And 
this Epistle of Anulinus is also related, but not so correctly, in 





the Collation of Carthage7®. 


711, το. c. 7.(v. 1. p. 487. 38.) 
Διόπερ ἐκείνους τοὺς εἴσω τῆς ἐπαρ- 
χίας τῆς σοι πεπιστευμένης ἐν τῇ 

ἢ ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἡ Καικιλιανὸς 
ἐφέστηκε, τὴν ἐξ ἑαυτῶν ὑπηρεσίαν 
τῇ ταύτῃ θρησκείᾳ παρέχον- 
τας, οὕσπερ κληρικοὺς ἐπονομάζειν 
ε ὧν, πάντων ἁπαξαπλῶς 
τῶν λειτουργιῶν βούλομαι ἀλειτουρ- 
γήτους διαφυλαχθῆναι" ὅπως μὴ διά 
τινος πλάνης ἣ ἐξολισθήσεως iepo- 
σύλου ἀπὸ τῆς θεραπείας τῆς τῇ Θειό- 
τητι ὀφειλομένης ἀφέλκωνται, ἀλλὰ 

" ἄνευ “ne πόκου τις: τῷ 
ἐξυπηρετῶνται, x. τ. Δ. 

io August. Ep. 68. [al. 88.] 

(t. 2. p. 213 6.) Scripta celestia ma- 

jestatis vestre accepta atque adorata 

Ceciliano et his, qui sub eodem 


In this grant it is very obsery- 


agunt, quique clerici appellantur, 

evotio |mea apud acta} parvitatis 
mez insinuare curavit, eosdemque 
hortata est, ut, unitate consensu om- 
nium facta, cum omni omnino mu- 
nere indulgentia majestatis vestre 
liberati esse videantur catholici, cus- 
todita sanctitate legis, debita reveren- 
tia divinis rebus inserviant. [Editi 
omittunt mea apud acta, que verba 
hue revocavimus ex MSS. Ed. Be- 
ned., in loc., which puts a comma 
at videantur, and reads catholica cus- 
todita, &c. See the last part of the 
following note. Ep. } 

73 Die 3. c. 216. (CC. t. 2. p. 
1488 c.) Augustis nostris Anulinus 
v. c. proconsul Afric: scripta ec- 
clesia majestatis vestree accepta at- 


150 Exemption of the clergy 


able that this privilege was only allowed to the Catholic clergy; 
which made the Donatists very uneasy, because they could not 
enjoy the same favour: and upon this they became tumultuous 
and troublesome to the Catholics, procuring the clergy in some 
places to be-nominated to public offices, and to be made receiy- 
ers of the public revenues, &c. But complaint hereof being 
made to Constantine, it occasioned the publishing of a new 
order in Afric, pursuant to the former 75, “that whereas he was 
given to understand that the clergy of the Catholic Church 
were molested by the heretical faction, and by their procure- 
ment nominated to public offices, and made susceptors or 
receivers of tribute, in derogation of the privileges which he 
had formerly granted them, he now signified his pleasure 
again, that if the magistrates found any person so aggrieved, 
they should substitute another in his room, and take care for 
the future that no such injuries should be offered to the men 
of that profession.’ This law was published anno 313, and it 
is the first of this kind that is extant in the Theodosian Code. 
About six years after, anno 319, he put forth another, upon a 
hike complaint made in Italy, that the clergy were called away 
from their proper functions to serve in public offices; and in 
this7> he grants them the same general immunity as before. 
So again, anno 330, a complaint being made against the Dona- 
tists in Numidia, that when they could not have their will upon 
the superior clergy by reason of the former immunity that was 
granted them, they notwithstanding forced the inferior clergy 
to bear offices in curia, upon pretence that the exemption did 
not extend to them; Constantine, to cut off all dispute, pub- 


que adorata Ceciliano et his, qui 
sub eodem agunt, quique clerici 
appellantur, devotio mea apud acta 
parvitatis mez insinuare curavit.— 
C. 220. (ibid. e.) Martialis exceptor 
ex superioribus gestis recitavit : 
Eosdem hortata est, ut, unitate con- 
sensu omnium facta, munere majes- 
tatis vestre liberati esse videantur, 
catholica custodita, sanctitati legis 
debita reverentia ac divinis rebus 
inserviant. 

74 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de 
Epise., &c. leg. 1. (t. 6. p. 21.) 
Hereticorum factione comperimus 
eeclesize catholic clericos ita vex- 


ari, ut nominationibus seu suscep- 
tionibus aliquibus, quas publicus 
mos exposcit, contra indulta ibi 
[leg. 5101] privilegia, preegraventur. 
Ideoque placet, si quem tua gravitas 
invenerit ita vexatum, eidem alium 
surrogari, et deinceps a supradictz 
religionis hominibus hujusmodi in- 
jurias prohiberi. ᾿ 

75 Thid. leg. 2. (p. 22.) Qui divino 
cultui ministeria religionis impen- 
dunt, id est, hi qui clerici appellan- 
tur, ab omnibus omnino muneribus 
excusentur: ne sacrilego livore quo- 
rundam a divinis obsequiis avocen- 
tur. , 


814, 15. from taxes and civil offices. 151 


lished another law7®, wherein he particularly exempts the 
inferior clergy, readers, subdeacons, and the rest, from bearing 
offices in curia; and orders, that they should enjoy in 
Afric the same perfect immunity as they did in the Oriental 
Churches. 

15. Now this immunity was so great a privilege, that it not But this 
only beeame the envy of heretics, but also provoked some rea 
Catholic laymen, who were possessed of estates qualifying Snel to | 
them to bear the offices of their country, to get a sort of titular clergy as 
ordination to some of the inferior offices of the Church, on pert di 
purpose to enjoy this immunity; when yet they neither de- what be- 
signed to do the duty of that office, nor to arise to any higher [("s" © 
order in the Church. Which being interpreted a mere fraudu- by the laws 
lent collusion to deprive the State of fit men to serve the com- bast 
monwealth, and no ways benefit the Church, it was presently 
resented by Constantine as an abuse; and various laws were 
made both by him and his successors, as occasion required, to 
restrain and correct it. Constantine at first, as I observed be- 
fore, granted this immunity indifferently to all the clergy, as 
well possessors as not-possessors of private estates, whom he 
found actually engaged in the service of the Church, when he 
came to the quiet possession of the empire; nor did he, for 
some years after perhaps, restrain any sorts of men from 
taking orders in the Church: but when he found this in- 
dulgence to the Church, by the artifice of cunning men, only 
turned to the detriment of the State; and that rich men shel- 
tered themselves under an ecclesiastical title, only to avoid 
the offices of their country ; he then made a law, that no rich 
plebeian, who was qualified by his estate to serve in curia and 
bear civil offices in any city, should become an ecclesiastic ; or, 
if he did, he should be liable from the time that law was made 
to be fetched back and returned in curiam, to bear the offices 
of his country as a layman. What year that law was made is 
not very certain, save only that it was before the year 320, 
when a second law was made upon the same subject referring 


76 Ibid. leg. 7. (p. 31.) Lectores sunt, absolvantur: et de cetero ad 
divinoram apicum, et hypodiaconi, similitudinem Orientis minime ad 
ceterique clerici, qui per injuriam curias devocentur, sed immunitate 
hgreticorum ad curiam devocati plenissima potiantur. 


152 Exemption of the clergy V. iil. 


to the first. And from this we learn what was the import of 
both ;—that it was Constantine’s design to put a distinction 
betwixt such of the clergy as were ordained before that first 
law, and such as were ordained afterward: the former he ex- 
empted from civil offices, though they were possessed of 
estates, but not the latter. Which plainly appears from the 
words of the second law77, which are these: ‘ Whereas by a 
former law we ordained, that from thenceforward no coun- 
sellor or counsellor’s son, nor any one, who by his estate was 
sufficiently qualified to bear public offices, should take upon 
him the name or function of the clergy, but only such, whose 
fortune is small, and they not tied to any civil offices; we are 
now given to understand, that such of the clergy, who were or- 
dained before the promulgation of that law, are molested upon 
that account. Wherefore our command is, that those be dis- 
charged of all further trouble; and that such only as entered 
themselves among the clergy since the law was made, with in- 
tention to decline public offices, shall be returned to the cwria 
and states of their city, to serve in the civil offices of their 
country. There is another law of Constantine’s published 
after this78, anno 326, a year after the Council of Nice, which 
speaks to the same effect, and shews that this was the standing 
rule of the latter part of Constantine’s reign, to exempt 
none among the clergy, who were qualified by estates of 


their own, from bearing personally the public offices of the 
empire. 


Constan- 16. But however this might be well designed at first by him 
ng Slap to prevent some abuses, yet in process of time it became very 


77 Tbid. leg. 3. (p. 22.) Cum con- 
stitutio emissa precipiat, nullum de- 
inceps decurionem, vel ex decurione 
progenitum, vel etiam instructum ido- 
neis facultatibus, atque obeundis pub- 
licis muneribus opportunum, ad cleri- 
corum nomen obsequiumque confu- 
gere; sedeos.... qui fortuna tenues, 
neque muneribus civilibus teneantur 
obstricti: cognovimus illos etiam 
inquietari, qui ante legis promulga- 
tionem clericorum se consortio so- 
ciaverint: ideoque precipimus, his 
ab omni molestia liberatis, illos, qui 


post legem latam obsequia publica 
declinantes ad clericorum numerum 
confugerunt, curiz ordinibusque re- 
stitui, et civilibus obsequiis inser-. 
vire. 

78 Thid. leg. 6. (p. 30.) .... Si 
inter civitatem et clericos super ali- 
cujus nomine dubitetur, si eum x- 
quitas ad publica trahat munera, et 
progenie municeps vel patrimonio 
idoneus dignoscetur, exemptus cle- 
ricis civitati tradatur: opulentos enim 
seculisubire necessitates oportet, pau- 
peres ecclesiarum divitiis sustentari. 


§ τό. from taxes and civil offices. 153 


prejudicial to the Church. For by this means sometimes pres- 
byters and deacons, after they had been twenty or thirty years . 
in the Church’s service, were called upon by litigious men to ¢™Ptrorm 
bear ciyil offices, inconsistent with the spiritual, and thereupon the Church. 
they were forced to forsake their ecclesiastical function. This 
was so great an inconvenience, that it well became the wisdom 
of the following emperors to find out some suitable remedy for 
it; which they did by new modifying Constantine’s law, and 
abating something of the rigour of it. For they did not lay the 
burden of civil offices upon the persons of the clergy, but only 
upon their patrimonial estates, not belonging to the Church, 
and in some cases they excused those also. Constantius ac- 
quitted all bishops of this burden, both as to their estates and 
persons79; for by his laws they might keep their estates to 
themselves, and neither be obliged to bear civil offices in per- 
son, nor substitute any other in their room. And he allowed 
the same privilege to presbyters, and deacons, and all others, 
provided they were ordained by the consent of the civil court, 
or curia, and the general request of the people. But, if they 
were not so ordained, all that they were obliged to do, was 
only to part with two-thirds of their estate to their children or 
next relations, and substitute them in their room; or, in defect 
of such relations, to give up two parts of their estate to the 
: curia, and retain the third to themselves. Valentinian, in the 
first year of his reign, anno 364, made the law®® a little 
stricter: ‘that such persons, when they were ordained, should 
give all their estate to one of their relations, and substitute 
him as a curialis in their room, or else give it up to the curia 
itself; otherwise they should be liable to be called back to 
serve in civil offices as laymen.’ But he extended this obliga- 
tion no further than to the beginning of his own reign: for by 
another law*!, made seven years after, anno 371, he exempted 


tered by 
the suc- 


ceeding 








79 Ibid. 1. 12. tit.r. de Decurion. 
leg. 49. (t. 4. p. 387.) Solum episco- 
pum facultates suas curiz, sicut 
ante fuerat constitutum, nullus adi- 
gat mancipare, sed antistes maneat, 
re faciat substantiz cessionem, 

c. 

80 Thid. leg.59. (p. 405.) Qui par- 
tes eligit ecclesiz, aut in propin- 
quum bona propria conferendo eum 


i se faciat curialem, aut facultati- 
us curiz cedat, quam reliquit; ex 
necessitate revocando eo qui neu- 
trum fecit, cum clericus esse ccepis- 


set, Xc. 

81 Ibid. 1, 16. tit. 2. de Episce., 
&e. leg. 21. (t. 6. p. 51. Qui Ec- 
clesize juge obsequium deputarunt, 
curiis habeantur immunes, si tamen 
ante ortum imperii nostri ad cultum 


154 Exemption of the clergy V. ul 


all such as were in the service of the Church when he came to 
the crown, though they had estates of their own qualifying 
them to bear civil offices. Valens ®? exempted all such as had 
been ten years in the Church’s service; so that, if they were 
not called upon by the civil courts within that term, they were 
for ever after to be excused. Valentinian the Second 838 ex- 
empted them, provided they put a substitute in their room. 
Theodosius 8: exempted all that were ordained before the year 
388, which was the tenth year of his reign: and of those that 
were ordained afterward he only required the aforesaid condi- 
tions *>, ‘that they. should either provide a proper substitute, 
or give up their estates to the court at their ordination.’ 
Which is also taken notice of by St. Ambrose in his answer to 
Symmachus, where he shews8 how unreasonable it was for 
him to plead for the exemption of the heathen priests in this 
respect, when the laws did not grant it to the Christian clergy, 


se legis nostre contulisse consti- 
terit. 

82 Ibid. leg. 19. (p. 47.) ....Siin 
consortio clericatus decennium qui- 
etis impleverit, cum patrimonio suo 
habeatur immunis. Si vero intra fi- 
nitos annos fuerit a curia revoca- 
tus, cum substantia sua functioni- 
bus subjaceat civitatis. 

83 Jbid. 1. 12. tit.1. de Decurion. 
leg. 99. (t. 4. p. 445.) Jussio, qua si- 
bi Judze legis homines blandiun- 
tur, per quam eis curialium mune- 
rum datur immunitas, rescindatur : 
cum ne clericis quidem liberum sit, 
prius se divinis ministeriis manci- 
pare, quam patrie debita universa 
persolvant. Quisquis igitur vere 
Deo dicatus est, alium instructum 
facultatibus suis ad munera pro se 
complenda constituat. 

84 bid. leg. 121. (p.464.) Qui an- 
te se eundum consulatum mansue- 
tudinis mez ex ordine curiali, vel 
presbyteri fastigium, vel ministe- 
rium diaconi, vel exorcistz suscepit 
officium, omne ejus patrimonium 
immune a curialibus nexibus habe- 
atur ac liherum. [i vero, qui se ad 
religiosa divini cultus obsequia, quo- 
cumque sub nomine, post memorati 
consulatus tempora prescripta con- 


tulerint, omui sciant cedendum esse 
patrimonio.—Leg. 123. (p.467.) Evi- 
dens etiam precepto nostro tempus 
expressum est, ex quo consulatu, si 
qui de curialibus ad ecclesiam con- 
fugissent, omni scirent patrimonio 
curiz esse cedendum. 

85 Tbid. leg. 104. (p. 450.) Curia- 
les, qui ecclesiis malunt servire 
quam curiis, si volunt esse quod si- 
mulant, contemnant illa que sub- 
trahunt: nec enim eos aliter, nisi 
contemptis patrimoniis, liberamus : 
quippe animos divina observatione 
devinctos non decet patrimoniorum 
desideriis occupari.— Leg. 115. (p. 
460.) Ad curiam clerici pertinentes 
sciant, ex patrimonio suo, si ipsi 
immunes cupiunt permanere, alios 
idoneos esse faciendos, qui receden- 
tium presentiam personamque re- 
stituant in publicis muneribus sub- 
eundis. 

86 Cont. Symmach. [al. Ep. 18. ad 
Valentin. | (t. 2. p.836 d. π. 13.) ... 
Nobis etiam private successionis 
emolumenta recentibus legibus de- 
negantur.... Si privilegium querat 
sacerdos, ut onus curiale declinet, 
patria atque avita et omnium facul- 
tatum possessione cedendum est. | 


OF |, 


SS θη οτυ τ ΣΝ 


ον δι νι 





Jrom taxes and civil offices. 155 


but upon such conditions. Arcadius, indeed, by the instigation 
of Eutropius, anno 398, cancelled all these favourable laws, and 
brought the clergy again to the hard rule of Constantine 57, 
‘that if any of the ewriales were ordained in the Church, they 
should by force be returned to the civil courts again in person, 
and_not enjoy the benefit of those laws, which allowed them to 
take orders, provided they disposed of their estates to proper 
substitutes, who might bear offices in their stead.’ But this 
law was but very shortlived: for, Chrysostom and some others 
very justly declaiming against it, Arcadius disannulled it the 
year following by a new law**, wherein he granted such of the 
elergy, as were taken and ordained out of the body of the cu- 
riales, the same privilege that they had under his father The- 
odosius, which was, that all that were ordained before the se- 
cond consulship of Theodosius, anno 388, should enjoy a per- 
fect immunity, without any molestation; and such as were or- 
dained after that term, if they were of the superior clergy, 
bishops, presbyters, or deacons, might continue in the Church's 
service, either providing a substitute to bear the offices of the 
οὐρα for them, or giving up their estates to the curia, as for- 
mer laws in that case had directed. Only it was required that 
the inferior clergy, readers, subdeacons, &c., should be re- 
turned to the curia again, and obliged to bear offices in per- 
son. And the same was determined by Theodosius Junior 59, 


87 Cod. Theod. 1.9. tit. 45. De diaconi, vel hi clerici quibus cleri- 
his qui ad Eccles. confug. leg. 3. (t. corum privilegia non debentur, de- 
8: p- 361.) Decuriones ...... manu bitis mox patriz muneribus presen- 





mox injecta revocentur: quibus ul- 
terius legem prodesse non patimur, 
a. patrimonii subsecuta, 

iones esse clericos non veta- 


88 Thid. 1. 12. tit.1. de Decurion. 
leg. 163. (t. 4. p. 496.) Si qui ex se- 
cundo divi patris nostri consulatu 
curiam relinquentes clericorum se 
consortio manciparunt, si jam epi- 
scopi, vel presbyteri, vel diaconi esse 
fal. male, diacono esse] meruerunt, 
in sacris quidem et secretioribus Dei 
mysteriis perseverent; sed aut sub- 
stitutum [al. substitutos] pro se cu- 
riz offerre cogantur, aut juxta legem 
dudum latam tradant curiae faculta- 
tes. Residui omnes, lectores, sub- 


tentur. 

89 Novel. 26. ad cale. Cod. Theod. 
(t. 6. append. p.13.) [lustris magni- 
ficentia tua pragmatici nostri tenore 
comperto sciat, corporatum urbis 
Rome, qui non expleto ordine ceepti 
officii, priusquam ad primum iter 
favor # locum emeritus pervenerit, 
ad militiz cujuslibet cingulum se 
credidit transferendum, corporibus, 
cui nomen suum ante dicaverat, o- 
portere revocari: sive etiam in cle- 
ricorum numero reperitur, usque ad 
diaconi locum similis precepti con- 
ditio teneatur, &c.— Novel. 38. (ibid. 
p. 16.).... Presenti lege sancimus, 
ut quisquis ante hujus sanctionis 
diem suscepit clericatus officium, 


156 Exemption of the clergy 


and Valentinian the Third. and Majorian9!, whose laws are 
extant at the end of the Theodosian Code. Justinian also has 
a Novel % to the same purpose, wherein he orders such of the 
inferior clergy, as were taken out of any curia, to be returned 
thither again, unless they had lived fifteen years a monastic 
lite ; and then they were to give three parts of their patrimony 
to the curia, and retain one to themselves. But he allowed 
bishops to put in a substitute, and be free from bearing civil 
offices in person, as Julianus Antecessor, in his Epitome of the 
Authentics, understands him. Though, I confess, there is 
something to incline a man to think Justinian at first was a 
little more severe to such bishops, because he revived that an- 
tiquated law of Arcadius in his Code. But however this be, 
upon the whole matter it appears that the Christian princes, 
from first to last, always made a wide difference between the 


non expletis urbis propriz muniis 
ac muneribus, in ea quidem, qua 
meruit, religionis observatione per- 
duret, sed omnia per suffectum tam 
personalia quam patrimonii onera 
cogatur agnoscere, facultates suas 
pro virili portione singulis filiis di- 
vidat, sibimet simili parte servata, 


oF 

90 Novel. 12. (ibid. p. 26. ad calc. 
et Bisel). is Ai Qui intra decennium 
transactum a die late hujus legis 
diaconi ordinati sunt, suffectos pro 
se dare debebunt. Si non habent, 
unde sibi hac ratione prospiciant, 
ipsi ad nexum proprium reducan- 
tur. Ceteris inferioris gradus ad 
competentia ministeria retrahendis : 
exceptis episcopis atque presbyteris: 
servatis tamen, que de patrimonio 
talium personarum legum prece- 
dentium statuta sanxerunt. 

91 Novel. 1. (ibid. p. 32.) Qui- 
cumque se sub nomine clericatus, 
seu quodam religionis obtentu, cu- 
rialis vel corporatus fortasse sub- 
traxerit, secundum precedentium 
legum statuta, si infra diaconatus 
gradum locatus probatur, ad origi- 
nem suam sine dilatione revocetur. 
Si vero jam diaconus, aut presbyter, 
aut episcopus latz hujus legis tem- 
pore reperitur, sive adhuc obnoxius 
functionibus, sive muniis persolutis, 


nihil de patrimonio suo alienaturum 
se esse cognoscat. 

92 Novel. 123. c. 15. ex Epitom. 
Julian. Antecess. (t. 5. p. 547.) Si 
vero tales persone in clero consti- 
tuantur, tanquam non ad ordinem 
perducti, proprie fortune restituan- 
tur; nisi forsan monasticam vitam a- 
liquis eorum non minus quindecim 
annis implevit, &c.—[Conf. Cod. 
Justin. 1.1. tit.3. de Episc. leg. 4. 
(t. 4. p. 73.)....Ad priorem condi- 
tionem retrahantur, &c. Ep.]| 

93 Epitom. Novel. 123. 6. 4. post 
leg. 37. Cod. Justin. de Episce. (t. 4. 
Ρ. 108. ad calc.) Episcopalis ordo li- 
berat a fortuna servili, vel ascripti- 
tia, sed non a curiali sive officiali; 
nam et post ordinationem durat; 
ita ut per subjectam vel interposi- 
tam personam officium adimpleatur, 
ἄχεα. 

94 Τι. τὶ tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 12. (t. 
4. p. 79.) Si quis curialis clericus fu- 
erit ordinatus, nec statim, conven- 
tione premissa, pristine conditioni 
reddatur, is vigore et solertia judi- 
cantium, ad pristinam sortem, veluti 
manu injecta, mox revocetur. Cle- 
ricis enim ulterius legem prodesse 
non patimur, que, cessione patri- 
monii subsecuta, decuriones cleri- 
cos esse non vetabat. 


V. ili 


a 


ϑι6, iv. 1. Jrom taxes and civil offices. 157 


public patrimony of the Church, which was properly ecclesi- 
astical, and the private estates of such of the clergy as had 
lands of a civil or secular tenure : for the one, the clergy were 
᾿ obliged to no duty or burden of civil offices; but for the other 
they were, and could not be excused from them, but either by 
parting with some portion of their estates, or providing proper 
substitutes to officiate for them. The reason of which was, that 
such of the clergy were looked upon as irregularly promoted ; 
it being as much against the rules of the Church, as the laws 
of the State, to admit any of the curiales to an ecclesiastical 
function, without first giving satisfaction to the curia, whence 
they were taken, as has been shewed in another place®. 

I have been the more curious in searching to the bottom this 
business about tribute and civil offices, and have given a parti- 
eular and distinct account of them from the grounds of the 
Civil Law, because but few men have recourse to those fountains 
whence this matter is to be cleared; and the reader will scarce 
find this subject handled, but either very imperfectly, or with 
some partiality, or some confusion, in modern authors. 


CHAP. IV. 
Of the revenues of the ancient clergy. 


1. Tue next thing that comes in order to be considered is Several 
the maintenance of the ancient clergy. Where it will be proper bee ding P 
first to inquire into the ways and methods that were taken for fund for 
raising funds for their subsistence. And here, to set aside a pactbecesge 


little the consideration of tithes, which will be spoken of in the οὖ, πὰ 
next chapter, we find other ways by which, in ancient times, a shistbans 
decent provision was made for them. As, first, by the volun- some of | 
tary oblations of the people, of which some learned persons weekly. 
think there were two sorts: first, the weekly or daily oblations, 

that were made at the altar; secondly, the monthly oblations, 

that were cast into the treasury of the Church. The first sort 

of oblations were such as every rich and able communicant 

made at his coming to partake of the eucharist; where they 

offered not only bread and wine, out of which the eucharist 

was taken, but also other necessaries, and sometimes sums of 

money, for the maintenance of the Church and relief of the 

poor; as is evident from those words of St. Jerom, in his Com- 


% See 8. 16. p. 152. 


SS a αὶ ae, Ρ... ᾿ 





] 
7 
. 
' 





158 The revenues of V. ive 


ments upon Ezekiel, where he tells us ‘ that thieves and op- 
pressors made their oblations, among others, out of their ill- 
gotten goods, that they might glory in their wickedness, while 
the deacon in the church publicly recited the names of those 
that offered ;—such an one offers so much, and such an one hath 
promised so much ;—and so they please themselves with the 
applause of the people, while their own conscience lashes and 
torments them.’ Those called the Apostolical Canons%7 speak 
also of the oblation of fruits and fowls and beasts, but order 
such to be sent home to the bishop and presbyters, who were 
to divide them with the deacons and the rest of the clergy. 

2. Another sort’ of oblations were made monthly, when it 
was usual for persons, that were able and willing, to give, 
as they thought fit, something to the ark or treasury of the 
Church. Which sort of collation is particularly taken notice 
of by Tertullian 98, who says ‘it was made menstrua die, once 
a month, or when every one pleased, and as they pleased ; for 
no man was compelled to it: it was not any stated sum, but a 


And others 
monthly. 


voluntary oblation.’ 


Baronius%9 thinks this ark or treasury 


was called the corban of the Church, because Cyprian! uses 


96 In Ezek. 18. p. 537. (t.5. p. 209 
a.) Quod multos facere conspicimus 
Pr: qui opprimunt per potentiam, 
vel furta committunt, ut de multis 
parva pauperibus tribuant, et in suis 
sceleribus glorientur, publiceque dia- 
conus in ecclesiis recitet offerentium 
nomina: ..tantum offert 1116, tantum 
ille pollicitus est; ... placentque sibi 
ad plausum populi, torquente con- 
scientia. 

7 Ce. 3, 4, 5. (Cotel. [c. 2.7 v. 1. p. 
437.) Εἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος, ἢ πρεσβύτε- 
ρος, παρὰ τὴν ὑπὸ [8]. τοῦ] Κυρίου 
διάταξιν τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ θυσίᾳ, προσενέγκῃ 
ἕτερά τινα ἐπὶ τὸ [τοῦ Θεοῦ] θυσια- 
στήριον, ἢ μέλι, ἢ γάλα, ἢ ἀντὶ οἴνου 
σίκερα, [ἢ] ἐπιτηδευτὰ, ἢ ὄρνεις, ἢ 
ζῶά τινα, ἢ ὄσπρια, [ὡς] παρὰ τὴν 
διάταξιν Κυρίου ποιῶν, καθαιρείσθω. 
πλὴν νέων χίδρων, ἢ στάχυας σίτου, 
ἢ σταφυλῆς [τῷ καιρῷ τῷ δέοντι. 
Μὴ ἐξὸν [δὲ] ἔστω προσάγεσθαί τι 
[ἕτερον] πρὸς [8]. εἰς] τὸ θυσιαστή- 
ριον, καὶ [8]. ἢ] ἔλαιον εἰς τὴν [ἁγίαν] 
λυχνίαν, καὶ θυμίαμα τῷ καιρῷ τῆς 
θείας ἀναφορᾶς [8]. τῆς ἁγίας προσ- 


φορᾶς. ἫἪ [δὲ] ἄλλη πᾶσα ὀπώρα 
εἰς οἶκον ἀποστελλέσθω ἀπαρχὴ [8]. 
ἀπαρχῆς ] τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ καὶ τοῖς πρεσ- 
βυτέροις, ἀλλὰ μὴ πρὸς τὸ θυσιαστή- 
ριον. Δῆλον δὲ, ὡς ὁ ἐπίσκοπος καὶ οἱ 
πρεσβύτεροι ἐπιμερίζουσι [καὶ] τοῖς 
διακόνοις, καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς κληρικοῖς. 

9 Apol. c. 39. (p. 31 8.).... Εδίατα 
si quod arc genus est, non de ho- 
noraria [al. ordinaria| summa, quasi 
redempte religionis congregatur : 
modicam unusquisque stipem men- 
strua die, vel cum velit, et si modo 
velit, et si modo possit, apponit : 
nam nemo compellitur, sed sponte 
confert. 

9 An. 44. ἢ. 69. (t. 1. p. 332 ἃ.) 
....Tdemque etiam meminit de an- 
tiquo ecclesiarum usu, qui hactenus 
perdurabat, ut et in ecclesiis essent 
gazophylacia, in quibus oblate pe- 
cuniz conderentur, que a Cypriano 
corbona nuncupantur. 

1 De Oper. et Eleemos. p. 203. ᾿ 
(p. 141.) Locuples et dives es, et 
dominicum celebrare te credis, que’ 
corbonam omnino non respicis ; 


812, 3. 159 


that word when he speaks of the offerings of the people; re- 
buking a rich and wealthy matron for ‘coming to celebrate the 
eucharist without any regard to the corban, and partaking of 
. the Lord’s Supper without any sacrifice of her own.’ Others? 
conceive that corban is not a name for the treasury, but sig- 
nifies the gift or oblation itself; and that Cyprian so uses it, 
making it the same with the sacrifices or offerings of the peo- 
ple. But the Evangelist, Matt. 27, 6, seems rather to favour 
the opinion of Baronius ; for when he says the chief priests did 
not think it lawful to put Judas’s money εἰς τὸν κορβανᾶν, it is 
evident he there by corban means the treasury, as most trans- 
lators render it. 
8. But however this be, it is very probable that hence came Whence 
the custom of dividing these oblations once a month among the “me He 


custom of a 
clergy. For as Tertullian speaks of a monthly collation, so monthly 


Cyprian? frequently mentions a monthly division, in which the gmong the 
presbyters had their shares by equal portions, and other orders “lersy- 
after the same manner. Whence the clergy are also styled in 

| his language* sportulantes fratres, partakers of the distribu- 

δ tion; and what we now call suspensio a beneficio is, in his 
style®, suspensio a divisione mensurna, suspension from the 

: monthly division. Which plainly implies, that this sort of 
chureh-revenues was usually divided once a month among the 
clergy. And perhaps in conformity to this custom it was that 

the Theodosian heretics, having persuaded one Natalius, a con- 
fessor, to be ordained a bishop among them, promised him a 
monthly salary of one hundred and fifty denarii, μηνιαῖα dnvd- 

pia ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα, as Eusebius words it®, referring to the 
usual way of distribution once @ month among the clergy. 


the ancient clergy. 











que in dominicum sine sacrificio 
venis ; que m de sacrificio, 
quod pauper obtulit, sumis? 

2 . Exercit. in Baron. an. 
44. (p. 597.) Baronio assentiri non 
possum de significatione corban. In 
ecclesiis erant gazophylacia, in qui- 
bus oblate pecunie entur, que 
a Cypriano corbona nuncupantur. 
n. 69. Arcula, in quam pecunia 
congerebatur, non designatur a 
Cypriano voce hac corbona; sed 
donum ipsum a fidelibus oblatum. 

_S Ep. 34. [al. 39.] (p. 224.)..-Ut 
et sportulis isdem cum presbyteris 


honorentur, et divisiones mensurnas 
eequatis quantitatibus partiantur. 

4 Ep. 66. [al. 1.] (p. 170.) ... In 
honore sportulantium fratrum tan- 
quam decimas ex fructibus accipi- 
entes. 

5 Ep. 28. [al. 34-] (p. 218.) In- 
terim se a divisione mensurna tan- 
tum contineant, &c. 

6 L. 5. c. 28. (v.1. p. 253- 17.) 
᾿Ανεπείσθη δὲ ὁ Νατάλιος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν 
ἐπὶ σαλαρίῳ ἐπίσκοπος κληρωθῆναι 
ταύτης τῆς αἱρέσεως, ὥστε λαμβάνειν 
παρ᾽ ,αὐτῶν μηνιαῖα δηνάρια ἑκατὸν 
πεντήκοντα. 


Secondly, 
other reve- 


160 The revenues of 


4. Another sort of revenues which the clergy enjoyed were 


nues arising SUch as arose annually from the lands and possessions which 


from the 
lands and 
possessions 
of the 
Church. 


were given to the Church. These indeed at first were but 
small, by reason of the continual vexations and persecutions 
which the Church underwent for the three first ages, when 
immoveable goods were always most exposed to danger. It 
was the custom of the Church of Rome therefore never to keep 
any immoyeable possessions, no, not for many ages, if we may 
credit Theodorus Lector’?, who speaks of it as customary in 
his own time, anno 520. But, if any such were given to the 
Church, they immediately sold them, and divided the price 
into three parts, giving one to the church, another to the 
bishop, and the third to the rest of the clergy. And Valesius 
finds no exception to this till near the time of Gregory the 
Great. But, if this was the custom of the Church of Rome, it 
was a very singular one. For other Churches had their im- 
moveables, both houses and lands, even in the times of perse- 


cution; as appears from the edicts of Maximinus, wherein he 


revoked his former decrees that had raised the persecution, 
and in these latter edicts granted the Christians liberty, not 
only to rebuild their churches, but also ordered 8, ‘ that if any 
houses or lands belonging to them had been confiscated, or 
sold, or given away, they should be restored to them again.’ 
That this was meant of houses and lands belonging to the 
Church, as well as private Christians, is evident from the de- 
cree of Constantine and Licinius published the same year, anno 
313; wherein they give orders9, ‘that whereas the Christians 
were known to have not only places of assembly, but also 
other places belonging, not to any private man, but to the 
whole body, all such places should be restored to the body, 
and to every particular assembly among them.’ 
peated again in Constantine’s 


Which is re- 
letter to Anulinus!°, and other 


7 L, 2. p. 567. (v. 3. p. 583. 8.) 
Ἔθος λέγει τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ εἶναι τῆς 
“Ῥώμης, ἀκίνητα μὴ κρατεῖν δίκαια" 
ἄλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ περιέλθωσιν, εὐθέως πι- 
πράσκεσθαι, καὶ εἰς μοίρας τρεῖς. διαι- 
ρεῖσθαι τὸ τίμημα" καὶ τὸ μὲν τῇ ἐκ- 
κλησίᾳ δίδοσθαι, τὸ δὲ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ, 
τὸ δὲ τῷ κλήρῳ. 

8 Vid. Euseb. 1. 9. c. 10. (Ὁ. I. 
Ρ. 457: 89.) -- ly εἴ τινες οἰκίαι καὶ 
χωρία.... ταῦτα πάντα εἰς τὸ ἀρχαῖον 


δίκαιον τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἀνακληθῆναι 
ἐκελεύσαμεν. 

5 Ibid. 1 τον δ} Ἐς Ὁ. 482. 13.) .. 
Ἵνα τοὺς τόπους αὐτῶν εἰς ous τ 
πρότερον συνέρχεσθαι ἔθος ἦν αὐτοῖς, 
K. τ. 

10 Ap. Euseb. ibid. (p. 483. 33) 
᾿Επειδή. περ προῃρήμεθα ταῦτα ἅπερ 
αἱ αὐταὶ ἐκκλησίαι πρότερον ἐσχήκε- 
σαν, τῷ δικαίῳ αὐτῶν ἀποκαταστα- 
θῆναι, κ. τ.λ. 


᾿ 


§4, 5,6. 


eS 


ef a ee 
, 


161 


public acts of his recorded by Eusebius in his Life!, where he 
makes mention of houses, gardens, lands, and other possessions 
belonging to the Church, of which she had been plundered 
and despoiled in the late persecutions. These are undeniable 
evidences that some part of the ecclesiastical revenues was an- 
ciently raised from houses and lands settled upon the Church, 
even before any Christian emperors could give encouragement 
to them. 
δ. But when Constantine was quietly settled upon the throne, These very 
he Church-revenues received great augmentations in this kind. samt ΟΣ 
For he enacted a law at Rome, which is still extant in both ron Ὁ" of 
the Codes, ‘that any one whatsoever should have liberty at Sint? 
his death to bequeath by will what part of his goods he pleased 
to the holy Catholic Church.’ By which means the liberality 
of pious persons was very much encouraged, and great addi- 
tions were made to the standing revenues of the Church. 
Therefore Baronius' is very injurious to the memory of Con- 
stantine, and justly corrected by Gothofred'* and Mr. Pagi™ 
for it, in that he insinuates as if Constantine had relapsed 
toward heathenism at this very time, anno 321, when he pub- 
lished this law so much in favour of the Church. 

6. Others are no less injurious to some of his successors, Whose laws 

were con- 


when they represent them as injurious to the Church, in for- gomea, and 
bidding widows and orphans to leave any legacies to the not revoked 


the ancient clergy. 


τ Vit. Constant. 1. 2. c. 37. (p. 
554. 30.) ᾿Ιδέτωσαν ἅπαντες, εἴ τε 
ee εἴ τ᾽ οἰκίαν, εἴ τε κῆπον, εἴ τε 
τι τῶν προειρημένων κατέχοιεν, 
καλὸν καὶ λυσιτελὲς αὐτοῖς τς καὶ 
ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀποκαθιστάναι 
σὺν raxvrntt.—It. c. 39. (p. 
555- 39.) ἍΛπαντα ὅσα ταῖς ἐκκλησί- 
as προσήκειν ὀρθῶς ἂν φανείη, εἴτ᾽ 
οἰκίαι τὸ κτῆμα dvouev, εἴτ᾽ ἀγροί 
τινες καὶ κῆποι, εἴθ᾽ ὁποῖα δή ποτε 
ἕτερά τινα, οὐδενὸς τῶν εἰς τὴν δεσπο- 
τείαν ἔλαττουμένου δικαίου, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκε- 
ραίων πάντων μενόντων, ἀποκαθίστα- 


σθαι προστάττομεν. 
εν 12 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. leg. 4. 


(t. 6. p. 23.)—Cod. Justin. 1. 1. tit. 
2. leg. 1. (t. 4. p. 31.) Habeat unus- 
ea licentiam sanctissimo ca- 
tholico venerabilique concilio, dece- 
dens, bonorum quod optaverit, re- 


BINGHAM, VOL. Il. 


linquere, &c. 

13 An, 321. ἢ. 18. (t. 3. p. 233 6.) 
Sed quem hactenus tot tantaque 
adeo insignia pro Christiana reli- 
gione, hoc anno atque superioribus 
temporibus, statuisse vidimus, tum 
ex scriptis hisce ab eo legibus, tum 
ex aliis citatis auctoribus, in fine ta- 
men hujus ipsius anni, o dolendum 
facinus!, minus plane dignum atque 
adeo abhorrens a Christiano impe- 
ratore rescriptum dedisse ad Maxi- 
mum, prefectum urbis, apparet, 
quo aruspices consulendos esse de- 
cernit, &c. 

14 In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 10. 
de Paganis, leg. 1. (t. 6. p. 258.) Ego 
adversus eum judico, &c. 

15 Crit. in ἢ παρα an. 321. nn. 4 
et 5. (t. 1. p. 394.) Existimavit Ba- 
ronius, &c. 


162 The revenues of Y. 1% 


bythe suc- Church. Baronius cannot help complaining also upon this 
ae as point, though he contradicts himself about it. For in one place 
oo mis- he says'®, ‘the foresaid law of Constantine did so augment the 
Church’s wealth, that the following emperors began to dread 
the consequences of it, that it would turn to the detriment and 
poverty of the commonwealth; and therefore they made laws 
to restrain the faithful from being so profuse in their donations 
to the Church.’ Yet, when he comes to speak particularly of 
those laws, he owns!” ‘they were not designed against the 
Church, but only to correct the scandalous practices of some 
sordid monks and ecclesiastics, who, being of an avaricious and 
parasitical temper, made a gain of godliness; and, under pre- 
tence of religion, so screwed themselves into the favour and 
affections of some rich widows and orphans, that they prevailed 
upon them to leave them great legacies, and sometimes their 
whole estates, to the prejudice of the right heirs and next re- 
lations.’ Which was so dishonest and unbecoming a practice 
in such persons, that Valentinian made a law!’ to prevent it, 
decreeing ‘ that no ecclesiastics, nor any that professed the 
monastic life, should frequent the houses of widows or orphans; 
nor be qualified to receive any gift or legacy from the dona- 
tion or last will of any such persons.’ Which law, as Gothofred 
rightly observes}9, did not prohibit them from leaving any 
thing to the Church; though some learned men so misunder- 
stand it; but only tended to correct this unworthy practice of 
some particular persons, which is equally complained of by the 


16 An, 321. ἢ. 17. (t. 3. p. 233 ἃ.) 
..-Adeo auctze sunt illarum divitize, 
ut posteriores imperatores veriti ob 
eam causam reipublice detrimen- 
tum et paupertatem, conati sint ite- 
rum ab hujusmodi profusis largitio- 
nibus cohibere fideles. 

MAD BIO ἢ, BBE. (be shy, De 
272 6.) ... Qua quidem [sanctione] 
nequaquam prohibentur  ecclesiz 
hereditates accipere vel legata, sed 
ecclesiasticee persone, sive clerici, 
sive monachi. ... ut plane intelligas 
hosce nebulones, ... tanquam har- 
pyias quasdam inhiantes matrona- 
rum divitiis, et impuris moribus 
[manibus] cuncta foedantes, pre- 
scribere [proscribere] ab urbe stu- 


duisse ipsos imperatores. 

18 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de 
Episc. &c., leg. 20. (t. 6. p. 48.) 
Ecclesiastici ..... vel qui continen- 
tium se volunt nomine nuncupari, 
viduarum aut pupillarum domos 
non adeant..... ensemus etiam, 
ut memorati nihil de ejus mulieris, 
cui se privatim sub pretextu religi- 
onis adjunxerint, liberalitate qua- 
cunque, vel extremo judicio possint 
adipisci, &c. 

19 In loc. (ibid. p. 49. lin. ult.)... 
Nam-cum aliz mulieres, ut maxime 
ecclesiasticis et continentibus aliquid 
donare vel relinquere hac lege prohi- 
beantur, non ideo tamen prohibite 
ipsis ecclesiis aliquid relinquere, &c. 


109 


ancient writers of the Church. St. Ambrose and St. Jerom 
and others mention this law; yet they do not at all inveigh 
against it, but against those vices that occasioned it. “1 do not 
complain of the law,’ says St. Jerom®, ‘but am grieved that 
we should deserve such a law; that when idol-priests, and 
stageplayers, and carters, and harlots may inherit, only 
elerks and monks are prohibited; and that not by persecuting 
emperors, but by Christian princes.’ He adds, ‘ that it was a 
yery prudent caution in the law, but yet it did not restrain the 
avarice of such persons; who found out an artifice to elude the 
law per fidei commissa, by getting others to receive in trust 
for them. Which shews us the sense St. Jerom had of this 
matter, that he did not think the emperors were injurious to 
the Church in making such a law, but those persons were only 
to be blamed whose avarice and sordid flatteries compelled them 
to make it. And any one that will consult St. Ambrose’, or 
the author under his name, will find that they give the same 


the ancient clergy. 


20 Ep. 2. [al. 52.]ad Nepotian.(t.1. donatio. Et ubi in moribus culpa 


p. 258 e.) et dicere, sacerdotes 
mimi, et aurige, et scorta 
capiunt ; solis clericis 

et monachis hoc lege prohibetur; 
Op need non a persecutoribus, 
a principibus Christianis. Nec 

de lege conqueror, sed doleo cur 
meruimus hanc legem. ... Provida 
severaque legis cautio: et tamen 
nec sic refrenatur avaritia. Per 
fidei commissa legibus illudimus : 
et quasi majora sint imperatorum 
seita quam Christi, leges timemus 


et ev ia contemnimus. 
21 Ep. 31. [al. 18. Relat. cont. 
Sigiedanadi'l ad Valent. p. 145. (t. 2. 


Ρ. 836 d. n.13.) Nobis etiam pri- 
vatee successionis emolumenta re- 
centibus legibus denegantur, et ne- 
mo conqueritur. — enim puta- 
mus injuriam, quia dispendium non 
dolemus. ... Seribuntur testamenta 


tur —— nullus ultimeze con i- 


soli ex omnibus clerico commune 
jus clauditur, a quo solo pro omni- 

votum commune suscipitur, of- 
ficium commune defertur : nulla le- 
gata vel gravium viduarum, nulla 


non deprehenditur, tamen officio 
mulcta prescribitur. Quod sacer- 
dotibus fani legaverit Christiana vi- 
dua, valet: quod ministris Dei, non 
valet. Quod ego non ut querar, 
sed ut sciant quid non querar, com- 
prehendi. Malo enim nos pecunia 
minores esse, quam gratia. Sed re- 
ferunt ea, que vel donata vel relicta 
nos ecclesie, non esse temerata, 

6, 

22 Hom. 7. de Clericis. [Serm. 66. 
Ed. Colon. 1616. et Ed. Paris. 1642. 
But omitted by the Benedictines. 
Vid. Ind. Serm. Pretermiss. t. 2. 

. 378. Vid. int. Oper. August. 
cay 82. (t. 5. append. p. 150 d.) 
Nam et catholicus clericus hac sen- 
tentia retinetur. Si enim non con- 
tentus stipendiis fuerit, que de al- 
tario, Domino jubente, consequitur: 
sed exercet mercimonia, intercessio- 
nes vendit, viduarum munera liben- 
ter amplectitur: hic negotiator ma- 


; gis — videri, quam clericus. 
* Nec 


cere possumus, nemo nos in- 
vasores arguit, violentize nullus ac- 
cusat: quasi non interdum majorem 
predam a viduis blandimenta elici- 
ant, quam tormenta, ἕο. Ep.) 
M 2 


104 The revenues of 


account of it. Theodosius indeed some years after made a 
law 23, relating particularly to such deaconesses of the Church 
as were of noble families, ‘ that they should not dispose of their 
jewels, or plate, or furniture, or any other such things as were 
the ancient marks of honour in their families, under pretence 
of religion, while they lived; nor make any church, or clerk, 
or poor, their heirs, when they died.’ But as this law was 
made upon some particular reasons of state, so it did no harm 
to the Church; for within two months the same emperor re- 
called it by a contrary law?+, which granted liberty to such 
deaconesses to dispose of their goods in their lifetime to any 
church or clerk whatsoever. And Marcian made the law® a 
little more extensive, allowing deaconesses and all other reli- 
gious women to dispose of any part of their estate, by will or 
codicil, to any church, or oratory, or clerk, or monk, or poor 
whatsoever. Which law Justinian also confirmed, and inserted 
it into his Code26. So that Constantine’s law continued always 
in its full force, and the succeeding princes did not derogate 
from the privilege, which he had granted the Church in this 
respect, for fear, as Baronius pretends, lest the liberality of the 
subject to the Church should impoverish the commonwealth. 
Men were very liberal indeed in their gifts and donations to 
the Church in this age, but yet not so profuse as to need sta- 


tutes of mortmain27 to restrain them. 


23 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de 
Kpisce. &c., leg. 27. (t. 6. p. 60.) Nihil 
de monilibus et supellectili, nihil de 
auro, argento, ceterisque clare do- 
mus insignibus, sub religionis de- 
fensione consumat [ diaconissa, | sed 
universa integra in liberos. proxi- 
mos vel in quoscunque alios arbi- 
trli sui existimatione transcribat :.. 
Ac si quando diem obierit, nullam 
ecclesiam, nullum clericum, nullum 
pauperem, scribat hzredes, &c. 

24 Ibid. leg. 28. (p. 64.) Legem, 
que diaconissis vel viduis ΠΌΡΟΥ 
est promulgata, ne quis videlicet 
clericus, neve sub ecclesiz nomine, 
mancipia, predam, velut infirmi 
sexus despoliator, et remotis affini- 
bus et propinquis, ipse sub preetextu 
catholicee discipline se ageret viven- 
tis heredem, eatenus animadvertat 


esse revocatam. 

25 Novel. 5. ad calc. Cod. Theod. 
(ibid. append. p. 32.) Generali ... 
lege sancimus, sive vidua, sive 
diaconissa, sive virgo Deo dicata, 
vel sanctimonialis mulier, sive quo- 
cunque alio nomine religiosi ho- 
noris vel dignitatis foemina nuncu- 
petur, testamento vel codicillo suo 
εν ecclesia, vel martyrio, vel clerico, 
vel monacho, vel pauperibus, aliquid 
vel ex integro vel ex parte, in qua- 
cunque re vel specie, credidit relin- 
 saeneger id modis omnibus ratum 

rmumque constet, [consistat,] &c. 

26 L. 1. tit. 2. de Ecclesiis, leg. 13. 
(t. 4. p. 40.) In the same words as 
the preceding citation. 

27 [Grischovius adds the following 
quotation. from Boehmer, 8. 5. 6.1. 
n. 23. (p. 262.) In gratiam eorum, 


Vaivs 


165 


7. For besides the liberality of the subjects, the emperors in Thirdly,an- 
these ages found it necessary to make the clergy an allowance ocr Part 
out of the public revenues of the empire, which was another — 
way of providing a maintenance for them. Constantine both pr scat δ 
gave the clergy particular largesses, as their occasions re- ou ats a 
quired, and also settled upon them a standing allowance out of exchequer. 
the exchequer. In one of his Epistles to Cecilian, bishop of 
Carthage, recorded by Eusebius?, he acquaints Cecilian with 
his orders, which he had given to Ursus, his general receiver 
in Afric, to pay him three thousand pholles, τρισχιλίους φόλ- 

Aes, to be divided at his discretion among the clergy of the 
provinces of Africa, Numidia, and the two Mauritanias. And, 
if this sum would not answer all their present necessities, he 
gave him further orders to demand of his procurator Hera- 


clides whatever he desired more. I need not stand here to 


§ 6,7, the ancient clergy. 


—_- ἤν - 


qui quid significat amortizatio igno- 
rant :—Acquiruntur bona parochi- 
alia ἡ ilia, sicuti cetera ecclesi- 
astica, plurimis in locis per amorti- 
zationem. Cum enim ecclesia sit 
tale corpus, quod non moriatur... 
adeoque bona, que semel accepit, 
non reddat, sed perpetuo teneat... 
atque ita dicatur habere manus mor- 
tuas ; merito providendum erat, ne 
bona immobilia, superstitione homi- 
num i vescente, nimium usibus 
reip. eximerentur, et per exuperan- 
tes divitias ecclesiarum respublica 
detrimentum caperet. Hine multis 
in locis cautum, ne immobilia in ec- 
clesiam transferre liceret sine con- 
sensu ejus, qui reip. gubernacula 
tenet; sed ut one — volun- 
tate potestas ecclesiz fiat, acquiren- 
di et retinendi bona immobilia 
manum mortuam. ... Atque hoc ip- 
sum est, quod dicitur amortizatio, 
translationem bonorum 
immobilium consensu principis in 
manum mortuam seu possessorem 
immortalem, qualis est ecclesia. ... 
Deducta hee vox videtur a Gallica 
voce, amortir, quod est, ezti ; 
Nam bona in ecclesiam delata, 
quoad emolumenta civilia et usus 
publicos videntur esse exstincta et 
civiliter mortua, cum generaliter 
oneribus, fundorum possessionibus 
impositis, hac immunia et exempta 


sint ...adeoque hoc intuitu ex pub- 
licis catastris (denen Steuerbiichern) 
exstincta videantur, quin etiam a 
seculari jurisdictione per principem 
exempta sint. .. Ratio hujus juris sat 
manifesta est, quia et juris nature 
principium vult, ut nemini adeoque 
nec relpublicze jus suum auferatur, 
quod tamen szpe fit per transla- 
tionem bonorum in ecclesiam, &c. 
Ep. |] 

28 L. το. c. 6. (v. 1. p. 486. 18.) 
᾿Ἐπειδήπερ ἤρεσε κατὰ πάσας ἐπαρ- 
χίας, τάς τε ᾿Αφρικὰς καὶ ras Νουμι- 
δίας, καὶ τὰς Μαυριτανίας, ῥητοῖς τισι 
τῶν ὑπηρετῶν τῆς ἐνθέσμου καὶ ἁγιω- 
τάτης καθολικῆς θρησκείας, εἰς ἀνα- 
λώματα ἐπιχορηγηθῆναί τι, ἔδωκα 
γράμματα τὴν Οὖρσον τὸν διασημό- 
τατον καθολικὸν τῆς ᾿Αφρικῆς, καὶ 
ἐδήλωσα αὐτῷ, ὅπως τρισχιλίους φόλ- 
eis τῇ σῇ στερρότητι ἀπαριθμῆσαι 
φροντίσῃ. Σὺ τοίνυν, ἡνίκα τὴν προδη- 
λουμένην ποσότητα τῶν χρημάτων 
ὑποδεχθῆναι ποιήσεις, ἅπασι τοῖς προ- 
εἰρημένοις, κατὰ τὸ βρεούϊον τὸ πρός 
σε παρὰ ‘Ociov ἀποσταλὲν, ταῦτα τὰ 

ρήματα διαδοθῆναι κέλευσον" εἰ δ᾽ 
πρὸς τὸ συμπληρωθῆναί μου τὴν- 

εἰς τοῦτο περὶ ἅπαντας αὐτοὺς προαί- 
σιν ἐνδεῖν τι καταμάθοις, παρὰ 
Ηρακλείδα, τοῦ ἐπιτρόπου τῶν ἡμετέ- 
ρὼν κτημάτων, ἀναμφιλέκτως ὕπερ 
ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι καταμάθοις, αἰτῆσαι 


ὀφείλεις. 


166 The revenues of V. iv. 


inquire critically what this sum of 3000 pholles was, (though 
it may be computed above twenty thousand pounds,) since 
Constantine gave the bishop unlimited orders to demand as 
much as the needs of the clergy should require. But he not 
only supplied their present necessities, but also gave orders for 
a standing allowance to be made them out of the public trea- 
sury. For Theodoret?9 and Sozomen®° say he made a law 
requiring the chief magistrates in every province to grant the 
clergy and virgins and widows of the Church an annual 
allowance of corn, ἐτήσια σιτηρέσια, out of the early tribute 
of every city. And thus it continued to the time of Julian, 
who withdrew the whole allowance. But Jovian restored it 
again in some measure, granting them a third part of the 
former allowance only, because at that time the public income 
was very low, by reason of a severe famine; but he promised 
them the whole, so soon as the famine was ended, and the 
public storehouses were better replenished. But either Jo- 
vian’s death prevented his design, or the necessities of the 
clergy did not afterward require it. For though Sozomen 
seems to say the whole was restored; yet Theodoret, who is. 
more accurate, affirms that it was only τριτημόριον, a third 
part; and that so it continued to his own times. In this sense 
therefore we are to understand that law of the emperor Mar- 
cian, which Justinian has inserted into his Code#!, decreeing, 
‘that the salaries, which had been always given to the churches 
in diverse sorts of grain out of the public treasures should be 
allowed them, without any diminution.’ This did not entitle 
them to the whole allowance first made them by Constantine, 
as some may be apt to imagine from the general words of the 


29. τ, ¢. 11. (v. I. p. 36. 37.) 
Καὶ μέντοι καὶ γράμματα πρὸς τοὺς 
τῶν ἐθνῶν προστατεύοντας δέδωκεν 
ἄρχοντας, καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πόλιν χορη- 
γεῖσθαι παρεγγυῶν ταῖς ἀεὶ παρθένοις 
καὶ χήραις, καὶ τοῖς ἀφιερωμένοις τῇ 
θείᾳ λειτουργίᾳ, ἐτήσια σιτηρέσια φι- 
λοτιμίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ χρείᾳ ταῦτα μετρή- 
σας. 

30 ΤΊ Se Ge he, GY. 2. p. 186, 
13.) Κληρικοὺς. μέντοι, πᾶσαν ἀτέ- 
λείαν, καὶ τιμὴν καὶ τὰ σιτηρέσια 
ἀφείλετο Κωνσταντίνου" ..... ἡνίκα 
γὰρ Κωνσταντῖνος τὰ τῶν ἐκκλη- 


σιῶν διέταττε πράγματα, ἐκ τῶν 
ἑκάστης πόλεως φόρων τὰ ἀρκοῦντα 
πρὸς παρασκευὴν ἐπιτηδείων ἀπένειμε 
τοῖς πανταχοῦ κλήροις, καὶ νόμῳ τοῦτο 
ἐκράτυνεν, ὡς καὶ νῦν κρατεῖ, ἐξ οὗ 
τέθνηκεν ᾿Ιουλιανὸς, ἐπιμελῶς φυλατ- 
τόμενος. 

31 Lr, tit, 2. de Ecclesiis, leg. 12. 
(t. 4. p. 38.) Salaria etiam, quee sa- 
crosanctis: ecclesiis in diversis spe- 
ciebus de publico hactenus _ minis- 
trata sunt, jubemus nunc quoque 
inconcussa, et a nullo prorsus im- 
minuta, preestari. 


eee 


87, 8,"9. the ancient clergy. 167 
law, but only to the third part, which had been the customary 
allowance from the time of Jovian. 


8. Another way, by which some small addition was made to Fourthly, 

ἣ the revenues of the Church, was from a law of Constantine, pr ce 
mentioned by Eusebius in his Life®?, where he tells us, ‘ that, and confes- 
as he ordered all the estates of martyrs and confessors, and os 
whoever had suffered in time of persecution, to be restored to beirs,settled 
their next relations; so, if any of them died without relations, Caos by 
the Church should become their heir, and in every place where a 
they lived succeed to their inheritance.’ 

9. Theodosius Junior and Valentinian the Third made such fithty, the 
another law®*, in reference to the temporal possessions of the ουεπεσν ἀκοᾷ 
clergy; ‘that, if any presbyter, or deacon, or deaconess, or dying with- 
subdeacon, or other clerk, or any man or woman professing a ~~ 
monastic life, died without will and without heirs, the estates settled in 
and goods they were possessed of should fall to the church or ἊΣ ἘΠ 
monastery to which they belonged, unless they were ante- 
cedently tied to some civil service.’ This implies, that the 
clergy were at liberty to dispose of their own temporal estates 
as they pleased; and they fell to the Church only in case they 
died intestate. But the Council of Agde*4 in France under 
Alarie the Goth, anno 506, went a little further, and decreed, 

‘that every bishop, who had no children or nephews, should 


make the Church his heir, and no other ;’ as Caranza’s edition 


πῆ ie 


and Gratian and some others read it. 


. 82 Vit. Soros Ἰ, 2. 6. 36. (v. 1. 
554- 13.) ὲ τῶν ἀγχιστέων μη- 
bas ὑπολείποιτο μηδενὸς τῶν προειρη- 
μένων κατὰ λόγον ἂν γενόμενος κλη- 
ρονόμος, μήτε τῶν μαρτύρων φημὶ, 
μήτε τῶν ὁμολογησάντων, μήτε τῶν 
τῶν ἐπὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ μετα- 

στάντων πὶ t, ἡ καθ᾽ ἑκάστους 
ἀεὶ τόπους ἐκκλησία διαδέχεσθαι τε- 


ἣν τὸν = ν. 
88. Cod. Theod. 1. 5. tit. 3. de 
Bonis Clericorum, leg. 1. (t. 1. p. 
436.) Si quis episcopus, aut pres- 
byter, aut diaconus, aut diaconissa, 
aut subdiaconus, vel cujuslibet al- 
terius loci clericus, aut monachus, 
aut mulier, que solitariz vite de- 
dita est, nullo condito testamento, 
it, nec οἱ parentes utriusque 
sexus, vel liberi, vel si qui agna- 


And the Council of 


tionis cognationisve jure junguntur, 
vel uxor exstiterit, bona que ad eum 
pertinuerint sacrosancte ecclesize 
vel monasterio, cui fuerat destinatus, 
omnifariam socientur.—Conf. Cod. 
Justin. 1. τ. tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 20. 
(t. 4. p. 84.) 

84 C. 24. al. 33. ap. Gratian. 
caus. 12. quest. 2. c. 34. (t. I. 
Ρ. 995.) Episcopus, qui filios aut ne- 
potes non habuerit, alium quam ec- 
clesiam non relinquat heredem.— 
[Labbe (CC. t. 4. p. 1388 6.) reads 
it thus ;—Episcopus, qui filios aut 
nepotes non habens alium quam ec- 
clesiam relinguit hzredem, si quid 
de ecclesia, non in ecclesiz# causa 
aut necessitate, presumpsit, quod 
distraxit aut donavit, irritum ha- 
beatur. Ep.] 


168 The revenues of 


V. iv. 


Sevil?> made a like decree for the Spanish Churches ; upon 
which Caranza®* makes this remark, ‘that the canon was fit to. 
be renewed in council, that the Church should be the bishop’s 
heir, and not the Pope. And that it was against the mind of 
those fathers, that bishops should set up primogenitures, or 
enrich their kindred out of the revenues of the Church.’ 
Which reflection among other things might perhaps contribute 
towards his being brought into the Spanish Inquisition, though 
he was archbishop of Toledo; after which he underwent a ten 
years’ imprisonment at Rome, and had some of his books pro- 
hibited in the Roman Index; of which Spondanus, in his 
Annals37, will give the reader a further account. .But I. 
return to the primitive Church. 

10. Where we may observe another addition made to the 
revenues of the clergy, by the donation of heathen temples, 
and sometimes the revenues that were settled upon them. For 
though the greatest part of these went commonly to the em- 
peror’s coffers, or to favourites that begged them upon the de- 


Sixthly, 
heathen 
templesand 
their reve- 
nues some- 
times given 
to the 


Church. 


35 Hispal. 1. c. 1. (t. 5. p. 1589 ὃ.) 
....Comperimus autem in canone, 
ut episcopus, qui res proprias, ex- 
cepto [leg. exceptis] filiis et nepo- 
tibus, alteris et non ecclesiz suze 
dimiserit ; quidquid de ecclesiz re- 
bus aut donavit, aut vendidit, aut 
quoquo modo ab ecclesia transtulit, 
irritum haheretur. 

86 Jn loc, (p. 212. col. dextr.) Hic 
canon erat renovandus in Concilio, 
ut heres defuncti episcopi esset ec- 
clesia, non tamen Papa. Secundo 
alienum est a sententia horum pa- 
trum licere episcopo instituere pri- 
mogenituras, vel locupletare con- 
sanguineos. [See Bp. Burnet, Pref. 
to the Life of Bp. Bedel, (p. 12.) 
This is a way of employing the re- 
venues of the Church suitable to the 
sense of the primitive times, in 
which a bishop was not considered 
as the proprietor, but only as the 
administrator and dispenser of the 
revenue belonging to his see. And 
there is scarce any one thing, con- 
cerning which the Synods in those 
ages took more care, than to distin- 
guish between the goods and estate 
that belonged to a bishop by any 
other title, and those that he had 


acquired during his episcopate: for 
though he might dispose of the one, 
the other was to fall to the Church. 
Ep. | 

87 An, 1559. n. 29. (t. 3. p. 587. 
col. dextr.) Bartholomzus Caranza 
Mirandensis, archiepiscopus Tole- 
tanus, ... eque de religione postu- 
latus, captusque ab inquisitoribus, 
(tanta est illorum in Hispania auc- 
toritas,) multis annis e vinculis cau- 
sam dixit. Qui postea jussu Pii V. 
Romam deductus, anno 1567, in» 
Hadriani Mole custoditus fuit et in- 
terrogatus : quousque demum, anno 
1576, a Gregorio XIII. suspectus 
tamen judicatus, post voluntariam 
omnis pravitatis heeretice detesta- 
tionem, ac legitimam catholice fidei 
confessionem, certis poenis injunctis, 
absolutus fuit, et ad Dominicano-. 
rum sui ordinis monasterium Mi- 
nerve remissus; ibique paullo post, 
pie riteque sacris ecclesiz sacra- . 
mentis procuratus, obiit ... Scripsit 
Caranza Summam omnium Conci- 
liorum et Pontificum usque ad Pau- . 
lum III.; nec non Catechismum, - 
qui in Romano Indice prohibitus . 
reperitur; et alia quedam. 


δ 10, 11. the ancient clergy. 169 


molishing of the temples, as appears from the laws of Honorius 
and Gratian, and several others in the Theodosian Code**, yet 
some of them were given to the Church. For Honorius®? takes 
notice of several orders and decrees of his own, whereby such 
settlements had been made upon the Church, which were to 
continue the Church’s property and patrimony for ever: and 
it is probable some other emperors might convert the revenues 
of the temples to the same use. At least the fabrics them- 
selyes, and the silver and golden statues that were in them, 
were sometimes so disposed of. For Sozomen*® says the 
Μίθριον or Temple of the Sun, at Alexandria, was given to the 
Chureh by Constantius. And we learn from Socrates*!, that, 
in the time of Theodosius, the statues of Serapis and many 
other idols at Alexandria were melted down for the use of the 
Church; the emperor giving orders, ‘ that the gods should help 
to maintain the poor.’ 

11. Honorius made a like decree4?, anno 412, in reference to Seventhly, 
all the revenues belonging to heretical conventicles, that both wed a pout 
the churches or conventicles themselves, and all the lands vere 
that were settled upon them, should be forfeited, and become revenues. 
the possession and property of the Catholic Church, as by 
former decrees he had appointed. And I suppose it was by 
virtue of these laws that Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, shut up 


88 LL. 16. tit. το. de Paganis, 


templa omnia, cum suis adjacenti- 
leg. 19. (t. 6. p. 288.) Templorum 
detrahan 


bus spatiis, ecclesiis contulit, &c. 


tur annone, et rem anno- 
nariam jubent expensis devotissi- 
morum militum profuture ....A!- 
dificia ipsa templorum, que in civi- 
tatibus vel oppidis, vel extra oppida 
sunt, ad usum publicum vindicen- 
tur, are locis omnibus destruantur : 
omniaque templa possessionibus no- 
stris, ad usus accommodos, trans- 
ferantur.—lIbid. leg. 20. (p. 290.) 

Omnia etiam loca, que sacris error 
veterum deputavit, secundum divi 
Gratiani constituta nostre rei jube- 
mus sociari, &c. 

_ 39 Thid. (p. ead.) Ea autem, que 
multiplicibus constitutis ad venera- 
bilem ecclesiam voluimus pertinere, 
Christiana sibi merito religio vin- 
dicavit [id est, vindicabit].—Vid. 
Prosper. de Promiss. part. 3. c. 38. 
(append. p. 185 d. 13.) Honorius... 


40 L. 5. c. 7. (v. 2. p. 189. 33.) 
Πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ τοιόνδε τότε 
συνέβη περὶ τὸ καλούμενον παρ᾽ αὐ- 
τοῖς Μίθριον" τοῦτον γὰρ τὸν τόπον, 
ἔρημον πάλαι γενόμενον, ἐδωρήσατο 
Κωνστάντιος τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ἐκκλη- 
σίᾳ, κι τ.λ. 

41 L. 5. c. 16. (ibid. p. 282. 11.) 
Ta δὲ ἀγάλματα τῶν Θεῶν petexo- 
νεύετο εἰς λεβήτια καὶ εἰς ἑτέρας 
χρείας τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ἐκκλησίας, 
τοῦ βασιλέως χαρισαμένου τοὺς θεοὺς 
εἰς δαπανήματα τῶν πτωχῶν. 

42 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 5. de 
Heeret. leg. 52. (t. 6. p. 172.) Ec- 
clesiis eorum vel conventiculis pre- 
diisque, siqua in eorum ecclesias 
heereticorum largitas prava contulit, 
proprietati potestatique catholice, 
sicut jamdudum statuimus, vindi- 
catis. 


Eighthly, 
the estates 
of clerks 


deserting or monks, 


170 


The revenues of 


all the Novatian churches, and seized upon all their revenues, 
and deprived Theonas their bishop of his substance; though 
Socrates 42, in telling the story, represents the matter a little 
more invidiously, as if Cyril had done all this by his own 
private usurped authority and arbitrary power: which will 
hardly gain credit with any one, that considers that those laws 
of Honorius were published before Cyril came to the episcopal 
throne, which was not till the year 412, when those laws were 
reinforced by the imperial power. 

12. While I am upon this head, it will not be improper to 
observe further, that, by Justinian’s laws 45, ‘if any clergymen 


who were possessed of temporal estates, forsook 


the Church |, 
to be for- their church or monastery and turned seculars again, all their 


nent the substance was forfeited to the church or monastery to which 
they belonged.’ These were the several methods that were 
anciently taken for augmenting and improving the revenues of 
the Church, besides those of first-fruits and tithes, of which 


No disre- 
putable 
ways of 


augmenting 
Church-re- 


couraged. 


Fathers not 


their chil- 
dren to 
make the 
Church 
their heirs. 


more hereafter. 


13. But I must observe, that as these methods were generally 
reputed legal and allowable, so there were some other as 
generally disallowed and condemned. Particularly we find, in 
venues en- Ot. Austin’s time, that it was become a rule in the African 
Church, to receive no estates that were given to the Church to 
todisinherit the great detriment and prejudice of the common rights of 


any others. 


As if a father disinherited his children to make 


the Church his heir, in that case no bishop would receive his 


donation. 


421.4. ὁ, ἡ. (ibid. p. 352. 39.) 
Εὐθέως οὖν Κύριλλος, τὰς ev’ AXeEay- 
δρείᾳ Ναυατιανῶν ἐκκλησίας ἀποκλεί- 
σας, πάντα μὲν αὐτῶν τὰ ἱερὰ κειμήλια 
ἔλαβεν" τὸν δὲ ἐπίσκοπον αὐτῶν Θεό- 
πέμπτον πάντων ὧν εἶχεν ἀφείλετο. 

48 Cod. 1. 1. tit. 3. de Episc. 
leg. 5. (t. 4. p. 140.) Quod si illi 
monasteria aut ecclesias relinquant, 
atque mundani fiant; omne ipso- 
rum jus ad monasterium aut eccle- 
siam pertinet.—Conf. Novel. 5. c. 4. 
(t. 5. p. 45-) Si quis autem forte 
semel dedicatus, schemateque poti- 
tus, deinde a monasteriz discedere 
voluerit, et privatam fortassis eligere 
vitam: ipse quidem sciat quam pro 
hoe dabit Deo satisfactionem : res 


Possidius4* tells us St. Austin refused some estates 


autem quascunque habuerit, dum 
in monasterium intrabat, eas dominii 
esse monasterii; et nihil penitus 
ejiciat— Novel. 123. c. 42. (t. 5. 
Ρ. 561.) Simonachus reliquerit suum 
monasterium, et in aliud ingredia- 
tur, sm igh ὑμην res tempore, quo 
monasterium dereliquerit, habere vi- 
debitur: proprio monasterio, in quod 
ab initio ingressus est, eas compe- 
tere jubemus. 

44 Vit. August. c. 24. (append. 
t. 10. p. 273 d.)....Aliquas eum 
hereditates recussasse novimus, non 
quia pauperibus inutiles esse pos- 
sent, sed quoniam justum et equum 
esse videbat, ut a mortuorum vel filiis 
vel affinibus magis possiderentur,&c. 


V. iv. 


8 12, 13, 14. 171 


so given, because he thought it more just and equal, that they 
should be possessed by the children, or parents, or next 
kindred of the deceased persons. And that he did so, is evi- 
dent from his own words in his discourse, De Vita Cleri- 
corum*>, where he says ‘he had returned an estate to a son, 
which an angry father at his death had taken from him; and 
he thought he did well in it;’ professing for his own part, 
*that if any one disinherited his son to make the Church his 
heir, he should seek some one else to receive his donation and 
not Austin; and he hoped, by the grace of God, there would 
be none that would receive it.’ He adds in the same place‘ a 
very remarkable and laudable instance of great generosity and 
equity in Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, in a case of the like 
nature. A certain man having no children, nor hopes of any, 
gave away his whole estate to the Church, only reserving to 
himself the use of it for life. Now it happened afterwards, 
that he had children born to him; upon which the bishop ge- 
nerously returned him his estate, when he did not at all expect 
it. ‘The bishop indeed,’ says St. Austin, ‘ had it in his power 
to have kept it, sed jure fori, non jure poli,—only by the laws 
of man, but not by the laws of heaven;’ and therefore he 
thought himself obliged in conscience to return it. This shews 
how tender they were of augmenting the revenues of the 
Church by any methods, that might be thought unequitable, or 
such as were not reputable, honest, or of good report; herein 
observing the Apostle’s rule, to “let their moderation, τὸ ém- 
exes, their equity, be known to all men ;” not doing any hard 
thing for lucre’s sake, nor taking advantages by rigour of law, 
when conscience and charity were against them. 

14. To ayoid scandal also, and to “ provide things honest iN Nothing to 
the sight of all men,” they forbad any thing to be demanded for pp nee ic! 
administering the sacraments of the Church. The Council of ministering 


the ancient clergy. 


minem inveniat. 


45 tas 49. de wap τ 10, p. 
520. Serm. 355. 6. 4.] ((. 5. Ρ. 
138g a.) Plane quando donavi “ili, 

iratus pater moriens abstulit, 
feci..... Quid plura, fratres 
mei? quicunque vult exhzredato 
filio estes inocu ecclesiam, quae- 
rat alterum qui suscipiat, non Au- 
gustinum; immo, Deo propitio, ne- 


46 Ibid. (b.) Quidam cum filios 
non haberet, neque speraret, res 
suas omnes, retento sibi usufructu, 
donavit ecclesize. Nati sunt illi filii, 
et reddidit episcopus necopinanti 
qu ille donaverat. In_potestate 
habebat episcopus non reddere ; sed 
jure fori, non jure poli. 


172 _ The revenues of 


the sacra- Hliberis seems’ to intimate, that it was customary with some 
ments of ; ᾿ x ᾿ 
theChurch, persons at their baptism to cast money into a basin by way of 


nor for con- oratuity to the minister; but even this is there forbidden by a 
secrating 


churches, canon‘7, ‘lest the priest should seem to sell what he freely 
ΤΩΣ tof the Teceived.’ Whence we may conclude, that, if the people might 
dead. not offer, the priest might much less exact or demand any 


thing for administering the sacrament of baptism. In other 
Churches a voluntary oblation was allowed of from persons 
that were able and willing to make it; but all exactions of that 
nature from the poor were still prohibited, for fear of discou- 
raging them from offering themselves or their children to 
baptism. Thus it was in the Roman Church in the time of 
Gelasius, as we learn from his Epistles48, and in the Greek 
Church in the time of Gregory Nazianzen49, who takes occa- 
sion to answer this objection, which poor men made against 
coming immediately to baptism, because they had not where- 
with to make the usual present that was then to be offered, or 
to purchase the splendid robe that was then to be worn, or to 
provide a treat for the minister that baptized them. He tells 
them no such things would be expected or exacted of them: 
‘they need only make a present of themselves to Christ, and 
entertain the minister with their-own good life and conversa- 
tion, which would be more acceptable to him than any other 
offerings.’ This implies that it was then the custom for the 
people to make a voluntary oblation at their baptism; but not 
the custom for ministers to demand it, as a matter of right, for 
fear of giving scandal. Some editions of Gratian5° and Vice- 


47 C. 48. (t. 1. p. 975 6. lin. ult.) 
Emendari placuit, ut [hi,] qui bap- 
tizantur, ut fieri solebat, nummos 
in concham non mittant [al. immit- 
tant]; ne sacerdos, quod gratis ac- 
cepit, pretio distrahere videatur. 

48 Ep. 1. al. 9. ad Episc. Lucan. 
ce. 7. [4]. 5.] (CC. t. 4. p. 1189 d.) 
Baptizandis consignandisque fideli- 
bus pretia nulla presbyteri [al. sa- 
cerdotes pretia nulla] prefigant, nec 
illationibus quibusdam [al. quibus- 
libet] impositis exagitare cupiant 
renascentes; quoniam quod gratis 
accipimus, gratis dare mandamur. 
Et ideo nihil a preedictis [prorsus | 
exigere moliantur, quo, vel pauper- 
tate cogente deterriti, vel indigna- 


tione revocati, redemptionis sue 
causas adire despiciant ; certum ha- 
bentes, quod que prohibita depre- 
hensi fuerint admisisse, vel com- 
missa non potius sua sponte cor- 
rexerint, periculum subituri proprii 
sint honoris. 

49 Orat. 40. de Bapt. (t. τ. p. 
655 ¢.) Αἰσχρὸν εἰπεῖν, ποῦ δέ μοι τὸ 
καρποφορούμενον ἐπὶ τῷ βαπτίσματι; 
ποῦ δὲ ἐμφώτειος ἐσθὴς ἣ λαμπρυν- 
θήσομαι; ποῦ δὲ τὰ πρὸς δεξίωσιν 
τῶν ἐμῶν βαπτιστῶν; .. - σαυτὸν καρ- 
ποφόρησον, Χριστὸν ἔνδυσαι, θρέψον 
με πολιτείᾳ οὔτω ἐγὼ χαίρω φιλο- 
φρονούμενος, οὕτω καὶ ὁ Θεὸς ὁ τὰ 
μέγιστα χαριζόμενος. 

Caus. I. quest. I. 6. 103. (t. I. 


Ν, ἵν. 


173 


comes*! allege a canon of the third or fourth Council of Car- 
thage to the same purpose; which, if the allegation were true, 
would prove that the same custom obtained in the African 
Chureh. But, as Antonius Augustinus5? and the Roman cor- 
rectors of Gratian>? have observed, there is no such canon to 
be found in any African Council; but it is a canon of the 
second Council of Bracara in Spain, which finding a corrupt 
practice crept in among the clergy, (notwithstanding the 
former prohibition of the Eliberitan Council,) that ministers 
did exact pledges of the poor, who had not ability to make any 
offering, endeayoured to redress this corruption by passing a 
new order, ‘that though voluntary oblations might be re- 
ceived, yet no pledge should be extorted from the poor who 
were not able to offer ; because many of the poor for fear of 
this kept back their children from baptism.’ The same Council 
of Bracara made a decree», ‘ that no bishop should exact any 
thing as a due from any founders of churches for their conse- 
eration; but, if any thing was voluntarily offered, he might 
receive it.’ And so in like manner for confirmation >®, and ad- 
ministering the eucharist*’, all bishops and presbyters are 


the ancient clergy. 


codicibus : nam in vulgatis erat ex 
Carthayinensi quarto, in quo non 
habetur. Ep. | 


Ρ. 550. 68.) Placuit ut unusquisque 


episcopus per ecclesias suas hoc 
“ipiat ut hi, qui infantes suos ad 


um offerunt, si quid volun- 
tarie pro suo offerunt voto, susci- 
piatur ab eis. Si vero per necessi- 
tatem paupertatis aliquid non ha- 
beant, quod offerant, nullum eis 
pignus violenter tollatur a clericis, 


Ἢ 
δ᾽ De Rit. Bapt. 1. 4. c. 2. (Paris. 
1618. p. 578.) Quam deinde consti- 
pear negligi ut probabile est, 


¢. 

52 De Emendat. Gratian. 1. 1. 
dial. 14. (p. 160.) Fragmentum 
Placuit ut unusquisque Concilio Bra- 
= Il. c. 7. restituatur oportet, 


58 Gratian. ut supr. Ed. Rom. 
1582. [According to Grischovius 
the s following are read in an- 
other edition, Colon. Munat. 1717. 

to., which I have not seen: but I 
not find the gloss in the Lyons 
edition of the Corp. Jur. Canon. 
1671. See t.1. p.550. Emendata 
est inscriptio ex aliquot vetustis 


54 Bracar. 2. juxt. Ed. Crabb. 3. 
c. 7. (t. 5. p. 898 a.) .... Qui in- 
fantes suos ad baptismum offerunt, 
si quid voluntarie pro suo offerunt 
voto, suscipiatur ab eis; si vero per 
necessitatem paupertatis aliquid non 
habent quod offerant, nullum illis 
Pignus violenter tollatur a clericis. 

am multi pauperes hoc timentes, 
filios suos a baptismo retrahunt. 

ὅδ᾽ C. 5. (ibid. p. 897 d.) Placuit, 
ut quoties ab aliquo fidelium ad 
consecrandas ecclesias episcopi invi- 
tantur, non quasi ex debito munus 
aliquod a fundatore requirat; sed 
si ipsi quidem aliquid [al. ipse fun- 
dator si quidem aliquid] ex voto 
suo obtulerit, non respuatur. 

56 Vid. Gelas. Ep. 1. al. 9. ad 
Epise. Lucan. c. 7. (CC. t. 4. p. 
1189 d.) Baptizandis consignandis- 
que fidelibus sacerdotes pretia nulla 
preefigant. 

67 Vid. C. Trull. c. 23. (t. 6. - 
Ρ. 1154 8.) Περὶ τοῦ μηδένα εἴτε 


The obla- 
tions of the 
people an- 
ciently one 
of the most 
valuable 
parts of 
Church- 
revenues. 


174 The revenues of 


strictly enjoined not to exact any thing of the receivers; be- 
cause the grace of God was not to be set to sale, nor the sanc- 
tification of the Spirit to be imparted for money. St. Jerom 
assures us further, that it was not very honourable in his time 
to exact any thing for the burying-places of the dead; for he 
censures °° those that practised it, as falling short of the merit 
of Ephron the Hittite, whom Abraham forced to receive money 
for the burying-place which he bought of him. ‘ But now,’ 
says he, ‘there are some who sell burying-places, and take 
money for them, not by compulsion, as Ephron did, but by ex- 
tortion rather from those that were unwilling to pay. By 
which we may understand, that in his time it was hardly 
allowable to demand any thing for the use of a public or 
private cemetery. Nor was this any part of the Church-reve- 
nues in those days, when as yet the custom of burying in 
churches was not generally brought in, but was the practice of 
later ages. Of which more, when we come to speak of the 
funeral rites of the Church. 

15. If any one is desirous to know what part of the Chureh- 
revenues was anciently most serviceable and beneficial to the 
Church, he may be informed from St. Chrysostom and St. 
Austin, who give the greatest commendations to the offerings 
and oblations of the people, and seem to say that the Church 
was never better provided than when her maintenance was 
raised chiefly from them. For then men’s zeal prompted them 
to be very liberal in their daily offerings; but as lands and 
possessions were settled upon the Church, this zeal sensibly 
abated; and so the Church came to be worse provided for, 
under the notion of growing richer. Which is the thing that 
St. Chrysostom complains of in his own times, when the ancient 
revenue arising from oblations was in a great measure sunk, 
and the Church, with all her lands, left in a worse condition 


ἐπίσκοπον, εἴτε πρεσβύτερον, ἢ διά- venderet,....appellatus est Ephran: 


κονον, τῆς ἀχράντου μεταδιδόντα κοι- 
νωνίας, παρὰ τοῦ μετέχοντος εἰσπράτ- 
τειν τῆς τοιαύτης μεταλήψεως χάριν 
ὀβολοὺς ἢ εἶδος τὸ οἱονοῦν' οὐδὲ γὰρ 
πεπραμένη 7 χάρις, οὐδὲ χρήμασι τὸν 
ἁγιασμὸν τοῦ Πνεύματος μεταδίδομεν. 

58 Quest. Hebr. in Gen. 23. t. 3. 
p- 214. (t. 3. p. 340 d.) Postquam 
enim pretio victus est, ut sepulcrum 


significante ‘Scriptura, non eum fu- 
isse consummate perfecteeque vir- 
tutis, qui potuerit memorias vendere 
mortuorum. Sciant igitur qui se- 
pulcra venditant, et non coguntur 
ut accipiant pretium, sed a nolenti- 
bus quoque extorquent, immutari 
nomen suum, et perire quid de me- 
rito eorum, &c. 


8δι5. the ancient clergy. 175 


than she was before. For now her ministers were forced to 
submit to secular cares, to the management of lands, and 
houses, and the business of buying and selling, for fear the or- 
phans and yirgins and widows of the Church should starve. 

He exhorts the people, therefore, to return to their ancient li- 
berality of oblations ; which would at once ease the ministry of 
all such cares, and make a good provision for the poor, and 
take off all the little scoffs and objections that some were so 
ready to make and cast upon the clergy,—that they were too 
much given to secular cares and employments,—when indeed it 
was not choice, but necessity that forced them to it. ‘There 
are,’ says he*?, ‘in this place, (at Antioch he means,) by the 
grace of God, an hundred thousand persons that come to 
church. Now, if every one of these would but give one loaf of 
bread daily to the poor, the poor would live in plenty. If every 
one would contribute but one halfpenny, no man would want ; 
neither should we undergo so many reproaches and derisions, 
as if we were too intent upon our possessions.’ By this dis- 
course of Chrysostom’s it plainly appears, that he thought the 
oblations of the people in populous cities, when men acted with 
their primitive zeal, was a better provision for the clergy than 
even the lands and possessions of the Church. And St. Austin 
seems to have had the same sense of this matter: for Possidius 
tells us, in his Life®, ‘that when he found the possessions of the 
Church were become a little invidious, he was used to tell the 
laity, that he had rather live upon the oblations of the people 
of God, than undergo the care and trouble of those possessions ; 
and that he was ready to part with them, provided all the ser- 
yants and ministers of God might live as they did under the 
Old Testament, when, as we read, they that served at the altar 


59 Hom. 86. [Bened. 85. al. 86.] in pend. p» .273 Ὁ.) Et dum forte, ut as- 
Matth. 26, 67, et seqq. (t.7.p.810a.) solet, de possessionibus ipsis invidia 
Kai τοῦ Θεοῦ χάριτι els δέκα clericis dere eret, alloquebatur plebem 
μυριάδων ἀριθμὸν οἶμαι τοὺς ἐνταῦθα Dei, malle se ex collationibus plebis 

i ge καὶ εἰ ἀφ᾽ ἑνὸς Dei vivere quam illarum possessio- 
ἄρτου μετεδίδου τινὶ τῶν πενήτων num curam vel gubernationem pati; 
καστος, ἅπαντες ἦσαν ἂν ἐν εὐπορίᾳ" et paratum se [esse] illis cedere, ut 
εἰ ἐξ ἑνὸς he gs ὀβολοῦ, οὐδεὶς ist eo modo omnes Dei servi et mi- 
τοσαῦτα ὑπεμείναι μεν nistri viverent, quo in Veteri Testa- 
Bnet cal καὶ aioe ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ τὰ mento leguntur altari deservientes 


Pipora προνοίας. de eodem comparticipari. Sed nun- 
Vit. August. c. 23. (t. το. ap- quarn id laici suscipere voluerunt. 


V. v. 


were made partakers of the altar. But though he made this 
proposal to the people, they would never accept of 10. Which 
is an argument, that the people also thought that the reducing 
the clergy’s maintenance to the precise model of the Old Tes- 
tament would have been a more chargeable way to them than 
the other, since the oblations of the Old Testament included 
tithes and first-fruits: concerning the state and original of 
which, as to what concerns the Christian Church, I come now 
to make a more particular inquiry. 


176 Of tithes 


CHAP. V. 
Of tithes, and jirst-fruits in particular. 


Tithesan- 1]. ConcerninG tithes, so far as relates to the ancient Church, 
ae it will be proper to make three inquiries. First, whether the 
tobedue primitive fathers esteemed them to be due by divine right? 
by divine ς : . 

right. Secondly, if they did, why they were not always strictly de- 


manded? Thirdly, in what age they were first generally set- 
tled upon the Church? As to the first inquiry, it is generally 
agreed by learned men that the ancients accounted tithes to be 
due by divine right. Bellarmin 61, indeed, and Rivet ®, and Mr. 
Selden 68, place them upon another foot. But our learned bi- 
shop Andrews and bishop Carleton 65, who wrote before Mr. 
Selden, and bishop Montague®® and Tillesly®”, who wrote in 
answer to him, not to mention many others who have written 
since, have clearly proved, that the ancients believed the law 
about tithes not to be merely a ceremonial or political com- 
mand, but of moral and perpetual obligation. It will be suffi- 
cient for me, in this place, to present the reader with two or 
three of their allegations. Origen, in one of his Homilies on 
Numbers ®, thus delivers his opinion about it: ‘ How does our 


61 De Clericis, 1. 1. ὁ. 25. (t. 2. p. 
317 a.) Quod non sit morale, &c. 

62 Exercit. 80. in Gen. 14. p. 386. 
(t. I. p. 310. col. sinistr.) Altera ex- 
trema sententia est pene omnium 
canonistarum, &c.—See the entire 
section, and to the end of p. 312. 

63 History of Tithes, ch. 4. (t. 2. 
of vol. 3. p. 1095.) Consult the 
whole chapter. 

* 64 De Decimis, inter Opuscula, 


Lond. 1629. (pp. 339, 5644.) 


65 Divine Right of Tithes, ch. 3. 
(pp. 11, seqq.) The title, How tithes 
stood under the Law. Where it is 
proved, that then this constitution of 
tithes was neither ceremonial nor 
judicial, but moral. 

66 Diatribee, &c. Lond. 1621. 

67 Animadversions upon Mr. Sel- 
den’s History of Tithes, &c. Lond. 
ay: 4to. 

Hom. ττ. in Num. 18. t.1. p: 
210. (t. 2. p. 305 f. ult. lin.) Quo- 


§1. 


and first-fruits. 177 


righteousness exceed the righteousness of the scribes and pha- 
risees, if they dare not taste of the fruits of the earth before 
they offer the first-fruits to the priests, and separate the tithes 
for the Levites; whilst I do nothing of this, but only so abuse 
the fruits of the earth, that neither the priest, nor the Levite, 
nor the altar of God shall see any of them?’ St. Jerom says 
expressly 59, ‘ that the law about tithes and first-fruits was to be 
understood to continue in its full force in the Christian Church; 
where men were commanded not only to give tithes, but to sell 
all that they had, and give to the poor.’ ‘ But,’ says he, ‘ if we 
will not proceed so far, let us at least imitate the Jewish prac- 
tice, and give part of the whole to the poor, and the honour 
that is due to the priests and Levites. Which he who does not, 
defrauds God, and makes himself liable to a curse.’ St. Austin 
as plainly favours the same opinion”, telling men ‘ that ther 
ought to separate something out of their yearly fruits, or daily 
income ; and that a tenth to a Christian was but a small pro- 
portion. Because, it is said, the Pharisees gave tithes: “I fast 
twice in the week, I give tithes of all that I possess.” And our 
Lord saith, “ Except your righteousness exceed the righteous- 
ness of the Scribes and Pharisees, ye shall not enter into the 
kingdom of heaven.” But if he, whose righteousness you are 
to exceed, gave tithes, and you give not a thousandth part, 


ες non solum 


modo ergo abundat justitia nostra 
plusquam Scribarum et Phariszo- 
orum, si illi de fructibus terre suze 
gustare non audent, priusquam pri- 
mitias [suas] sacerdotibus offerant, 
et Levitis decime separentur? [al. 
decimas separent?] Et ego nihil ho- 
rum faciens fructibus terre ita ab- 
utar, ut sacerdos nesciat, Levites 

, divinum altare non sen- 


? 
69 Tn Mal. 3. (t. 6. p. 978 b.) Quod 
imis primitiisque diximus, que 
olim dabantur a populo sacerdotibus 
ac Levitis, in ecclesize quoque populis 
intelligite : — preceptum est, 
ecimas dare et primi- 
tias, sed et vendere omnia que ha- 
bent et dare pauperibus, et sequi 
Dominum Salvatorem. Quod si fa- 
cere nolumus, saltem Judzorum 
imitemur exordia, ut pauperibus 
partem demus ex toto, et sacerdoti- 


BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


bus et Levitis honorem debitum de- 
feramus. Quod qui non fecerit, 
Deum fraudare et supplantare con- 
vincitur, &c. 

70 In Ps. 146. t.8. p. 608. (t. 4. p. 
1648 f. g.) Preecidite ergo aliquid, 
et deputate aliquid fixum, vel ex 
annuis fructibus, vel ex quotidianis 
queestibus vestris. .. Exime aliquam 
partem redituum tuorum. Decimas 
vis? decimas exime, quanquam pa- 
rum sit. Dictum est enim, quia 
Phariseei decimas dabant: ‘ Jejuno 
bis in Sabbato, decimas do omnium 
etal τὰ possideo.’ Et quid ait 

ominus? ‘ Nisi abundaverit justi- 
tia vestra plus quam Scribarum et 

iseorum, non intrabitis in reg- 
num celorum.’ Et ille, super quem 
debet abundare justitia tua, deci- 
mas dat: tu autem nec millesimam 
das. Quomodo superabis eum, cui 
non ezquaris? 


N 


Why not 
exacted in 
the aposto- 
lical age 
and those 
that imme- 
diately fol- 
lowed. 


178 Of tithes 


how can you be said to exceed him whom you do not so much 
as equal!’ By these few allegations the reader may be able to 
judge what notion the ancients had of tithes, as due by divine 
right under the gospel, as well as under the law; and that the 
precept concerning them was not a mere ceremonial or political 
command given to the Jews only. 

2. But why, then, it may be said, were not tithes exacted by 
the Apostles at first, or by the Fathers in the ages immediately 
following? for it is generally believed that tithes were not the 
original maintenance of ministers under the Gospel. To this 
Bishop Carleton has returned several very satisfactory answers, 
which the reader may take in his own words. First71, ‘ That 
tithes were paid to the priests and Levites in the time of Christ 
and his Apostles: now the [Jewish] Synagogue must first be 
buried before these things could be orderly ... . brought imto 
use in the Church.’ Secondly72, “ In the times of the New Tes- 
tament, and somewhat after, there was an extraordinary main- 
tenance by a community of all things, which supplied the want 
of tithes; but this community was extraordinary, and not to 
last always.’ Thirdly7?, ‘The use of paying tithes, as the 
Church then stood, was so incommodious and cumbersome, that 
it could not well be practised. And therefore as circumcision 
was laid aside for a time, whilst Israel travelled through the 
wilderness, not because the people of right ought not then also 
to have used it, but because it was so incommodious for that 
estate and time of the Church, that it could not without great 
trouble be practised: even so the use of tithes in the time of 
Christ and his Apostles was laid aside, not because it ought 
not, but because it could not without great encumbrance, be 
done. And as circumcision was resumed, as soon as the estate 
of the Church could bear it; so tithes were re-established, as 
soon as the condition of the Church could suffer it. For tithes 
cannot well be paid, but where some whole state or kingdom 
receiveth Christianity, and where the magistrate doth favour 
the Church, which was not in the time of the Apostles.’ To 


7! Divine Right of Tithes, ch. 4. other remark of the bishop. See 


(Ρ. 22.) Thirdly, &c.. ch. 4. (p. 23.) Now, because 


72 Tbid. (p. 22.) Fourthly, &c. tithes, the ordinary maintenance, 
73 [This third argument is not could not be paid without great 
Carleton’s, but the author’s; sug- incumbrance, ὅτε. Ep. | 
gested, it would seem, by some 


i a i 


eee 3: and first-fruits. 179 


these reasons some other learned persons74 have added a fourth, 

which is also worth noting, ‘That the tithes of fruits were not 

so early paid to Christian priests, because the inhabitants of 

the country were the latest converts; whence also the name 
pagans stuck by the heathens, because the greatest relics of 

them were in country villages.’ 

_ 9. As to the last inquiry, When tithes began first to be ge- In what ag 
nerally settled upon the Church? the common opinion is, that Pm brid 
it was in the fourth century when magistrates began to fa- ally settlec 
your the Church, and the world was generally converted from pe 
heathenism. Some think Constantine settled them by law upon 

the Church; so Alsted7>, who cites Hermannus Gigas for the 

same opinion. But there is no law of Constantine’s now extant 
that makes express mention of any such thing. That which 

comes the nearest to it seems to be the law about an annual 
allowance of corn to the clergy in all cities out of the public 
treasuries, which has been spoken of in the last chapter; but 

this was not so much as a tenth of the yearly product; for the 

whole tribute itself seems to have been no more. For in some 

laws of the Theodosian Code7® the emperor’s tribute is called 
decime, tithes; and the publicans, who collected it, are upon 

that account by Tully’? called decwmani: and in Hesychius 

the word δεκατεύειν, to tithe, is explained by reA@veiv and dexd- 

τὴν εἰσπράττεσθαι, to pay tribute, or pay their tithes to the 


᾿ 





74 Fell, Not. in Cypr. Ep. 66. 


al. 1.1 (p. 170. n. 3.) Serius qui- 
τὰ es ex fructibus accipie- 


bant sacerdotes Christiani, quia ru- 
ris incolz, quique agriculturam ex- 
ercebant, non nisi sero ad fidem 
erant conversi; unde paganorum 
nomen ethnicis adhesit. 
75 Supplem. Chamier. de Membr. 
. ¢. 10. ἢ. 3. (t. 4. append. 
p- 338.) Huc accedit, quod consue- 
tudo illa, ut decime ad N. T. ec- 
clesias pervenerint, a Christianis 
imperatoribus primo haud dubie est 
profecta. Nam Hermannus Gigas 
auctor est, Constantinum M. pre- 
cepisse, ut de rebus omnibus deci- 
me ecclesiis omnibus solverentur. 
76 Τῷ. τος tit. το. De Metallis, leg. 
10. (t. 3. p. 499.) Cuncti, qui per 
privatorum loca saxorum venam 


laboriosis effossionibus persequun- 
tur, decimas fisco, decimas etiam 
domino representent.—Ibid. leg.11. 
(p 499.) i, quibus ad exercenda 
metalla privata dives marmorum 
vena consentit, exscidendi exsecan- 
dique, juxta legem dudum latam, 
habeant facultatem, ita ut decima 
pars fisci nostri utilitatibus, decima 
ei, cujus locus est, deputetur. 

77 Orat. 3- in Verrem, n. 54. [8]. 
21.] (v. 4. p. 1314.) Apronius de- 
cumanus non decumam debitam, 
non frumentum remotum atque ce- 
latum ; sed tritici septem millia me- 
dimnum ex Nymphonis arationibus, 
edicti poena, non redemptionis aliquo 
jure, tollit.—Ibid. n. 55. [al. 22.] 
(p. 1315.) Hac ille vi et hoc metu 
adductus, tantum decumanis, quan- 
tum iste imperavit, exsolvit. 


N 2 


180 Of tithes 


collectors of the tribute. Unless therefore we can suppose that 
Constantine settled the whole tribute of the empire upon the 
Church, which it is evident he did not, we cannot take that 
law for a settlement of tithes upon the clergy. Yet it might 
be a step towards it; for before the end of the fourth century, 
as Mr. Selden7$ himself not only confesses, but proves, out of 
Cassian, Eugippius, and others, tithes were paid to the Church. 
St. Austin lived in this age, and he says tithes were paid before 
his time, and much better than they were in his own time; for 
he makes a great complaint of the non-payment of them. ‘ Our 
forefathers, says he79, ‘abounded in all things, because they 
gave tithes to God; and tribute to Cesar. But now, because 
our devotion to God is sunk, the taxes of the State are raised 
upon us. We would not give God his part in the tithes, and 
therefore the whole is taken away from us. The exchequer 
devours what we would not give to Christ.’ St. Chrysostom 80, 
and the author of the Opus Imperfectum on St. Matthew 51 that 
goes under his name, testify for the practice of other Churches 
about the same time. And it were easy to add a list of many 
other Fathers and Councils®? of the next age, which speak of 


78 Hist. of Tithes, ch. 5. p. 47. 
(t. 2. of v. 3. pp. 1101, seqq.) In 
Egypt also, &c. 

9 Hom. 48. ex 50. t. το. p. 201. 
[4]. Append. Serm. 86. c. 2.] (t. 5. 
p- 156 a.) Majores nostri ideo co- 
plis omnibus abundabant, quia Deo 
decimas dabant, et Ceesari censum 
reddebant. Modo autem quia de- 
cessit devotio Dei, accessit indictio 
fisci. Nolumus partiri cum Deo 
decimas, modo autem totum tolli- 
tur. Hoc tollit fiscus, quod non 
accipit Christus. 

80 Hom. 4. in Eph. [c. 2.7 p. 1058. 
(t.11. p. 31a.) Τί yap οὐκ ἐποίουν ; 
ἐκεῖνοι δεκάτας, καὶ πάλιν δεκάτας 
ἑτέρας παρεῖχον᾽ ὀρφανοῖς, χήραις, 
προσηλύτοις ἐπήρκουν᾽ ἀλλὰ ἐμοί τις 
θαυμάζων τινὰ ἔλεγε" δεκάτας δίδωσιν 
ὁ δεῖνα" πόσης αἰσχύνης τοῦτο γέμει, 
εἰ ὃ ἐπὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων οὐκ ἦν θαυμασ- 
τοῦ, τοῦτο ἐπὶ τῶν Χριστιανῶν θαυ- 
μαστὸν γέγονεν" εἰ τότε κίνδυνος ἦν, 
τὸ δεκάτας ἀπολιπεῖν, ἐννόησον ὅσον 
ἐστὶ νῦν. 

81 Τὴ Matth. Hom. 44. (Oper. 
Chrysost. t. 6. p. 1886. c. ἃ.) Sa- 


cerdotes ergo avaritia pleni, si quis 
de populo decimas non obtulisset, 
ita eum corripiebant, quasi magnum 
crimen fecisset, qui decimam alicu- 
jus rei vel saltem minimz non ob- 
tulisset : si quis autem de populo in 
Deum peccabat, aut ledebat ali- 
quem, aut aliquid tale faciebat, ne- 
mo curabat corripere eum.... Sic 
enim et modo fit... Si populus de- 
cimas non obtulerit, murmurant 
omnes: et si peccantem populum 
viderint, nemo murmurat contra 
eum. 

82 C, Aurel. 1. anno 511. 6. 17.— 
This citation is erroneous. ‘The 
rst Council of Orleans contains no 

canon on the subject of tithes. Ep.] 
—C. Matiscon. 2. annos588. 6.5. (t.5. 
Ρ. 981d.) ... Leges divine, consu- 
lentes sacerdotibus ac ministris ec- 
clesiarum, pro hereditatis portione 
omni populo preceperunt decimas 
fructuum suorum locis sacris pre- 
stare, ut nullo labore impediti horis 
legitimis spiritualibus possint vacare 
ministeriis. 


§ 3,4. and first-fruits. 181 


tithes as then actually settled upon the Church. But since they 
who dispute most against the divine right of them do not deny 
this as to fact, it is needless to prosecute this matter any fur- 
ther; which they that please may see historically deduced 
through many centuries by Mr. Selden*®. 
4. There is one part more of Church revenues whose original The origi- 
remains to be inquired into, and that is first-fruits, which are nest — 
frequently mentioned in the primitive writers. For not only the manne 
| those called the Apostolical Canons * and Constitutions 55 speak οἱ οβοπης 
of them as part of the maintenance of the clergy, but writers 
more ancient and more authentic, as Origen and Irenzeus, men- 
tion them also as oblations made to God. “ Celsus,’ says Ori- 
gen*®®, * would have us dedicate first-fruits to demons; but we 
dedicate them to Him, who said, “ Let the earth bring forth 
grass, the herb yielding seed, and the fruit-tree yielding fruit 
after his kind.” To whom we give our first-fruits, to Him also 
we send up our prayers, having a great high-priest that is en- 
tered into heaven, &c.’ In like manner [renzus says*’, ‘ Christ 
taught his disciples to offer the first-fruits of the creatures to 
God,’ and that ‘this was the Church’s continual oblation with 
thanksgiving for the enjoyment of all the rest.’ Which implies 
either that they had a particular form of thanksgiving, as there 
is in both the Greek and Latin Rituals; or else, that these 
first-fruits were offered with other oblations at the time of the 
eucharist. However this be, it is evident that as they were 
principally designed for agnizing the Creator, so they were 


88 cance! of toni ch. 5, &c. See Ρ. 766 e.) ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ ἀπαρχὰς Κέλσος 





ΠΝ 
ar ek. 4. 8 2. p. 158. 
Py fet a. 97. 
8 L. 2. c. 25. tot. (Cotel. v. 1. 


-) and Ἢ vere! the 
bbc Ἔ κῇ 238.) beginning, Δεῖ mi 
τοὺς τῇ σίᾳ προσεδρεύοντας ἐκ 
μιυεὸα ἄμε διατρέφεσθαι, dre ἱε- 
inte, x. τ. A.—L. 8. c. 40. Invocatio 
pro Primitiis. (ibid. p. 417.) Εὐχα- 
ριστοῦμέν σοι, Κύριε Παντοκράτορ, 
Δημιουργὲ τῶν ὅλων καὶ Προνοητὰ διὰ 


τοῦ Μονογενοῦς σου Παιδὸς Ἰησοῦ 
Χριστοῦ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν, ἐπὶ ταῖς 
θείσαις σοι ἀπαρχαῖς, ox 

ὅσον ὀφείλομεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον 
86 Cont. Cels. 1. 8. p. 400. (t. t. 


μὲν δαιμονίοις. ἀνατιθέναι βούλεται" 
ἡμεῖς δὲ τῷ εἰπόντι, Βλαστησάτω ἡ 
γῆ βοτάνην χόρτου, σπεῖρον σπέρμα 
us γένος καὶ k ὁμοιότητα, καὶ 
ξῦλον κάρπιμον ποιοῦν καρπὸν, οὗ 
σπέρμα αὐτοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ κατὰ γένος ἐπὶ 
τῆς γῆς" ᾧ δὲ τὰς a ἀπαρχὰς ἀποδίδω- 
μεν, τούτῳ καὶ τὰς “εὐχὰς ἀναπέμπο- 
μεν, ἔχοντες ἀρχιερέα μέγαν, διεληλυ- 
τοὺς οὐρανοὺς, ᾿Ιησοῦν τὸν Υἱὸν 
τοῦ Θεοῦ. 

87 L. 4. ¢. 32. (p. 323- 3.) Sed et 
suis discipulis dans consilium pri- 
mitias Deo offerre ex suis creaturis, 
&c.—Ibid. c. 34. (Ρ. 325. 5.) Of- 
ferre igitur oportet Deo primitias 
ejus creature, &c. 


182 Management of Mion 


secondarily intended for the use of his servants; and therefore 
we find the Eustathian heretics censured by the Synod of 
Gangra®®, anno 324, ‘for that they took the first-fruits, which 
were anciently given to the Church, and divided them among 
the saints of their own party.’ In opposition to which practice 
there are two canons’? made by that Council, forbidding any 
one to receive or distribute such oblations out of the Church, 
otherwise than by the directions of the bishop, under pain of 
excommunication. Some other rules are also given by one of 
the Councils of Carthage, inserted into the African Code®, 
concerning these first-fruits, that they should be only of grapes 
and corn; which shews that it was also the practice of the 
African Church. Nazianzen9! likewise mentions the first-fruits 
of the wine-press and the floor, which were to be dedicated 
to God. And the author of the Constitutions has a form of 
prayer %, ἐπίκλησις ἐπὶ ἀπαρχῶν, an invocation upon the first- 
Fruits, to be used at their dedication. So that it seems very 
clear that the offering of first-fruits was a very ancient and 
general custom in the Christian Church, and that this also 
contributed something toward the maintenance of the clergy, 
whose revenues I have now considered so far as concerns the 
several kinds and first original of them. 


CHAP. VI. 


Of the management and distribution of the revenues of the 
ancient clergy. 


The reve- 1. Tue next thing to be considered is the ancient way of 
nues of the ἃ ees ὁ 

whole dio- Managing and distributing these revenues among the clergy, 
cese an- 


and such others as were dependants upon the Church. Which 


88 In Preefat. (t. 2. p. 413 6.) Kap- 
ποφορίας τε Tas ἐκκλησιαστικὰς τὰς 
ἀνέκαθεν διδομένας τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἑαυ- 
τοῖς καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτοῖς, ὡς ἁγίοις, 
τὰς διαδόσεις ποιούμενοι. 

89 In Preefat. c. 7. (ibid. p. 419 b.) 
Εἴ τις καρποφορίας ἐκκλησιαστικὰς 
ἐθέλοι λαμβάνειν, ἢ ἢ διδόναι ἔξω τῆς 
ἐκκλησίας, “παρὰ γνώμην τοῦ ἐπισκό- 
που, ἢ τοῦ ἐγκεχειρισμένου τὰ τοι- 
avra, καὶ μὴ μετὰ γνώμης αὐτοῦ ἐθέ- 

οι πράττειν, ἀνάθεμα ἔ ἔστω.--- Can. 8. 
(ibid.) Εἴ τις διδοῖ ἢ ἢ λαμβάνοι καρ- 
ποφορίαν παρεκτὸς τοῦ ἐπισκόπου, ἢ 


τοῦ ᾿ἐπιτεταγμένου εἰς οἰκονομίαν εὐ- 
ποιΐας, καὶ ὁ διδοὺς καὶ ὁ λαμβάνων 
ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. 

90 C. 37. al. 40. (ibid. ip. 1067 6.) 

. Μηδὲν δὲ πλέον ἐ ἐν ταῖς ἀπαρχαῖς 
προσφερέσθω, ἢ ἢ ἀπὸ σταφυλῶν καὶ 
σίτου. 

91 Ep. 80. (t. 1. p. 833 d.) asia 
᾿Απαρχὰς ἅλωνός τε καὶ ληνοῦ, “καὶ 
τέκνων τοὺς ἀληθῶς φιλοτέκνους ἀ ἀνα- 
τιθέναι Θεῷ δίκαιόν τε καὶ ὅσιον. 

92 L. 8. c. 40. . See the second 
part of n. 85, preceding. 


Church-revenues. 183 


being a little different from the way of later ages, since settle- ciently in 
ments were made upon parochial churches, for the right un- {hands 
derstanding of it we are in the first place to observe, that an- bishop. 
ciently the revenues of the whole diocese were all in the hands 
of the bishop; who, with the advice and consent of his senate 
of presbyters, distributed them as the occasions of the Church 
required. This will appear evident to any one that will con- 
sider these two things, which will hereafter be proved, when 
we come to speak of parochial churches and their original. 
First, that there were anciently no presbyters or other clergy 
fixed upon particular churches, or congregations in the same 
city or diocese; but they were served indifferently by any 
presbyter from the ecclesia matrix, the mother or cathedral 
church, to which all the clergy of the city or diocese belonged, 
and not to any particular congregation. Secondly, that when 
presbyters were fixed to particular churches or assemblies in 
some cities, yet still those churches had no separate revenues ; 
but the maintenance of the clergy officiating in them was from 
the common stock of the mother-church, into which all the 
oblations of particular churches were put, as into a common 
fund, that from thence there might be made a general distri- 
bution. That thus it was at Constantinople, till the middle of 
the fifth century, is evident from what we find in Theodorus 
Lector®, who says that Marcian, the @conomus or guardian 
of that Church, under Gennadius, anno 460, was the first that 
ordered the clergy of every particular church to receive the 
offerings of their own church, whereas before the great church 
received them all. | 

2. Now this being the ancient custom, it gives us a clear ac- And by his 
count how all the revenues of the Church came to be in the raahll 5. 
hands of the bishop, and how it was made one part of his office ane the 
and duty by the canons to concern himself in the care and dis- ee 
tribution of them. Of which, because I have already spoken 
elsewhere, I shall say no more in this place; save only that 
the bishop himself, to ayoid suspicion and prevent mismanage- 


98 L. 1. p. 553- (Vv. 3. Ρ. 566. 10.) προ jueva ἐν ἑκάστῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ, 
Προεβάλετο δὲ Τεννάδιος = ea sot ak gra κληρικοὺς κομίζεσθαι 
οἰκονόμον τῆς τῶν Καθαρῶν ὄντα θρη- διετύπωσεν, ἕως τούτου τῆς μεγάλης 
σκείας, εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν μετελθόντα' ἐκκλησίας πάντα κομιζομένης. 
ὃς, ἅμα τῷ γενέσθαι οἰκονόμον, τὰ 94 B. 2. ο. 4. 8. 6. v. I. p. 93: 





184 


Management of V. vi. 


ment, was obliged to give an account of his administration in a 
provincial synod 95; as also at his election to exhibit a list of his 
own goods and estate, that such things as belonged to him 
might be distinguished from those that belonged to God and 
the Church. And for the same reason, the great Council 
of Chalcedon” ordered, ‘ that every bishop should have an wco- 
nomus, or guardian of the church, and he to be chosen by the 
vote of all the clergy,’ as has been noted in another place 98, 


ec eg 3. As to the distribution itself, in the most primitive ages we 
sion of ἢηά no certain rules about it; but as it was in the Apostles’ 
church-re- 


days, so it continued for some time after: what was collected 
was usually deposited with the bishop, and distribution was 
made to every man according as he had need. But the follow- 
ing ages brought the matter to some certain rules, and then 
the revenues were divided into certain portions, monthly or 
yearly, according as occasion required; and. these proportioned 
to the state or needs of every order. In the Western Church, 
the division was usually into three or four parts; whereof one 
fell to the bishop, a second to the rest of the clergy, a third to 
the poor, and the fourth was applied to the maintenance of the 
fabric and other necessary uses of the church. The Council of 
Bracara?9 makes but three parts: one for the bishop, another 
for the clergy, and the third for the fabric and lights of the 
church. But then it was supposed that the bishop’s hospitality 
should, out of such a proportion, provide for the necessities of 
the poor. By other rules}, the poor, that is, all distressed 


venues, 


% Vid. C. Antioch. c. 25. (t. 2. p. 


Tat, | καταλεῖψαι, k.T. A. 
573 b.) Ei μεταβάλλοι τὰ πράγματα 


97 Ὁ. 25. (t. 4. p. 767 b.) Τὴν μέν 


εἰς οἰκιακὰς αὐτοῦ χρείας Kal τοὺς 
πόρους τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἢ τοὺς ἀγρῶν 
καρποὺς, μὴ μετὰ γνώμης τῶν πρεσβυ- 
τέρων ἢ τῶν διακόνων, χειρίζοι, ἀλλ᾽ 
οἰκείοις αὐτοῦ, καὶ συγγενέσιν, ἢ ἀ- 
δελφοῖς, ἢ υἱοῖς, παράσχοιτο τὸν ἐξ- 
ουσίαν, εἰς τὸ διὰ τῶν τοιούτων λελη- 
θότως βλάπτεσθαι τοὺς λόγους τῆς 
ἐκκλησίας" τοῦτον εὐθύνας παρέχειν 
τῇ συνόδῳ τῆς ἐπαρχίας. 

96 Can. Apost. 39. al. 40. (Cotel. 
Le. 33-] V. I. p. 443.) Ἔστω φανερὰ 
τὰ ἴδια τοῦ ἐπισκόπου πράγματα, εἴγε 
καὶ ἴδια ἔχει, καὶ φανερὰ τὰ κυριακὰ, 
ἵνα ἐξουσίαν ἔχῃ τῶν ἰδίων τελευτῶν 
ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, ὡς βούληται καὶ ois βού- 
ληται [8]. οἷς βούλεται, καὶ ὡς βούλε- 


τοι πρόσοδον τῆς χηρευούσης ἐκκλη- 
σίας σώαν φυλάττεσθαι παρὰ τῷ οἶκο- 
νόμῳ τῆς ἐκκλησίας. 

98 B. 2. 6. 12. 8. 4. V. I. p. 359. 

99 Bracar. 1. 6. 25. [Labbe, Bra- 
car. 2. 6. 7.] (t. 5. p. 840c.) Pla- 
cuit, ut de rebus ecclesiasticis fiant 
tres zequz portiones, id est, una 
episcopi, alia clericorum, tertia in 
reparatione vel in luminariis eccle- 
sie. 

1 Vid. Gelas. Ep. 1. al. 9. ad E- 
pisc. Lucan. c. 27. (CC. t. 4. p. 
1195 ¢.) Quatuor autem tam de re- 
ditu, quam de oblatione fidelium.. . 
convenit fieri portiones, quarum sit 
una pontificis, altera clericorum, 


ἥ 
834,4. " 


people, the virgins and widows of the church, together with 
the martyrs and confessors in prison, the sick and strangers, 
have one-fourth in the dividend expressly allotted them. For 
: all these had relief, though not a perfect maintenance, from the 
charity of the Church. At Rome there were fifteen hundred 
such persons, besides the clergy, provided for in this way in 
the time of Cornelius?; and above three thousand at Antioch 
in the time of Chrysostom?: by which we may make an esti- 
mate of the revenues and charities of those populous Churches. 

4. In some Churches they made no such division, but lived In some 
all in common, the clergy with the bishop, as it were in one ¢' pean 
mansion and at one table. - But this they did not by any lived all in 
general canon, but only upon choice, or particular combination 
and agreement in some particular Churches. As Sozomen# 
notes it to have been the custom at Rinocurura in Egypt, and 
Possidius* affirms the same of the Church of St. Austin. What 
was the practice of St. Austin and his clergy we cannot better 
learn than from St. Austin himself, who tells us®, ‘that all his 
clergy laid themselves voluntarily under an obligation to have 
all things in common ; and therefore none of them could have 


Church-revenues. 185 











perum tertia, quarta fabricis ap- 
rie = Simplie. Ep. 3. ad Flo- 
rent. (ibid. p. 1069 e.) .. . De rediti- 
bus ecclesiz vel oblatione fidelium, 
quid deceat nescienti, nihil licere 
i sed sola ei ex his quarta 
portio remittatur. Duz, ecclesiasti- 
cis fabricis et erogationi peregrino- 
rum et so profuture, ab 
Onagro presbytero sub periculo sui 
ordinis ministrentur: ultima inter 
se clericis pro a meritis 
dividatur.—Greg. M. 1. 3. Ep. 11. 
(CC. t.5. p. 1143 c.) Cognovimus de 
itibus ecclesiarum noviter acqui- 
sitis canonicam dispositionem quar- 
tarum minime convenire, sed episco- 
locorum tantummodo distri- 
uere quartam antiquorumredituum, 
nune vero quesita suis usibus reti- 
nere. Quam rem pravam subintro- 
ductamque consuetudinem fraterni- 
tas tua vivaciter emendare festinet, 
ut sive de preteritis reditibus, sive 
de iis qu nunc obvenerunt, vel ob- 
venerint, quarte secundum distribu- 
tionem canonicam dispensentur. 
2 Ep.ad Fab. ap. Euseb. 1.6. c. 43. 


(V.1.p.312.10.) Ἔν ἡ οὐκ ἠγνόει... χή- 
ρας σὺν θλιβομένοις ὑπὲρ τὰς dhe 
πεντακοσίας, ols πάντας ἡ τοῦ δεσπό- 
του χάρις καὶ φιλανθρωπία διατρέφει. 

3 Hom. 67. [Bened. 66. al. ate 
Matth. t. 1. p. 720. (t. 7. p. 658 b.) 
᾿Ἐννόησον ὅσαις ἀπαρκεῖ καθ᾽ ἑκαστὴν 
ἡμέραν χήραις, ὅσαις παρθένοις" καὶ 
γὰρ εἰς τὸν τῶν τρισχιλίων ἀριθμὸν 
ὁ καταλόγος αὐτῶν ἔφθασε. 

41, 6. 5.31. See Ὁ. 3. ch. 1.8. 4. 
vol. I. p. 307. n. 26. 

5 Vit. August. c. 25. See before, 
ibid. n. 25. 

6 Serm. 50. de Divers. t. to. 
᾿ 528. [al. Serm. 356. de Vit. et 

orib. Clericorum, 2.] (t. 5. p. 
1390 6.) Quia placuit illis, Deo 
propitio, socialis hec vita, quis- 
quis cum hypocrisi vixerit, quisquis 
inventus fuerit habens proprium, 
non ΠῚ permitto ut inde faciat testa- 
mentum, sed delebo eum de tabula 
clericorum. Interpellet contra me 
mille concilia, naviget contra me 
quo voluerit, sit certe δὶ potuerit ; 
adjuvabit me Deus, ut ubi ego episco- 
pus sum, ille clericus esse non possit. 


186 Management of V. vi 


any property, or any thing to dispose of by will; or if they 
had, they were liable to be turned out, and have their names 
expunged out of the roll of the clergy: which he resolved to 
do, though they appealed to Rome, or to a thousand Councils 
against him; by the help of God they should not be clerks 
where he was bishop.’ For his own part, he tells us7, he was 
so punctual to this rule, ‘ that if any one presented him with a 
robe finer than ordinary, he was used to sell it; that since his 
clergy could not wear the same in kind, they might at least 
partake of the benefit, when it was sold and made common. 
But as this way of living would not comport with the state of 
all Churches, so there were but few that embraced it; and 
those that did were not compelled to it by any general law, 
but only by local statutes of their own appointment. 

5. Yet in one of these two ways the clergy were commonly 
mate in |. provided for out of the revenues of the great church, till such 
ters by the times as endowments and settlements began to be made upon 
cae parochial churches; which was not done in all places at the 
churches. game time, nor in one and the same way. But it seems to 

have had its rise from particular founders. of churches, who 
settled manse and glebe upon the churches which they builded, 
and upon that score were allowed a right of patronage, to 
‘present their own clerk, and invest him with the revenues of 
the church, wherewith they had endowed it. This practice 
was begun in the time of Justinian, anno 500, if not before; for 
there are two of his laws® which authorize and confirm it. 
About the same time a settlement of other revenues, as obla- 
tions, &c., was also made in some places upon parochial churches, 
as has been observed before out of Theodorus Lector’s accounts 
of the churches of Constantinople. Yet the change is thought 
by some? to be much later in England. For they collect out 


Alterations 


7 Ibid. (p. 1389 f.) Ita modo mune accipio. Si quis meliorem 


dicturi sunt homines, quia inveni 
pretiosas vestes, quas non potuis- 
sem habere vel in domo _patris 
mei, vel in illa seculari profes- 
sione mea. Non decet: talem debeo 
habere, qualem possim, si non ha- 
buerit, fratri meo dare. Qualem 
potest habere presbyter, qualem 
potest habere decenter diaconus, 
talem volo accipere: quia in com- 


dederit, vendo, quod et facere soleo: 
ut quando non potest vestis esse com- 
munis, pretium vestis sit commune. 

8. Novel. 57. c. 2. et: Novel. 123. 
6.18. See-b. 4. ch. 2.8. 19: -v. 2: 
Ρ. 33. nN. II, 12. ; 7 

9 Cawdrey, Discourse of Patron- 
age, ch. 2. (p. 8.).... More than a 
hundred years after the coming of 
Augustine into Englnnd, that is, 


§ 5, 6. Church-revenues. 187 
of Bede’, that the ancient course of the clergy’s officiating 
only pro tempore in parochial churches, whilst they received 
maintenance from the cathedral church, continued in England 
more than an hundred years after the coming of Austin into 
England, that is, till about the year 700. For Bede plainly 
intimates, that at that time the bishop and his clergy lived to- 
gether, and had all things common, as they had in the pri- 
mitive Church in the days of the Apostles. 

6. I have but one thing more to observe upon this head, No aliena- 
which is, that such goods or revenues as were once given to U°0* ἴο δ 
the Church, were always esteemed devoted to God; and there- church-re- 
fore were only to be employed in his service, and not to be goods but 
diverted to any other use, except some extraordinary case of #Pon ὰ- 

: , tans : nary 
charity absolutely required it. As if it was to redeem captives, occasions. 
or relieve the poor in time of famine, when no other succours 
could be afforded them; in that case it was usual to sell even 
the sacred vessels and utensils of the church, to make provi- 
sion for the living temples of God, which were to be preferred 
before the ornaments of the material buildings. Thus St. Am- 
brose melted down the communion-plate of the Church of 
Milan to redeem some captives, which otherwise must have 
continued in slavery; and, when the Arians objected this to 
him invidiously as a crime, he wrote a most elegant apology 
and yindication for himself, where among other things worthy 
the reader’s perusal, he pleads his own cause!! after this 
manner: ‘Is it not better that the bishop should melt the 
plate to sustain the poor, when other sustenance cannot be 


had, than that some sacrilegious enemy should carry it off by 








“συ. τὰν 


a  ΎΘ να υνυννὴ ΥρΡσ" 


about the year of our Lord 70ο.-- 
Selden, Hist. of Tithes, ch. 9. p. 255. 
(t. 2. of vol. 3. p. 1210.) At what 
time these lay foundations, &c. 

0 Hist. Gent. Anglor. 1. 4. c. 27. 
(p. 176. 24.) Siquidem a temporibus 
ibi antiquis et episcopus cum 
clero, et abbas solebat manere cum 
monachis, qui tamen et ipsi ad cu- 
ram episcopi familiariter pertinerent. 
Quia nimirum Adan, qui primus 

jus loci episcopus fuit, cum mona- 
able illue et ipse monachus adve- 
niens, monachicam in eo conversa- 
tionem instituit. Quomodo et prius 
beatus pater Augustinus in Cantia 


fecisse noscitur, scribente ei reve- 
rendissimo Papa Gregorio, quod et 
supra posuimus. Sed quia tua fra- 
ternitas, inquit, monasterii regulis 
erudita seorsum fieri non debet a 
clericis suis in ecclesia Anglorum, 
que nuper, auctore Deo, ad fidem 
perducta est, hanc debet conversa- 
tionem instituere, que in initio nas- 
centis ecclesiz fuit patribus nostris, 
in quibus nullus eorum ex his, que 
possidebant, aliquod suum esse di- 
cebat: sed erant illis omnia com- 
munia. 

ll De Offic. 1. 2. c. 28. (t. 2. 
p- 102 e.) Melius est enim, &c. 


188 Management of V. vi. 


spoil and plunder? Will not our Lord expostulate with us upon 
this account? Why did you suffer so many helpless persons to 
die with famine, when you had gold to provide them suste- 
nance? Why were so many captives carried -away and sold 
without redemption ? Why were so many suffered to be slain 
by the enemy? It had been better to have preserved the 
vessels of living men, than lifeless metals. What answer can be 
returned to this? For what shall a man say? I was afraid lest 
the temple of God should want its ornaments. But Christ will 
answer; My sacraments do not require gold, nor please me 
the more for being ministered in gold, which are not bought 
with gold. The ornament of my sacraments is the redemption 
of captives, and those are truly precious vessels which redeem 
souls from death.’ Thus that holy father goes on to justify the 
fact, which the Arians called sacrilege, but he, by a truer 
name, charity and mercy; for the sake of which he concludes 
it was no crime for a man to break, to melt, to sell the mystical 
vessels of the Church, though it were a very great offence for 
any man to convert them to his own private use. After the 
same example we find St. Austin 15 disposed of the plate of his 
church for the redemption of captives. Acacius, bishop of 
Amida, did the same for the redemption of seven thousand 
Persian slaves from the hands of the Roman soldiers, as So- 
crates!3 informs us. From whence we also learn, that in such 
cases they did not consider what religion men were of, but only 

12 Vid. Possid. Vit. August. c. 24. 


τὸν ἀριθμόν' καὶ ταῦτα οὐ μικρῶς 


(t. το. append. p. 274 e.).... Nam 
et de vasis dominicis, propter cap- 
tivos et quamplurimos indigentes, 
frangi et conflari jubebat et indi- 
gentibus dispensari.—[Conf. Cav. 
Hist. Liter. (v. 1. p. 243.) .... Pau- 
perum studiosus, quibus vel ex re- 
ditibus ecclesiz vel ex oblationibus 
fidelium prospiciebat, &c. Ep. ] 

18 Τῷ 7. ¢. 21. (v. 2. Pp. 367. 25. 
Τότε δὴ καὶ ᾿Ακάκιον, τὸν τῆς ᾿Αμίδης 
ἐπίσκοπον, πρᾶξις ἀγαθὴ περιφανέστε- 
Ρ πεποίηκε τοῖς πᾶσιν" ὡς γὰρ ot 
“Ῥωμαίων στρατιῶται τοὺς αἰχμαλώ- 
τους Περσῶν, ods τὴν ᾿Αζαζηνὴν πορ- 
θήσαντες ἔλαβον, ἀποδοῦναι τῶν Περ- 
σῶν βασιλεῖ κατ᾽ οὐδένα τρόπον ἐβού- 
λοντο, λιμῷ τε οἱ αἰχμάλωτοι ἐφθεί- 
ροντο, περὶ τοὺς ἐπτακισχιλίους ὄντες 


ἐλύπει τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Περσῶν" τότε 

ὁ ᾿Ακάκιος οὐ παρεῖδε ταῦτα γινόμενα" 
συγκαλέσας δὲ τοὺς ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ κληρι- 
κοὺς ἄνδρας, ἔφη Ὁ Θεὸς ἡμῶν οὔτε 
δίσκων, οὔτε ποτηρίων χρῇ ζει" οὔτε 
γὰρ ἐσθίει, οὔτε πίνει, ἐπεὶ μὴ προσ- 
dens ἐστιν᾽ ἐπεὶ τοίνυν πολλὰ κειμή- 
Ava χρυσᾶ τε καὶ ἀργυρᾶ ἡ ἐκκλησία 
ἐκ τῆς εὐγνωμοσύνης τῶν προσηκόν- 
τῶν αὐτῇ κέκτηται, προσήκει ἐκ τού- 
των ῥύσασθαί τε τῶν στρατιωτῶν τοὺς 
αἰχμαλώτους, καὶ διαθρέψαι αὐτούς" 
Ταῦτα καὶ ἄλλα πλείονα τούτοις πα- 
ραπλήσια διεξελθὼν χωνεύει μὴν τὰ 
κειμήλια" τιμήματα δὲ τοῖς στρατιώταις 
ὑπὲρ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων καταβαλὼν, καὶ 
διαθρέψας αὐτοὺς, εἶτα δοὺς ἐφόδια, 
τῷ οἰκείῳ ἀπέπεμψε βασιλεῖ. 


πυνυον. 








Church-revenues. 189 


whether they were indigent and necessitous men, and such as 
stood in need of their assistance. We have the like instances 
in the practice of Cyril of Jerusalem, mentioned by Theo- 
doret' and Sozomen!>, and in Deogratias, bishop of Car- 
thage, whose charity is extolled by Victor Uticensis!®, upon 
the same occasion: for he sold the communion-plate to redeem 
the Roman soldiers, that were taken captives in their wars with 
the Vandals. This was so far from being esteemed sacrilege 
or unjust alienation, that the laws against sacrilege excepted 
this case, though they did no other whatsoever: as may be 
seen in the law of Justinian!?, which forbids ‘the selling or 
pawning the church-plate, or vestments, or any other gifts, 
except in case of captivity or famine, to redeem slaves, or 
relieve the poor; because in such cases the lives or souls of 
men were to be preferred before any vessels or vestments 
whatsoever.’ The poverty of the clergy was a pitiable case of 
the same nature; and therefore if the annual income of the 
church would not maintain them, and there was no other way 


14 Τ, 2. c. 27. (v. 3. Ὁ. 110. 21.) 
Τὴν yap ἱερὰν στολὴν, ἣν ὁ πανεύ- 
Φημος Κωνσταντῖνος ὁ βασιλεὺς, τὴν 

ροσολύμων ἐκκλησίαν γεραίρων, δε- 
δώκει τῷ Μακαρίῳ τῷ τῆς πολέως 
ἐκείνης ἀρχιερεῖ, ἵνα ταύτην περιβαλ- 
λόμενος τὴν τοῦ θείου βαπτίσματος 
ἐπιτελῇ λειτουργίαν᾽ ἐκ χρυσῶν δὲ 

κατεσκεύαστο νημάτων᾽ πεπρα- 
κέναι τὸν Κύριλλον ἔφη, κ.τ.λ. 

Ἰ6Ὶ,. 4. 6. 25. (v. 2. p. 171. 28.) 
Διμοῦ καταλαβόντος τὴν ἹἹεροσολύ- 
pov χώραν, ὡς εἰς ἐπίσκοπον ἔβλεπε 
τὸ τὰν δεομένων πλῆθος, τῆς ἀναγκαί 
τὴν αἱ ἀπορούμενον ἐπεὶ δὲ χρήματα 
οὐκ ἦν, οἷς ἐπικουρεῖν ἔδει, κειμήλια 
καὶ ἱερὰ παραπετάσματα ἀπέδοτο" κ. 
r.A. 

16 De Persecut. Vandal. 1. 1. ap. 
Bibl. Patr. t.7. p.501. (ap. Bibl. Max. 
t. 8. p. 677 6. 9.) Posthec factum 
est, supplicante Valentiniano Au- 
gusto, Carthaginiensi ecclesiz, post 

ongum silentium desolationis, epi- 
scopum ordinari, nomine Deogratias 
....Illo igitur episcopo constituto, 
factum est peccatis urgentibus, ut 
urbem illam quondam nobilissimam 
atque famosam, quintodecimo regni 
sui anno, Geisericus caperet Romam. 
Et simul exinde regum multorum 


divitias cum populis captivavit. 
Que dum multitudo captivitatis A- 
fricanum attingeret littus, dividenti- 
bus Vandalis et Mauris ingentem 
populi quantitatem, ut moris est 
Barbaris, mariti ab uxoribus, liberi 
a parentibus separabantur. Statim 
sategit vir Deo plenus et clarus uni- 
versa vasa ministerii aurea vel ar- 
gentea distrahere, et libertatem de 
servitute barbarica liberare, et ut 
conjugalia foedera manerent, et pig- 
nora genitoribus redderentur. 

17 Cod. 1. 1. tit. 2. de Ecclesiis, 
leg. 21. (t. 4. p. 60.) Sancimus, ne- 
mini licere sacratissima atque ar- 
cana vasa, vel vestes, ceteraque do- 
naria, que ad divinam religionem 
necessaria sunt .... vel ad venditio- 
nem, vel ad hypothecam, vel tad] 
pignus trahere .. . . excepta videlicet 
causa captivitatis et famis, in locis 

uibus hoc, quod abominamur, con- 
tigerit. Nam si necessitas fuerit in 
redemptione captivorum, tunc et 
venditionem preefatarum rerum di- 
vinarum, et hypothecam, et pigno- 
rationes fieri concedimus : quoniam 
non absurdum est, animas hominum 
quibuscunque vasis vel vestimentis 
preferri, &c. 


190 Management of Church-revenues. V. vi. ὃ 7. 
to provide them of necessaries; in that case some canons 18 | 
allowed the bishop to alienate or sell certain goods of the 


church, to raise a present maintenance. 


And that 7. But that no fraud might be committed in any such cases, 
with the ; Re y 

joint con. the same canons did specially provide, ‘ that when any urgent 
8 of ze? necessity compelled the bishop to take this extraordinary 

Oop a . 

his ae, course, he should first consult his clergy, and also the metro- 
oats. politan, and others his comprovincial bishops, that they might 
tion of the Judge of the necessity, and whether it were a reasonable 
metropol- ground for such a proceeding.’ The fourth Council of Car- 
prorated thage19 disannuls all such acts of the bishop, whereby he 
ishops. 


either gives away,,or sells, or commutes any goods of the 
church, without the consent and subscription of his clergy. 
And the fifth Council of Carthage2° requires him to intimate 
the case and necessity of his church first to the primate of the 
province, that he, with a certain number of bishops, may judge 
whether it be fitting to be done. The Council of Agde?! says, 
‘he should first consult two or three of his neighbouring bi- 
shops, and take their approbation.’ Thus stood the laws of 
the Church so long as the bishop and his clergy had a com- 
mon right in the dividend of ecclesiastical revenues; nothing 
could be alienated without the consent of both parties, and 
the cognizance and ratification of the metropolitan or provin- 
cial synod. So that the utmost precaution was taken in this 
affair, lest, under the pretence of necessity or charity, any 
spoil or devastation should be made of the goods and revenues 
of the Church. 


18 See nn. 20 and 21, follow- 
ing. 
- 20 C. 4. (t. 2. p. 1216 a.) Placuit 
etiam ut rem ecclesiz nemo vendat. 
Quod si aliqua necessitas cogit, 
hanc insinuandam esse primati pro- 
vinci ipsius, ut cum statuto nu- 
mero episcoporum utrum faciendum 
sit, arbitretur. 

19 Ὁ, 32. (t. 2. p. 1202 6.) Irrita 


erit donatio episcoporum, vel vendi- 
tio vel commutatio rei ecclesiastice, 
absque conniventia et subscriptione 
clericorum. 

21 C. 7. (t. 4. p. 1384 b.)... Quod 
si necessitas certa compulerit, ...a- 
pud duos vel tres comprovinciales vel 
vicinos episcopos, causa, qua ne- 
cesse sit vendi, primitus comprobe- 
tur: &c. 


a ἊΨ ΨΨΨΝΝ 
; ὟΝ 
ah τ. 
“Pel 

τή 





BOOK VIL. 





AN ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL LAWS AND RULES, RELATING TO 
THE EMPLOYMENT, LIFE, AND CONVERSATION OF 
THE PRIMITIVE CLERGY. 





| CHAP. I. 
Of the excellency of these rules in general, and the exemplari- 
| ness of the clergy in conforming to them. 
ἥς I HAVE, in the two foregoing books, given an account The excel- 
of the great care of the primitive Church in providing and ἘΝ ἣν 
training up fit persons for the ministry, and of the great en- Sota 
couragements that were given them by the State, as well to envied by 
honour and distinguish their calling, as to excite and provoke aga 
them to be sedulous in the discharge of their several offices 
and functions. There is one thing more remains, which is, to 
give an account also of the Church’s care in making necessary 
laws and canons, obliging every member of the ecclesiastic 
body to live conformably to his profession, and exercise himself 
in the duties of his station and calling. These rules were, many 
of them, so excellent in their own nature, and so strictly and 
carefully observed by those who had a concern in them, that 
some of the chief adversaries of the Christian religion could 
not but take notice of them, and with a sort of envy and emu- 
lation bear testimony to them. Among the works of Julian 
there is a famous Epistle of his to Arsacius, high priest of Ga- 
datia, which is recorded also by Sozomen®, wherein he takes 


τ EE ———EEE—==S= Clee 


OOOO —— ΡΣ. —~ 


21, 5. c. 16. (v. 2. p. 203. 36.) ἕκαστον oto ἣναι παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀλη- 
Οὐδὲ ἀποβλέπομεν, ὃ μάλιστα τὴν ἀ- θῶς Yer well ie καὶ οὐκ ἀπόχρη 
; συνηύξησεν, ἡ περὶ τοὺς ξέ- τό σε μόνον εἶναι τοιοῦτον, ἀλλὰ πάν- 
νους φιλάνθρωπία, καὶ ἡ περὶ τὰς τα- τας ἀπαξαπλῶς, of περὶ τὴν Γαλατίαν 
φὰς τῶν νεκρῶν προμήθεια, καὶ ἡ πε- εἰσὶν ἱερεῖς" ods ἢ δυσώπησον, ἢ πεῖ- 
πλασμένη σεμνότης κατὰ τὸν βίον" ὧν σον εἶναι σπουδαίους" ἣ τῆς ἱερατικῆς 





192 Vi; 1. 


Exemplariness 


occasion to tell him, ‘ that it was very visible that the causes of 
the great increase of Christianity were chiefly their professed 
hospitality towards strangers, and their great care in burying 
the dead, joined with a pretended sanctity and holiness of life.’ 
Therefore he bids him, as high priest of Galatia, to take care 
‘that all the priests of that region, that were under him, 
should be made to answer the same character; and that he 
should, either by his threatenings or persuasions, bring them 
to be diligent and sober men, or else remove them from the 
office of priesthood; that he should admonish the priests, nei- 
ther to appear at the theatre, nor frequent the tavern, nor 
follow any calling or employment that was dishonourable and 
scandalous; and such as were observant of his directions, he 
should honour and promote them, but discard and expel the 
refractory and contumacious.’ This is plainly to say, and it is 
so much the more remarkable for its coming from the mouth 
of an adversary, that the Christian clergy of those times were 
men that lived by excellent rules, diligent in their employment, 
grave and sober in their deportment, charitable to the indigent, 
and cautious and reserved in their whole conversation and 
behaviour toward all men. Which as it tended mightily to 
propagate and advance Christianity in the world, so it was 
what Julian, upon that account, could not but look upon with 
an envious eye, and desire that his idol-priests might gain the 
same character; thereby to eclipse the envied reputation of 
the other, and reflect honour and lustre upon his beloved 
heathen religion. We have the like testimonies in Ammianus 
Marcellinus 38 and others, concerning the frugality, temperance, 
modesty, and humility of Christian bishops in their own 
times; which coming from the pens of professed heathens, and 
such as did neither spare the emperors themselves, nor the 


λειτουργίας a ἀπόστησον, εἰ μὴ προσέρ- 
χονται μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ παίδων καὶ 
θεραπόντων τοῖς θεοῖς, ἀλλὰ ἐ ἐνέχοιντο 
τῶν οἰκετῶν, ἢ υἱέων, ἢ τῶν Γαλιλαίων 
γαμετῶν᾽ ἀσεβούντων μὲν εἰς τοὺς θε- 
οὗς, ἀθεότητα δὲ θεοσεβείας προτι- 
μώντων᾽ ἔπειτα παραίνεσον ἱερέα, μή- 
τε θεάτρῳ παραβάλλειν, μήτε ἐν καπη- 
λείῳ πίνειν, ἢ τέχνης τινὸς καὶ ἐργα- 
σίας αἰσχρᾶς καὶ ἐπονειδίστου προ- 
ἵστασθαι" καὶ τοὺς μὲν πειθουμένους 
τίμα᾽ τοὺς δὲ ἀπειθοῦντας ἐξώθει. 


28 L. 27. c. 3. (p. 481.) Qui esse 
poterant beati revera, si, magnitu- 
dine urbis despecta, quam vitiis op- 
ponunt, ad imitationem antistitum 
quorundam provincialium viverent : 
quos tenuitas edendi potandique 
parcissime, vilitas etiam indumen- 
torum, et supercilia humum spectan- 
tia, perpetuo Numini verisque ejus 

cultoribus ut puros commendant et 
verecundos. 


§ 1,2. of the primitive clergy. 193 
bishops of Rome, who lived in greater state and affluence, may 
well be thought authentic relations and just accounts of those 
holy men, whose commendations and characters, so ample, no- 
thing but truth could have extorted from the adversaries of 
their religion. 
2. This being so, we may the more easily give credit to The charac- 
those noble panegyrics and encomiums, which some ancient ental γον 
Christian writers make upon the clergy and their virtues and Christian 
discipline in general. Origen?‘ says, ‘it was the business of cs 
their life to traverse every corner of the world, and make con- 
verts and proselytes to godliness both in cities and villages. 
And they were so far from making a gain hereof, that many 
of them took nothing for their service; and those that did 
took only what was necessary for their present subsistence ; 
though there wanted not persons enough who in their liberality 
| were ready to have communicated much more to them.’ St. 
Austin? gives the like good character of the bishops and pres- 
byters of his own time, making them the chief ornament of the 
Catholic Church, and extolling their virtues above those of a 
monastic life, because their province was more difficult, having 
to converse with all sorts of men, and being forced to bear 
with their distempers in order to cure them. He that would 
see more of this general character must consult the ancient 
Apologists, where he will find it interwoven with the character 
of Christians in general; whose innocence, and patience, and 
᾿ charity, and universal goodness, was owing partly to the insti- 
tutions, and partly to the provoking examples of their guides 
and leaders; who lived as they spake, and first trod the path 





24 Cont. Cels. 1. 3. p. 116. (t. 1. 
Ρ. 453 8.) ... Τινὲς οὖν ἔργον πεποί- 
ἡνται ἐκπεριέρχεσθαι οὐ μόνον πό- 
λεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ κώμας, καὶ ἐπαύλεις" 
ἵνα καὶ ἄλλους εὐσεβεῖς τῷ Θεῷ κατα- 
σκευάσωσι" καὶ πλούτου τις 
ἕνεκα φήσαι αὐτοὺς τοῦτο πράττειν, 
ἐσθ᾽ ὅτε μὲν οὐδὲ τὰ πρὸς τροφὴν 

" εἴ ποτε δὲ ἀναγκάζοιντο 

por τῆς ἀπορίας τούτη, τῇ ίᾳ 

ἀρκουμένους, κἂν πλείους is 

noe sot ag Sp gt iy τὰ 
ρείαν [al. τῆς χρείας. 

ope Morib. cles. Cathol. ς. 32. 
t. I. p. 320. (t. 1. p. 711 e.) Quam 


BINGHAM, VOL. Il. 


enim multos episcopos, optimos vi- 
ros sanctissimosque cognovi, quam 
multos presbyteros, quam multos 
diaconos et cujuscemodi [al. hu- 
jusmodi] ministros divinorum 88- 
cramentorum, quorum virtus eo 
mihi mirabilior et majore predica- 
tione dignior videtur, quo difficilius 
est eam in multiplici hominum ge- 
nere, et in ista vita turbulentiore, 
servare. Non enim sanatis magis 
tap sanandis hominibus presunt. 

erpetienda sunt vitia multitudinis, 
ut curentur; et prius toleranda, 
que sedanda est pestilentia. 


ο 


194 EHxemplariness 


themselves which they required others to walk in. Which was 
the thing that set the Christian teachers so much above the 
philosophers of the Gentiles. For the philosophers indeed dis- 
coursed and wrote very finely about virtue in the theory, but 
they undid all they said in their own practice. ‘Their dis- 
courses,’ as Minucius observes®, ‘ were only eloquent harangues 
against their own vices; whereas the Christian philosophers 
expressed their profession, not in their words or habit, but in 
the real virtues of the soul: they did not talk great, but live 
well; and so attained to that glory which the philosophers 
pretended always to be offering at, but could never happily 
arrive to.’ Lactantius?7 triumphs over the Gentile philosophers 
upon the same topic; and so do Gregory Nazianzen?*, Tertul- 
lian29, Cyprian®°, and many others; whose arguments had 
been easily retorted, had not the Christian teachers been ge- 
nerally men of a better character, and free from those imputa- 
tions which they cast upon the adverse party. 
3. Some few instances indeed, it cannot be denied, are to be 
μὴν aia found of persons, who in these best ages were scandals and re- 
tion to their proaches to their profession. The complaints that are made by 


Particular 


al ‘ ‘ ‘ ; 
not chee: good men will not suffer us to believe otherwise. Cyprian®} 
racter. 
26 Octav. 1. 3. [c. 38.] p. 116. 30 De Bon. Patient. p. 210. (p. 


(p. 185.) Philosophorum supercilia 
contemnimus, quos corruptores et 
adulteros novimus et tyrannos, et 
semper adversus sua vitia facundos. 


145.) Hane [patientiam] se sectari 
philosophi quoque profitentur, sed 
tam illic patientia falsa est, quam et 
falsa sapientia est. Unde enim vel 


Nos non habitu sapientiam, sed 
mente preferimus: non eloquimur 
magna, sed vivimus: gloriamur nos 
consecutos, quod illi summa inten- 
tione quesiverunt, nec invenire po- 
tuerunt. 

27 L.4. c. 23. tot. (t. 1. pp. 334, 
seqq.) Quicunque precepta, &c.— 
L. 3. 6.15. (ibid. p. 225.) Eodem 
ductus errore, &c. 

28 Orat. 3. Invect. 1. in Julian. 
(t. 1. p. 95 d.) Ἔπειτα πῶς, κ. τ. λ. 
abide: (p. 103 c. 4.) Ἢ κἀνταῦθα, 
κι τ. A.—Ibid. (p. 107 a.) Ti δ᾽ ἂν 
εἴποις, K. τ. A.—Ibid. (p. 108 c. ἃ.) 


Ὁ Καίτοι πῶς ταῦτα, x. τ. A.— Ibid. 


(p. 109 ἃ. Ὁ.) Τὸ γὰρ κάλλιστον, 
Kit. A. 

29 Apol. c. 46. tot. (p. 35 b.) Con- 
stitimus, &c. 


sapiens esse vel patiens possit, qui 
nec sapientiam, nec patientiam Dei 
novit? .... Si sapiens [8]. patiens] 
ille est, qui est humilis et. mitis ; 
philosophos autem videmus nec hu- 
miles esse nec mites, sed sibi mul- 
tum placentes....Nos autem...qui 
philosophi non verbis sed factis su- 
mus; nec vestitu sapientiam, sed 
veritate preeferimus; qui virtutum 
conscientiam magis quam jactantiam 
novimus; qui non loquimur magna, 
sed vivimus; quasi servi et cultores 
Dei, patientiam, quam magisteriis 
celestibus discimus, obsequiis spi- 
ritualibus preebeamus, &c. 

31 De Lapsis, p. 124. (p. 88.) Do- 
minus probari familiam suam voluit, 
et quia traditam nobis divinitus dis- 
ciplinam pax longa corruperat, ja- 


Wa.4 





of the primitive clergy. 


195 


and Eusebius*®? lament the vices of some among the clergy as 
well as laity, and reckon them among the causes that moved 
the Divine Providence to send those two great fiery trials 
upon the Church, the Decian and the Diocletian persecutions ; 
thereby to purge the tares from the wheat, and correct those 
enormities and abuses which the ordinary remedy of ecclesi- 
astical discipline, through the iniquity of the times, was not 
able to redress. The like complaints are made by Chrysostom, 
Gregory Nazianzen**, and St. Jerom®°, of some ecclesiastics in 


centem fidem et pene dixerim dor- 
mientem, censura ccelestis erexit : 
cumque nos peccatis nostris amplius 
pati mereremur, clementissimus Do- 
minus sic cuncta moderatus est, ut 
hoc omne, quod gestum est, explo- 
ratio potius quam tio vide- 
retur. Studebant augendo patri- 
monio singuli; et obliti quid cre- 
dentes, aut sub Apostolis ante fecis- 
sent, aut semper facere deberent, 
insatiabili cupiditatis ardore ampli- 
andis facultatibus incubabant. Non 
in sacerdotibus religio devota, non 
in ministris fides integra, non in 

ri misericordia, non in mori- 
bus disciplina. Corrupta barba in 
viris, in foeminis forma fucata. Adul- 
terati post Dei manus oculi, capilli 
mendacio colorati. Ad decipienda 
corda simplicium callide fraudes, 
circumyeniendis fratribus subdole 
voluntates. Jungere cum infideli- 


bus vinculum matrimonii, prosti- 
tuere gentilibus membra Christi, 


non jurare tantum temere, sed ad- 
hue etiam pejerare : prepositos su- 
perbo tumore contemnere, venenato 
sibi ore maledicere, odiis pertinaci- 
bus invicem dissidere: episcopi plu- 
rimi, quos et hortamento esse opor- 
tet czteris et exemplo, divina pro- 
curatione contemta, procuratores 
rerum szcularium fieri, derelicta 
cathedra, plebe deserta, per alienas 
incias oberrantes, negotiationis 
quzestuosz nundinas aucupari. E- 
surientibus in ecclesia fratribus non 
subvenire, habere argentum largiter 
velle, fundos insidiosis fraudibus 
rapere, usuris multiplicantibus fe- 
nus augere, &c. 
82 L. 8. c. τ. (v. τ. p. 376. 26. 
5668.) ‘Qs δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἐπὶ πλέον ἐλευ- 


θερίας, kK. τ.λ. 

88 Hom. 20. in Act. (t. 9. p. 238 b.) 
Δίδαξόν pe διὰ τοῦ βίου τοῦ σοῦ" 
αὕτη ἡ διδασκαλία ἀρίστη" λέγεις ὅτι 
δεῖ μετριάζειν, καὶ μακρὸν ὑπὲρ τού- 
του λόγον ἀποτείνεις, καὶ ῥητορεύεις 
ῥέων ἀκωλύτως ; ἀλλὰ σοῦ βελτίων 
ἐκεῖνός, φησιν, ὁ δι’ ἔργων τοῦτο παι- 
δεύων ἐμέ οὐ γὰρ οὕτως εἴωθεν ἐντί- 
θεσθαι τῇ ψυχῇ τὰ μαθήματα ἀπὸ ῥη- 
μάτων, ὡς ἀπὸ πραγμάτων᾽ ἐπεὶ καὶ 
ἐὰν μὴ τὸ ἔργον ἔχῃς, οὐ μόνον οὐκ 
ὠφέλησας εἰπὼν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μειζόνως 
ἔβλαψας" βέλτιον σιγᾷν᾽ διατί; ὅτι 
ἀδύνατόν μοι τὸ πρᾶγμα καθιστᾶς" ἐν- 
νοῶ γὰρ, ὅτε εἰ σὺ ὁ ταῦτα λέγων οὐ 
κατορθοῖς, πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐγὼ συγ- 
γνώμης ἄξιος λέγων μηδένα" διὰ 
τοῦτό φησιν ὁ προφήτης" Τῷ δὲ ἁμαρ- 
τωλῷ εἶπεν ὁ Θεός" ἵνα τί συ ἐκδιηγῇ 
τὰ δικαιώματά pov; μείζων γὰρ αὕτη 
ἡ βλάβη, ὅταν καλῶς διδάσκων τις 
διὰ ῥημάτων, διὰ τῶν ἔργων πολεμῇ 
τῇ διδασκαλίᾳ τοῦτο πολλῶν αἴτιον 
γέγονε κακῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις. 

84 Carm. Cygn. de Episcopis. 
(t. 2. p. 302 b.) Turpissimum erat, 
illorum me fidei cauponum in nu- 
mero esse: quorum alii nepotes 
erant eorum, qui tributorum scribe 
fuerant, et aliud nihil animo volve- 
bant, quam falsas et subdolas ratio- 
num depravationes: alii ab aratris 
venerant, adusti a sole: alii a ligone, 
vel bidente totum diem non quies- 
cente: alii remos exercitusque reli- 
querant, redolentes adhuc sentinam, 
vel corpus feedatum cicatricibus ha- 
bentes, populi gubernatores ac du- 
ces militum, &c. 

35 Ep. 2. [al. 52. ad Nepotian. (t.t. 

. 258 6. seqq.) Pudet dicere, &c.— 

nsult cc. 3 g, 11, and 15, parti- 
cularly. 

02 


196 EHaemplariness 


their own times, whose practices were corrupt and dishonour- 
able to’ their profession. And indeed it were a wonder if all 
ages should not afford some such instances of unsound members 
in so great a body of men, since there was a Judas even among 
the Apostles. But then it is to be considered that a few such 
exceptions did not derogate from the good character, which the 
primitive clergy did generally deserve; and the faults of those 
very men were the occasion of many good laws and rules of 
discipline, which the provincial synods of those times enacted ; 
out of which I have chiefly collected the following account, 
which concerns the lives and labours of the ancient clergy. 
An account 4, To these the reader may join those excellent tracts of 
Sea at the Ancients, which purposely handle this subject; such as 
τχῤ μέν οἷ St.Chrysostom’s six books De Sacerdotio; St. Jerom’s second 
duties of | Epistle to Nepotian, which is called De Vita Clericorum ; and 
the clergy. Gregory Nazianzen’s Apology for flying from the Priesthood; 
in all which the duties of the clergy are excellently described. 
Or if any one desires rather to see them exemplified in some 
living instances and great patterns of perfection, which com- 
monly make deeper impressions than bare rules, he must con- 
sult those excellent characters of the most eminent primitive 
bishops, which are drawn to the life by the best pens of the 
age; such as the Life of Ignatius by Chrysostom; the Life of 
St. Basil and of Athanasius by Gregory Nazianzen ; the Life of 
St. Austin by Possidius; the Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus 
and of Meletius by Gregory Nyssen: in all which the true cha- 
racter and idea of a Christian bishop is set forth and described 
with this advantage, that a man does not barely read of rules, 
but see them as it were exemplified in practice. The chief of 
these discourses in both kinds are already translated into our 
own language by other pens*, and they are too prolix to be 
inserted into a discourse of this nature, which proceeds in a 
different method from them. I shall therefore only extract 
such observations from them as fall in with the public and 
general laws of the Church, of which I give an account in the 
following chapters, and leave the rest to the curious diligence 
of the inquisitive reader. | 


36 See Bp. Burnet’s Pastoral Care, marques relating to the State of the 
ch. 4. (pp. 57, &c. and pp. 66, &c.) Church of the First Centuries, &c. 
and Seller’s Remarks on the Lives London, 1680. 8vo. 
of the Primitive Fathers, or Re- 





Ss 

84. 11. τ. of the primitive clergy. 197 
cio CHAP. IL. 

Of laws relating to the life and conversation of the primitive 

clergy. 


ΟἽ, Tae laws of the Church which concerned the clergy I Exemplary 
: shall for distinction’s sake consider under three heads; speak- ee 
ing, first, Of such laws as concerned their life and conversation. pacha! 
Secondly, Of such as more particularly related to the exercise men: rea- 
of the several offices and duties of their function. Thirdly, Of 555 ἴον τ. 
such as were a sort of out-guards or fences to both the former. 

The laws, which related to their life and conversation, were 

such as tended to create in them a sublimity of virtue above 

other men; forasmuch as they were to be examples and pat- 

terns to them, which if good would be both a light and a spur 

to others, but’ if bad the very pests and banes of the Church. 

It is Gregory Nazianzen’s*’ reflection upon the different sorts 

of guides, which he had observed then in the Church ;—‘ Some,’ 

he complains, ‘ did, with unwashed hands and profane minds, 

press to handle the holy mysteries, and affect to be at the 

altar, before they were fit to be initiated to any sacred service. 

‘They looked upon the holy order and function, not as designed 

for an example of virtue, but only as a way of subsisting them- 

selves ; not as a trust, of which they were to give an account, 

but a state of absolute authority and exemption. And these 

men’s examples corrupted the people’s morals, faster than any 

eloth can imbibe a colour, or a plague infect the air; since men 

were more disposed to receive the tincture of vice than virtue 

from the example of their rulers.’ In opposition to such he 

lays down this as the first thing to be aimed at by all spiritual 


physicians ;—‘ that they should draw the picture of all manner 
of virtues in their own lives, and set themselves as examples to 


—lIbid. (p. 6 b.) Οὐ yap οὕτως οὔτε 
δευσοποιοῦ βαφῆς μεταλαμβάνει ῥᾳ- 


37 Orat. 1. ποιόν de ἢ 
δίως ὕφασμα, οὔτε δυσωδίας ἣ τοῦ 


{t.1. Ρ. 88 a.) ” ερσὶν, ὃ 
λέγεται, καὶ ἀμυνήτοις χαῖς, τοῖς 





ἑαυτοὺς ἐπεισάγουσι, καὶ 

πρὶν ἄξιοι γενέσθαι προσιέναι τοῖς ἱε- 
pois, μεταποιοῦνται τοῦ βήματος" θλί- 
Bovral τε καὶ ὠθοῦνται περὶ τὴν ἁγίαν 
Ἐν» ὥσπερ οὐκ ἀρετῆς τύπον, 
ἀφορμὴν βίου τὴν τάξιν ταύτην 

ε νομίζοντες, οὐδὲ "λειτουργίαν 


ὑπεύθυνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀρχὴν ἀνεξέταστον. 


ἐναντίου τὸ πλησιάσαι, οὔτε νοσερά 
τις οὕτως εὐκόλως ἀναχεῖται εἰς τὸν 
ἀέρα, καὶ διὰ τοῦ ἀέρος ὁμιλεῖ τοῖς 
ζώοις ἀτμὶς, ὃ ὃ δὴ λοιμὸς ἔ ἔστι τε καὶ 
ὀνομάζεται, ἁ ὡς φιλεῖ τάχιστα τῆς τοῦ 
προεστῶτος κακίας ἀναπίμπλασθαι τὸ 
ὑπήκοον, καὶ πολλῷ γε ῥᾷον, ἣ τοῦ 
» τῆς ἀρετῆς. 


198 Life and conversation VI. ii 


the people; that it might not be proverbially said of them, 
that they set about curing others, while they themselves were 
full of sores and ulcers.’ Nor were they to draw this image of 
virtue slightly and to a faint degree, but accurately and to the 
highest perfection; since nothing less than such degrees and 
measures of virtue was expected by God from the rulers and 
governors of his people: and then there would be hopes, that 
such heights and eminencies would draw the multitude at least 
to a mediocrity in virtue, and allure them to embrace that vo- 
luntarily by gentle persuasions, which they would not be 
brought to so effectually and lastingly by force and compulsion. 
He urges further®® the necessity of such a purity from the 
consideration of the sacredness and majesty of the function 
itself. ‘A minister’s office sets him in the same rank and order 
with angels themselves; he celebrates God with archangels ; 
transmits the Church’s sacrifices to the altar in heaven, and 
performs the priest’s office with Christ himself; he reforms the 
work of'God’s hands, and presents the image to his Maker ; his 
workmanship is for the world above; and therefore he should 
be exalted to a divine and heavenly nature, whose business is 
to be as a god himself, and make others gods also.’ St. Chry- 
sostom39 makes use of the same argument: ‘that the priest- 
hood, though it be exercised upon earth, is occupied wholly 
about heavenly things; that it is the ministry of angels put 
by the Holy Ghost into the hands of mortal men; and there- 
fore a priest ought to be pure and holy, as being placed in 
heaven itself, in the midst of those heavenly powers.’ -He 
presses likewise 4° the danger and prevalency of a bad example: 


38 Thid. (p. 31 b.) Tis 6 πλάττων, 
καθάπερ αὐθήμερον τοὺς πηλίνους, τὸν 
τῆς ἀληθείας προστάτην, τὸν μετὰ 
ἀγγέλων στησόμενον, καὶ μετὰ ἀρχαγ- 
γέλων. δοξάσοντα, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ ἄνω θυ- 
σιαστήριον ἀναπέμψοντα τὰς θυσίας, 
καὶ Χριστῷ συνιερεύσοντα, τὸν ἀνα- 
πλάσοντα τὸ πλάσμα, καὶ παραστή- 
σοντα τὴν εἰκόνα, καὶ τῷ ἄνω κόσμῳ 
δημιουργήσοντα, καὶ, τὸ μεῖζον εἰπεῖν, 
θεὸν ἐσόμενον καὶ θεοποιήσοντα. 

89 DeSacerd. L3-cag .ft.1, Ρ. 382b.) 
Ἡ yap ἱερωσύνη τελεῖται. μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς 
γῆς: τάξιν δὲ ἐ ἐπουρανίων ἔχει πραγμά- 
Tov’ καὶ μάλα γε εἰκότως" οὐ γὰρ ἄν- 
θρωπος, οὐκ ἄγγελος, οὐκ ἀρχάγγε- 


λος, οὐκ ἄλλη τις κτιστὴ δύναμις" ἀλλ᾽ 
αὐτὸς ὁ Παράκλητος ταύτην διετάξατο 
τὴν ἀκολουθίαν, καὶ ἔτι μένοντας ἐν 
σαρκὶ τὴν τῶν ἀγγέλων ἔ ἔπεισε φαντά- 
ζεσθαι διακονίαν. διὸ χρὴ τὸν ἱερωμέ- 
νον, ὥσπερ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐστῶτα τοῖς οὐ- 
ρανοῖς μεταξὺ τῶν δυνάμεων ἐκείνων, 
οὕτως εἶναι καθαρόν. 

40 Ibid. 1.8. 0.14. (p- 3god. Πέφυκε 
γὰρ, ὡς τὰ πολλὰ, τὸ τῶν “ἀρχομένων 
πλῆθος, ὥ ὥσπερ εἰς ἀρχέτυπόν τινα εἰκό- 
να τοὺς τῶν ἀρχόντων τρόπους ὁρᾷ ν,καὶ 
πρὸς ἐκείνους ᾿ἐξομοιοῦν ἑαυτούς. πῶς 
οὖν ἄν τις τὰς ἐκείνων παύσειε φλε- 
γμονὰς, οἰδαίνων αὐτός ; τίς δ᾽ ἂν ἐπι- 
θυμήσειε ταχέως τῶν πολλῶν γενέσθαι 


Ἶ 
; 
| 
Ὑ 
> 
j 
; 
| 


eS —— ὦν δυο » 





eee 





of the primitive clergy. 199 


‘Subjects commonly form their manners by the pattern of 
their princes. How then should a proud man be able to 
assuage the swelling tumours of others? or an angry ruler 
hope to make his people in love with moderation and meekness? 
Bishops are exposed, like combatants in the theatre, to the 
view and observation of all men; and their faults, though never 
so small, cannot be hid; and therefore, as their virtuous ac- 
tions profit many by provoking them to the like zeal, so their 


vices will render others unfit to attempt or prosecute any 


thing that is noble and good. For which reason their souls 
ought to shine all over with the purest brightness, that they 
may both enlighten and exstimulate the souls of others, who 
have their eyes upon them. A priest should arm himself all 
over with purity of life, as with adamantine armour; for if he 
leave any part naked and unguarded, he is surrounded both 
with open enemies and pretended friends, who will be ready to 
wound and supplant him. So long as his life is all of a piece, 
he needs not fear their assaults; but if he be overseen in a 
fault, though but a small one, it will be laid hold of and im- 
proved to the prejudice of all his former virtues. For all men 
are most seyere judges in his case, and treat him not with any 
allowance for being encompassed with flesh, or as having an 
human nature; but expect he should be an angel, and free 
from all infirmities.’ ‘He cannot, indeed,’ as the same Father 
argues in another place*!, ‘ with any tolerable decency and 


μέτριος, τὸν a, χοντα ὀργίλον ὁρῶν; μελημένον, πλήξῃ καιρίαν πληγήν" 
οὐ ἐστιν οὐκ ἔστι δυνατὸν, τὰ τῶν πάντες γὰρ περιεστήκασι, τρῶσαι ἕ- 


ἱερέων κρύπτεσθαι ἐλαττώματα" ἀλλὰ 
καὶ τὰ pues ταχέως κατάδηλα γίνε- 
ται". .. dorep οὖν αὐτῶν τὰ κατορ- 
πολλοὺς ὥνησε, πρὸς τὸν ἴσον 
παρακαλοῦντα ζῆλον' οὕτω καὶ τὰ 
πλημμελή ῥᾳθυμοτέρους κατέστη- 
σε περὶ τὴν τῇ ς ἀρετῆς ἐργασίαν" καὶ 
βλακεύειν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν σπου- 
δαίων παρασκεύασε πόνους. διὸ χρὴ 
πάντοθεν αὐτοῦ τοῦ κάλλος pa 
Bew τῆς ς΄ ἵνα καὶ εὐφραίνειν 
ἅμα ὩΣ φωτίζειν Abate Tas τῶν 
v ψυχάς... . δεῖ τὸν ἱερέα κα- 

atte ἀδαμαντίνοις ὅπλοις πε- 

χθαι πάντοθεν᾽ τῇ τε συντόνῳ 
σπουδῇ, καὶ τῇ διηνεκεῖ περὶ. τὸν βίον 
νήψει, πάντοθεν περισκοποῦντα, μή 
που τις γυμνὸν εὑρὼν τόπον καὶ παρη- 


τοιμοι καὶ καταβαλεῖν, οὐ τῶν ἐχθρῶν 
μόνον καὶ πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτῶν 
πολλοὶ τῶν προσποιουμένων ιλίαν. 

«ἕως μὲν γὰρ ἂν πανταχόθεν ἡρ- 
δον μέν ἦ καλῶς ὁ τοῦ ἱερέως βίος, 
ἀνάλωτος γίνεται ταῖς ἐπιβουλαῖς" ἂν 
‘ τύχῃ μικρόν τι παριδὼν, .... οὐδὲν 

τῶν λοιπῶν κατορθωμάτων ὄφε- 
ak πρὸς τὸ δυνηθῆναι τὰ τῶν κατη- 
γόρων στόματα διαφυγεῖν' ἀλλ᾽ ἐπι- 
σκιάζει παντὶ τῷ λοιπῷ τὸ μικρὸν 
ἐκεῖνο παράπτωμα' καὶ οὐχ ὡς σάρκα 
περικειμένῳ, 0 οὐδὲ ἀνθρωπείαν λαχόντι 
prow ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀγγέλῳ, καὶ τῆς λοι- 

πῆς ἀσθενείας A PY » Ko To Ae 


ml Ibid. 1. 5. ¢. 3 3.10. 416 ©) Kal 
yap ὅτ᾽ ἂν nar 
γένηται, τότε δυνήσεται ae ὅσης 


400 Life and conversation VI. ἢ. 


freedom discharge his office in punishing and reproving others, 
unless he himself be blameless and without rebuke.’ ‘The 
priest’s office is a more difficult province 42 than that of leading 
an army, or governing a kingdom, and requires an angelical 
virtue. His soul ought to be purer than the rays of the sun, 
that the Holy Spirit may never leave him desolate; but that 
he may be always able to say, “I live, yet not I, but Christ 
that liveth in me.”’ He there4? goes on to draw the compari- 
son at large between the clerical and the monastic life, and 
shews how much more difficult it is to take care of a multitude 
of men immersed in secular business, than of a single person 
that lives retired and free from temptation. And upon the 
whole matter he concludes‘, ‘that as God requires greater 
purity in those that serve at his altar, so he will exact a more 
ample account of them, and more severely punish their of- 
fences. By these and many other such like arguments did 
those holy fathers try to raise both in themselves and others a 
just sense of that universal purity, which becomes the sacred 
function. 

Church- 2. And to the strength of these arguments the Church added 

censures 

more severe the authority of her sanctions, inflicting severer penalties upon. 

re offending clergymen than any others. For whereas all other 

an 

any others. Offenders were allowed by the benefit of public penance to 
regain the privileges of their order, this favour was com- 
monly denied by the Church to such of her sons among the 
clergy as were notorious for any scandalous crimes, whereby 
they became a reproach to their profession. For such delin- 
quents were usually deposed from their office, and sometimes. 
excommunicated also, and obliged to do penance among the 
laymen; but with this difference, that though repentance 
would restore them to the peace of the Church, yet it would 
not qualify them to act in their office and station again; but 


βούλεται ἐξουσίας, καὶ κολάζειν, καὶ μον αὐτὸν καταλιμπάνῃ τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ 

ἀνιέναι τοὺς tm αὐτῷ ταττομένους ἅγιον, κ. τ. A. 

ἅπαντας. 43 ΤρΙὰ. 4. tot. (pp. 422, 423.) 
42 bid. 1. 6. Ὁ. 1. sub fin. (p. Καὶ πολλοὶ τὰ πρότερα ἐκφυγόντες, 

422 a. ) οὐ yap ὑπὲρ στρατηγίας, οὐδὲ κ.τ.λ. 

ὑπὲρ βασιλείας ἡμῖν ὁ λόγος, ἀλλ᾽ 44 Ibid. cc. 10, 11. (p. 430 b. 

ὑπὲρ πράγματος ἀγγελικῆς d ἀρετῆς | δεο- 6.).... Μετὰ δὲ τὸ δέξασθαι τὴν᾽ 

μένου" καὶ γὰρ τῶν ἀκτίνων αὐτῶν ἀρχὴν, οὐ διπλῆν μόνον καὶ τριπλῆν," 

καθαρωτέραν τῷ ἱερεῖ τὴν ψυχὴν εἶναι [scil. τιμὴν] ἀλλὰ καὶ πολλαπλασίονα," 

δεῖ" ἵνα μηδέ ποτε [8]. μήποτε] ἔρη-.- κ. τ. Ἃ. 





of the primitive clergy. 


201 


they must be content thenceforth to communicate only as lay- 
men. Some canons indeed did not oblige them to do public 
penance in the Church, because they thought it punishment 
enough to degrade them; others required them to submit to 
that part of discipline also. But still the result and conse- 
quence of both was the same, that such persons for ever after 
were only to be treated in the quality of laymen. Those called 
the Apostolical Canons are sometimes for the former way ; for 
ὉΠ6 5 of them says, ‘If a bishop, presbyter, or deacon is taken 
in fornication, perjury, or theft, he shall be deposed, but not 
excommunicated; for the Scripture saith, ‘Thou shalt not 


punish twice for the same crime.”’ 


I do not now stand to 


inquire, whether there be any such Scripture as these canons 
refer to, but only observe what was the practice of the Greek 
Church when these canons were made; which is also taken 
notice of in St. Basil’s Canons4®, and those of Peter of Alexan- 
dria*7, and some others, which shew it to have been the cus- 


tomary practice of their Churches. 


Yet for simony** and 


some other crimes‘?, the same Apostolical Canons order both 


_ 4 C. 25. al. 24. (Cotel. [c. 731 
v. 1. p. 440.) Ἐπίσκοπος, ἢ πρεσβ 
repos, ἢ διάκονος, ὁ [ἐπὶ] πορνείᾳ, Ἵ 
κλοπῇ ἁλοὺς, καθαιρείσθω, 
καὶ μὴ ἐσθω" λέγει γὰρ ἡ γρα- 
φὴ Οὐκ ἐκδικήσεις δὶς ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. 
46 Ep. Canon. e. 3. (CC. t. 2. 
Bnf720 e.) agi sb τὴν διακο- 
ς ητὸς μὲν τῆς 
τ τῷ opto εἰς δὲ τὸν τῶν λαϊκῶν 
ἀπωσθεὶς τόπον, τῆς κοινωνίας οὐκ 
—Ibid. C. 32. (p. 5298. 


κῶν οὐκ oi cic 
δὶς ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. a mid 51: (p. 
par mr Se _—— κατὰ nr ἀδιοφο- 


κανόνες ἐξέθεντο, κελεύ- 
μίαν ἐπὶ τοῖς παραπεσοῦσι 
Sues, re grt 
ὑπηρεσίας, € 


ὴν ἔκπτωσιν τῆς 
εἴτε καὶ αὶ ἀχειροτονήτῳ ὑπηρεσίᾳ προσ- 


ἄνοιεν, 

aC. το. ap. Bevereg. Pandect. 

t. 3. part. 1. Ρ. 15 6. (CC. t. τ. 

P. 96 6.)}..... Οὐκ ἔστιν εὔλογον 


τοὺς ἀπὸ κλήρου αὐτομολήσαντας 
ἐκπεπτωκότας τε καὶ ἀναπαλαίσαντας, 


ἔτι ἐν τῇ λειτουργίᾳ εἶναι, κι τ. A. τοι 
—Ibid. (p. 964 a.) ᾿Αρκεῖ yap αὐτοῖς 
ἡ κοινωνία per ἐπιστάσεως Kal ἀκρι- 
βείας πρὸς ἀμφότερον γινομένης, καὶ 
ἵνα μὴ δόξωσι λυκεῖσθαι μετὰ βίας 
περιδρασσόμενοι τῆς ἐντεῦθεν ἀναλύ- 
σεως, καὶ ἵνα μή τινες ἐκπεσόντες, 


προσφατίζωνται ὡς διὰ τὴν ἀφορμὴν 
τῆς ἐπιτιμίας ὑπεκλελυμένοι. 


48 (, 29. al. 28. (Cotel. [e. 22. | 
v. I. p. 441.) Εἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος διὰ 
χρημάτων τῆς ἀξίας ταύτης ἐγκρατὴς 
γένηται, ἣ πρεσβύτερος, i) διάκονος, 
καθαιρείσθω καὶ αὐτὸς, καὶ ὁ χειροτο- 
νήσας, καὶ ἐκκοπτέσθω παντάπασιν 
τῆς κοινωνίας, ὡς Σίμων ὁ μάγος 
ἀπὸ ἐμοῦ Πέτρου. 

49 C. 30. al. 29. (Cotel. [e. 23.} 
ibid.) E τις ἐπίσκοπος κοσμικοῖς ἄρ- 
χουσι χρησάμενος, δι’ αὐτῶν ἐγκρατὴς 

αι ἐκκλησίας, καθαιρείσθω καὶ 
ἀφοριζέσθω, καὶ οἱ κοινωνοῦντες αὖ 


mavres.—C. 51. al. 50. (Cotel. [c. 
3-] ibid. p. 445.) Εἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος, 
ἢ πρισβίτι σβύτερος, ἢ i) διάκονος, ἣ ὅλως τοῦ 


τοῦ ἱερατικοῦ, “γάμου fal. 

v,| Kal κρεῶν, καὶ οἴνου, οὗ be 
given Τὰ ἀλλὰ διὰ βδελυρίαν, ἀπέχεται, 
ἐπιλανθανόμενος [al. ἐπιλαθόμενος ἢ 


VI. u. 


deposition and excommunication. And also for one and the 
same crime, in the time of Cyprian, as appears from his 
Epistle to Cornelius>°, where, speaking of Novatus who was 
guilty of murder in causing his own wife by a blow to mis- 
carry, he says, ‘for this crime he was not only to be degraded 
or expelled the presbytery, but to be deprived of the com- 
munion of the Church also.’ From whence we may collect the 
severity of the ancient canons against such crimes of the clergy 
in general, as were committed to the flagrant scandal of the 
Church. 


202 Life and conversation 


What 3. Hence also we may observe in particular, what sort of 
ney Sk crimes were thought worthy to be punished with degradation, 
fegrade- namely, such as theft, murder, perjury, fraud, sacrilege, forni- 
theft, mur- cation, and adultery, and such like gross and scandalous of- 
oe fences. Yor in this case they distinguished between peccatum 


and crimen, little faults and crimes of a more heinous nature. 
For St. Austin>! observes: ‘It was not all manner of failings 
that hindered men’s ordination at first; for if the Apostle had 
required, as a qualification in persons to be ordained, that they 
should be without sin, all men must have been rejected, and 
none ordained, since no man lives without sin ; but he only re- 
quires that they should be blameless in respect to criminal and 
scandalous offences.’ And this was the rule the Church ob- 
served in canvassing the lives of her clergy after ordination, 
when they were actually engaged in her service. It was not 
every lesser failing or infirmity that was punished with de- 
gradation; but only crimes of a deeper dye, such as theft, 
murder, fraud, perjury, sacrilege, fornication and adultery. 
Concerning the last. of which there are these two things further 
observable in some of the ancient canons. First, that if any 


ὅτι παντὰ. καλὰ λίαν, καὶ ὅτι ἄρσεν 
καὶ θῆλυ ἐποίησεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν ἄνθρω- 
πον, ἀλλὰ βλασφημῶν διαβάλλει τὴν 
δημιουργίαν, ἢ διορθούσθω, ἢ καθαι- 
ρείσθω, καὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀποβαλ- 
λέσθω" ὡσαύτως καὶ λαϊκός. 

50 Ep. 49. [8]. 52.) p. 97. (pp. 
238, 239.) Propter hoc se non de 
presbyterio excitari tantum, sed et 
communicatione prohiberi, pro certo 
tenebat, &c. 

51 Tract..41. in Joan. t. 9. p. 126. 


(t. 3. part. 2. p. 575 a.).... [deo et 
Apostolus Paulus, quando elegit or- 
dinandos vel presbyteros vel dia- 
conos, et quicunque ordinandus est 
ad preeposituram ecclesiz, non ait, 
Si quis sine peccato est; hoc enim 
si diceret, omnis homo reprobaretur, 
nullus ordinaretur; sed ait, Si quis 
sine crimine est, sicut est homici- 
dium, adulterium, aliqua immundi- 
tia fornicationis, furtum, fraus, sa- 
crilegium, et cetera hujusmodi. 


of the primitive clergy. 203 


clergyman’s wife was convicted of adultery, he himself was 
obliged to shew his resentment and detestation of the fact by 
putting her away, under pain of deposition if he continued to 
live with her. For so the Council of Neo-Czsarea*? words it; 
‘A man, whose wife is evidently convicted of adultery while he 
is a layman, shall not be ordained; but if she commit adultery 
after his ordination, he ought to put her away; and, if he co- 
habit with her, he may not retain her and his ministry toge- 
ther.’ The Council of Eliberis® is still more severe in this 
ease, denying communion to such persons even at their last 
hour, who retained wives guilty of adultery ;—‘ because,’ says 
the canon, ‘ they, who ought to be examples of good conversa- 
tion to others, do by this means teach others the way to sin.’ 
Secondly, the other thing to be observed is, that if a bishop 
neglected to inflict the censures of the Church upon any of his 
clergy, who were guilty of fornication, he made himself liable 
to be deposed. As Socrates δ΄ observes, the Arians themselves 
deposed Macedonius, bishop of Constantinople, for this reason 
among others, ‘that he had admitted a deacon to communion 
who had been taken in fornication.’ 

4. Another crime, which brought many clerks under this Ajso laps- 
kind of ecclesiastical censure, was that of lapsing in time of εν Se ae 
persecution. In which case repentance was allowed to restore cution. 
them to the peace of the Church as laymen if they pleased, but 
not to officiate or communicate as ecclesiastics any longer. 
Thus Trophimus was treated in the time of Cornelius and 
Cyprian 55; he was admitted to communicate as a layman, but 
not to retain his office of priesthood. And this Cyprian "6 says 


§3, 4. 


52 Ὁ. 8, (t. 1. p. 1481 ἃ.) Γυνή τινος 


δ4 L, 2. c. 42. (v..2. Ρ. 158. 3.) 
μοιχευθεῖσα λαϊκοῦ ὄντος, ἐὰν ἐλεγχθῇ Ν 


Καθαιροῦσι πρῶτον μὲν Μακεδόνιον, 


ρῶς, ὁ τοιοῦτος εἰς ὑπηρεσίαν 
θεῖν οὐ δύναται' "Edy δὲ καὶ μετὰ 
τὴν χειροτονίαν μοιχευθῇ, ὀφείλει 
ἀπολῦσαι αὐτήν᾽ ἐὰν δὲ συζῆ, οὐ δύ- 
ναται so leggy τῆς ἐγχειρισθείσης αὐτῷ 


σίας. 

C. 65. (ibid. p. 977 4.) Si cujus 
clerici uxor fuerit moechata, et sciat 
eam maritus suus meechari, et eam 
non statim projecerit, nec in fine 
accipiat communionem: ne ab his 
qui exemplum bonz conversationis 
esse debent, [ab eis] videantur sce- 
lerum magisteria procedere. 


καὶ ὡς αἴτιον πολλῶν φόνων γενόμε- 
νον, καὶ ὅτι διάκονον ἐπὶ πορνείᾳ ἁ- 
λόντα ἐδέξατο εἰς κοινωνίαν. 

55 Ep. 52. [4]. 55-] ad Antonian. 
p. 106. (p. 244.) Sic tamen admissus 
est Trophimus, ut laicus communi- 
cet....non quasi locum sacerdotis 


usurpet. 
56 Ep. 68. [al. 67.] ad Pleb. His- 
pan. p. 174. (Ρ. 290.).-.+++ Frustra 
tales episcopatum sibi usurpare co- 
nantur, cum manifestum sit, ejus- 
modi homines nec ecclesie Christi 
posse praeesse, nec Deo sacrificia 


204 Life and conversation VI. i. 


was then the rule at Rome and over all the world, if bishops or 
any other lapsed in time of persecution, ‘to admit them to do 
penance in the Church, but withal to remove them from the 
function of the clergy and honour of the priesthood.’ As the 
African Synod, in whose name he writes to the Spanish 
Churches, determined in the case of Basilides and Martial, two 
Spanish bishops, who, when they had lapsed, thought to qua- 
lify themselves by repentance to retain their bishoprics; ‘ but 
this,’ he tells them, ‘ was contrary to the rule and practice of 
the Universal Church.’ He repeats this in several other Epi- 
stles57, where he has occasion to speak of persons in the same 
unhappy circumstances with them. We find the same order in 
the Canons of Peter>’, bishop of Alexandria, and’ the first 
Council of Arles>9, where not only such as fell by sacrificing or 
open denial of their faith, but also all traditors are included in 
the number of lapsers, that is, all such as either gave up their 
Bibles, or the holy vessels of the Church, or the names of their 
brethren to the persecutors; and all such, who were of the 
clergy, are for ever excluded from the exercise and benefit of 
their order and function. Such was the discipline of the 
ancient Church in reference to those guides, who set their 
people an ill example by their apostasy in time of persecution ; 
it was not thought fit to trust them to be guides and leaders 
for the future. Though I do not deny, but that some ex- 
ceptions may be found to this general rule, either when the 


offerre debere. 


Maxime cum jam ~ cognoverim, Fortunatum quem- 
pridem nobiscum et cum omnibus 


am [al. Fortunatianum quondam]| 


episcopis in toto mundo constitutis, 
etiam Cornelius collega noster, sa- 
cerdos pacificus et justus, et mar- 
tyrii quoque dignatione Domini ho- 
noratus, decreverit, ejusmodi homi- 
nes ad peenitentiam quidem agen- 
dam posse admitti; ab ordinatione 
autem cleri atque sacerdotali honore 
prohiberi. 

57 Ep. 55. [8]. 59.] ad Cornel. 
p- 133. (p. 264.) Hi quinque cum 
paucis vel sacrificatis, vel male sibi 
consciis, Fortunatum sibi pseudoépi- 
scopum cooptarunt, ut criminibus 
in unum convenientibus talis scilicet 
esse rector, quales illi qui reguntur. 
—Ep. 64. [al.65.]ad Epictet.(p.282.) 
Graviter et dolenter motus sum, ... 


apud vos episcopum, post gravem 
lapsum ruine sue, pro integro nunc 
agere velle, et episcopatum sibi vin- 
dicare ccepisse; que res contrista- 
vit me, &c. 

58 Ep. Canon. c. 10. ap. ner Ὁ 
Pandect. t. 2. part. 1. p. 15 f. (CC. 
t. I. p. 961 e.) Ὅτε δὲ ἔπταισαν ὡς 
ἂν περπερευσάμενοι Kal ἑαυτοὺς μω- 
μησάμενοι, οὐκ ἔτι δύνανται λειτουρ- 
γεῖν. 

59 C. 12. (t.1. p. 1428 d.) De his, 
qui Scripturas Sanctas tradidisse di- 
cuntur, vel vasa dominica, vel no- 
mina fratrum suorum, placuit nobis, 
ut quicunque eorum ex actis publi- 
cis fuerit detectus, non verbis nudis, 
ab ordine cleri amoveatur. 


84,5. of the primitive clergy. 205 
discipline of the Church was not so strict, or when it was 
otherwise found more for the benefit of the Church to restore 
lapsers to their honours, than to degrade and remove them 
wholly from them. For I have noted before, that both lapsers 
and heretics and schismatics were sometimes more favourably 
treated, when the Church thought she might find her account 
in shewing favour to them. 

_ 5. But to proceed with the laws of the Church relating to And drink- 
other misdemeanours. ΑΒ the life of a clergyman was a con- yu. re 
tinual attendance upon the altar, and constantly to be employed 
in the exercise of divine and heavenly things; so upon that ac- 
count the utmost sobriety was required of him, together with a 
strict care to spend his time aright, and lay it out usefully ; so 
as might best answer the ends of his calling, and those spiritual 
employments he was daily to be engaged in. And for this 
reason drinking and gaming, those two great consumers of 
time, and enemies of all noble undertakings and generous ser- 
vices, were strictly prohibited the clergy under the same pe- 
nalty of deprivation. For so the Apostolical Canons word it: 
‘A bishop, presbyter, or deacon, that spends time in drinking 
or playing at dice, shall either reform or be deposed.’ Where 
we may observe this difference between this and the former 
laws, that it does not make every single act of these crimes 
ipso facto deprivation, but only continuance therein without 
reforming. And by Justinian’s law®' the penalty for playing 
at tables is changed from deprivation to a triennial suspension, 
and intrusion into a monastery for the performance of repent- 
ance. Some perhaps will wonder at the severity of these laws 
in prohibiting the exercise of tables under such a penalty ; but 
their wonder will cease, when they are told, that it was equally 
prohibited to the laity under pain of excommunication. For 
the Council of Eliberis® orders, ‘that a Christian playing at 


fieri...Si quis autem ex his hoc de- 
liquerit, jubemus hunc in tribus 
annis a venerabili ministerio prohi- 
beri et in monasterium redigi. 


41.] (Cotel. [c. 35.] 
V. I. Pp. 443-) ᾿Επίσκοπος, ἣ πρεσβύ- 
repos, ἢ διάκονος, κύβοις σχολάζων 
καὶ μέθαις, ἣ παυσάσθω ἣ καθαιρείσθω. 


60 C. 42. ἐν 


61 Novel. 123. c. 10. (t. 5. p. 545.) 
Interdicimus a sanctissimis 
episcopis, pres is, et diaconis, 
....ad tabulas be ra aut aliis lu- 
dentibus participes aut inspectatores 


62 ©, 79 (t. 1. p. 979 8.) Si quis fi- 
delis peg | est, πος luserit num- 
mos,] placuit eum abstinere: et si 
emendatus cessaverit, poterit post 
annum communione reconciliari. 


906 VI. u. 


Life and conversation 


dice or tables shall not be admitted to the holy communion, 
but after a year’s penance and abstinence, and his total amend- 
ment.’ And there was good reason for the Church to make 
such a law in those times, because this kind of gaming was 
prohibited both by the old and new Civil Law® among the 
Romans, and many other nations, of which the reader may 
find a particular account in our learned bishop Taylor, toge- 
ther with the reasons of the prohibition, viz.—the evils that 
commonly attended this sort of play, blasphemies, and swearing, 
and passion, and lying, and cursing, and covetousness, and 
fraud, and quarrels, and intemperance of all sorts, the con- 
sumption of time, and ruin of many families; which excesses 
had made it infamous and scandalous among all nations. So 
that, what was so universally prohibited at that time by the 
laws of all nations, the Church could not but im decency pro- 
hibit by her own laws to the laity, and more especially to the 
clergy, to prevent scandal, and obviate those objections, which 
might otherwise have justly been raised against her. Not that 
the thing was simply unlawful in itself, when used only as an 
innocent recreation; but the many evil appendages, that com- 
monly attended the use of it, had made it scandalous, and con- 
sequently inexpedient; and the spending of time upon it did 
much alter the nature of it, and make it so much the more 
unlawful. : 
Andnego- 6. Another crime, for which a clergyman was liable to be 
stage 18 deposed, was the taking of usury, which by the ancient canons 


usury. The ᾿ : 
nature of is frequently condemned as a species of covetousness and cru- 


63 Digest. 1. 2. tit. 5. leg. 1. (t. I. 
p. 1175.) Preetor ait: Si quis eum, 
apud quem alea lusum esse dicetur, 
verberaverit, damnumve ei dederit, 
sive quid eo tempore dolo ejus [8]. 
domo ejus| subtractum fuerit, ju- 
dicium non dabo, &c. — Ibid. 
leg. 2. n. I. (p. 1176.) Senatus- 
consultum vetuit in pecuniam lu- 
dere, &c.—Conf. Cod. Justin. 1. 3. 
tit. 43. de Aleatoribus, leg. 3. (t. 4. 
p- 759.) Alearum usus antiqua res 
est, et extra operas pugnatorias 
[concessa;] verum pro tempore abiit 
in lacrimas, multa millia extranea- 
rum nationum suscipiens. Quidam 
enim [nec] ludentes, nec ludum 


scientes, sed numeratione tantum 
proprias substantias perdiderunt, 
die noctuque ludendo, argento, ap- 
paratu lapidum, et auro. Conse- 
quenter autem ex hac inordinatione 
blasphemare [Deum] conantur, et 
instrumenta conficiunt. Commodis 
igitur subjectorum prospicientes hac 
generali lege decernimus, ut nulli 
ficeat in publicis vel privatis domi- 
bus vel locis ludere, neque in ge- 
nere, neque in specie, &c. 

64 Duct. Dubitant. b. 4. ch. 1. p. 
776. (rule 2. sect. 27, and onwards. 
Works, v. 14. pp. 326, &c.) On the 
question, Whether it be lawful to 
play at cards or dice, - 


907 


elty, and upon that score so strictly prohibited to the clergy, this crime 

who were rather to study to excel in the practice of the jp — 

: ~yirtues, charity, mercifulness, and contempt of the 

world and all filthy lucre. The laws condemning this vice are 

too many to be here transcribed: it will be sufficient to repeat 

the canon of the Council of Nice 55, which contains the sum, and 

speaks the sense of all the rest. Now the words of that canon 

are these: “ Forasmuch as many clerks, following covetous- 

ness and filthy lucre, and forgetting the Holy Seriptures, 

which speak of the righteous man “as one that hath not given 

his money upon usury,” haye let forth their money upon 

usury, and taken the usual monthly increase; it seemed good 

to this great and holy synod, that if any one after this decree 

shall be found to take usury, or demand the principal with half 

the increase of the whole, or shall imvent any other such 

methods for filthy lucre’s sake, he shall be degraded from his 

order, and have his name struck out of the roll of the Church.’ 

The reader will find the same practice censured by those called 

the Apostolical Canons®, the Council of Eliberis®’, the first 

and second of Arles, the first and third of Carthage, the 

Councils of Laodicea7° and Trullo7!, not to mention private 

65 

wad, ey τῷ aw ον, — 

ἄντ, ἐπελάθοντο τοῦ δείου γράμ. 
, Τὸ ριον αὐτοῦ 


ματος λέγοντος ἀργύ 
οὐκ ἔδωκεν ἐπὶ τόκῳ" καὶ δανείζοντες 
ἑκατοστὰς ἀπαιτοῦσιν᾽ ἐδικαίωσεν ἡ 


cd kg σύνοδος, ὡς εἴ Tis 
in τὸν ὅρον τοῦτον τόκους 
λαμβάνων ἐκ μεταχειρίσεως, i ἄλλως 
μετερχόμενος τὸ πρᾶγμα, 4 ἡμιολίας 


of the primitive clergy. 


a communione abstineri.—Arelat. 2. 
c. 14. (t. 4. p. 19 5. a.) Si quis cle- 
ricus pecuniam dederit ad usuram, 
aut conductor alienze rei voluerit 
esse, aut turpis lucri gratia aliquod 
negotiationis exercuerit, depositus a 
communione alienus fiat. 

69 Carth. 1. c. 13. (t. 2. p. 717 6.) 
Abundantius episcopus At so 
nus dixit: In nostro concilio statu- 
tum est, ut non liceat clericis foene- 


ἀπαιτῶν, ἣ ὅλως ἕτερόν τι ἐπινοῶν 
αἰσχροῦ κέρδους & ἕνεκα, καθαιρεθήσε- 
ται τοῦ κλήρου, καὶ ἀλλότριος τοῦ 
κανόνος ἔσται 

66°C. 44: (al. 45. (Cote. [e. 36.) 
v. I. p. 444.) ᾿Επίσκοπος, ἣ πρε 
repos, ἣ » τόκους ἀπαιτῶν τοὺς 
ae ἣ “πάυδάσθω, ἢ καθαι- 


κι G. 20. t. 1. p. 973 a.) Si quis 

clericorum etectus uerit usuras 

accipere, placuit eum degradari, et 
neri. 


- 68 Arelat. 1. c. 12. (ibid. p.1428¢.) τόκους ἢ 


μοὶ ministris, qui foenerant, placuit 
eos juxta formam divinitus datam 


rare.—Carth. 3. c. 16. (ibid. p. 1169 
ων Ut nullus clericorum amplius 
recipiat, cuiquam accommo- 
daverit: si pecuniam accipiat, spe- 
ciem eamdem, quantam dederit, ac- 
cipiat: et quidquid aliud, tantum, 

tum dederit, accipiat. 

70 Ὁ. 4. (t. τ. p. 1496 ἃ.) Περὶ τοῦ, 
μὴ δεῖν ἱερατικοὺς δανείζειν, καὶ τό- 
ΠΝ καὶ τὰς λεγομένας ἡμιολίας λαμ- 


7: "C. ro. (t. 6. p. 1146 e.) "Emi- 
σκοπος, ἣ ἠρεσβύτερος, ἢ διάκονος, 
τὰς Χεγομένας ἑ 
λαμβάνων, ἢ παυσάσθω, ἣ καθαι- 
ρείσθω. ' 


208 Life and conversation VL ἢ. 


writers, Cyprian 72, Sidonius Apollinaris 7°, St. Jerom74, and. 
many others. Nor need this seem strange to any one, that 
usury should be so generally condemned in the clergy, since it 
is apparent, that the practice of it was no less disallowed in the 
laity ; for the first Council of Carthage7> condemns it in them 
both, but only makes it a more aggravating crime in the 
clergy. The Council of Eliberis also7®, that orders clergymen 
to be degraded for it, makes it an high misdemeanour in lay- 
men; which, if they persisted in the practice of it after admo- 
nition, was to be punished with excommunication. We are 
here, therefore, in the next place to inquire into the nature of 
this practice, and the grounds and reasons upon which it was 
so generally condemned both in clergymen and laymen. 

As to the nature of the thing, we are to observe, that among 
the ancient Romans there were several sorts or degrees of usury. 
First, the most common was that which they called centesime ; 
the Council of Nice77 calls it éxatooraf; and the Council of 
Trullo7® uses the same word, which signifies the hundredth 
part of the principal paid every month, and answers to twelve 
in the hundred by the year. For the Romans received usury 
by the month, that is, at the kalends or first day of every 
month. Whence St. Basil79 calls the months ‘the parents of 


72 De Lapsis, p.124. Seech. 1. 
8. 3. Ῥ. 195, latter part of n. 31. 

3 L.1. Ep. 8. (p. 59.) In qua pa- 
lude indesinenter rerum omnium 
lege perversa, muri cadunt, aque 
stant: turres fluunt, naves sedent: 
zgri deambulant, medici jacent: 
algent balnea, domicilia conflagrant: 
sitiunt vivi, natant sepulti: vigilant 
fures, dormiunt potestates: foene- 
rantur clerici, Syri psallunt: nego- 
tiatores militant, milites negotiantur, 


c. 

74 In Ezek. 18, 17. (t. 5. p. 210 8.) 
In Hebraico cunctarum specierum 
censura prohibetur: in LXX tantum 
pecunia.. Juxta quod et in 14 
Psalmo scriptum est: Qui pecu- 
niam suam non dedit ad usuram. 
Et quomodo dicitur: Fratri tuo 
non fonerabis, alieno autem fene- 
rabis. Sed vide profectum. In 
principio Legis a fratribus tantum 
foenus tollitur: in Prophetis ab om- 
nibus usura prohibetur, dicente E- 


zechiele: Pecuniam suam non dedit 
in usuram. Porro in Evangelio vir- 
tutis argumentum est precipiente 
Domino: Feneramini lis, a quibus 
non speratis recipere. 

75 C. 13. (t. 1. p. 718 a.) Quod in 
laicis reprehenditur, id multo magis 
in clericis oportet preedamnari. 

76 C, 20. (ibid. p. 973 a.) Si quis 
etiam laicus accepisse probatur usu- 
ras....8i in ea iniquitate duraverit, 
ab ecclesia sciat se esse projiciendum. 
—Vid. Chrysost. Hom.56. in Matth. 
(t. 7. pp. 573 6. 8644.) Διὰ γὰρ τοῦτο 
χρήματα ἔχεις, K.T.A. 

77 Ὁ, τ7. See n. 65, preceding. 

_ 78 C.10. See ἢ. 71, preceding.— 
Chrysost. Hom. 56. in Matth. ({. 7. 
p- 573 d.) Otros μόλις ἑκατοστὴν 
ἀποδίδωσιν.----ἰ Conf. Hom. 5. [Ed. 
Savil. 2. Bened. 7. ] de Poenitent. t. 1. 

. 686. (t. 2. p. 337 d.) ᾿Επειδὴ εἶδεν 
[κῖδεν ap. Savil.| ἡμῶν τὴν πλεονε- 
ξίαν, κι τ. Ὰ. Ep. 

79: Τὴ ῬΒ, τ4.: tage prigjaltete 








209 


usury.’ And St. Ambrose*® says, ‘the Greeks gave usury the name 
of τόκος upon this aceount, because the kalends bring forth one 
in the hundred, and every month begets new usury.’ And hence, 
as the poet*! acquaints us, it became a proverb among the 
Romans to say, ‘a man trembles like a debtor when the kalends 
are coming ;’ because that was the time of paying interest. Now 
this sort of usury is generally proscribed by the laws of the 
Church, because it was esteemed great oppression. Though 
the civil law allowed the practice of it; for Constantine, 
anno 325, the same year that the Council of Nice was held, 
published a law*?, stating the rules and measures of usury, 
wherein the creditor is allowed to take this centesimal usury, 
or one in the hundred every month, and no more. For it 
seems the old Roman laws granted a greater liberty before this 
regulation of Constantine. Afterward a new regulation was 
made, and it was only allowed in some certain cases; as where 
the creditor seemed to run some hazard, as appears from the 
laws of Justinian*®, where he settles the business of interest 
and usury in his Code. For in trajectitious contracts, as the 
law terms them, that is, when a creditor lent money,—suppose 
at Rome, to receive interest for it only upon condition of the 
debtor’s safe arrival with it at Constantinople ;—because in 
that case the creditor ran a great hazard, he was allowed to 
receive a centesimal interest upon that account. Secondly, 
another sort of usury was that which the canons call ἡμιολίαι, 
or sescuplum, the whole and half as much more. St. Jerom 59 


of the primitive clergy. 


ἘΣ τ. Pp. 154 6. 2.).. «. Φοβεῖται 
τοὺς μῆνας ὡς τόκων πατέρας. 

80 De Tobia, c. 12. ({.1. p. 604 f. 
Ὦ. 42.) Téxovs Greci appellaverant 
usuras, eo quod dolores partus ani- 
mz debitoris excitare videantur. 
Veniunt kalende, parit sors cente- 
simam. Veniunt menses singuli, 
generantur usure. 

81 Horat, Serm. 1. 1. Sat. 3. vv. 86 
—88. (Edit. Gesn. et Zeun.) 

Odisti et fugis, ut Rusonem debi- 
tor ris? 
» Qui, nisi, cum tristes misero ve- 
nere calende, 
Mercedem aut nummos unde unde 
extricat .... 
82 Cod. Theod. 1. 2. tit. 33. de 


BINGHAM, VOL, II. 


Usur. leg. τ. (t. 1. p. 230.).... Pro 
pecunia ultra singulas centesimas 
creditor vetatur accipere. 

88. Cod. Justin. 1. 4. tit. 32. de 
Usur. leg. 26. (t. 4. p. 966.) In tra- 
jectitiis autem contractibus, vel spe- 
cierum feenori dationibus, usque ad 
centesimam tantummodo licere sti- 
pulari, nee eam excedere, licet vete- 
ribus legibus hoc erat concessum. 

84 In Ezek. 18. p. 537. (t- 5 
Ρ. 201 c.) Solent in agris + aonetuti 
et milii, vini et olei, caeterarumque 
Specierum usure exigi; .. . verbi 

tia, ut hyemis tempore ‘demus 
ecem modios, et in messe recipia- 
mus quindecim, hoc est, amplius 
partem mediam. 


P 


210 VI. ii. 


Life and conversation 


takes notice of this kind of usury, and condemns it. ‘ For men,’ 
he says, ‘were used to exact usury for the loan of corn, wine, 
oil, millet, and other fruits of the ground; lending ten bushels 
in winter, on condition to receive fifteen in harvest, that is, the 
whole and half as much more. Which sort of usury, being a 
very grievous extortion and great oppression, is condemned, not 
only in the clergy by the Councils of Nice’> and Laodicea*®, 
under the name of ἡμιολίαι, but also in laymen by the law of 
Justinian 87, which allows nothing above centesimal interest to 
be taken by any person in any case whatsoever: though Jus- 
tinian intimates, that formerly the laws allowed it: and it is 
evident from the law of Constantine, still extant in the Theo- 
dosian Code *%, which determined, ‘ that if any creditor lent to 
the indigent any fruits of the earth, whether wet or dry, he 
might demand again the principal, and half as much more by 
way of usury; as if he lent two bushels, he might require 
three.’ Thirdly, another sort of usury is called by the Civil 
Law bessis centesime, which is two-thirds of centesimal in- 
terest, and the same as eight in the hundred. And this the 
law 89 allowed masters of workhouses and other tradesmen to 
take in their negotiations with others. Fourthly, all other 
persons were only allowed to receive half the centesimal in- 
terest by the same law of Justinian %, which is the same as six 
in the hundred?!. Fifthly, persons of quality were bound to 
take no more but a third part of the centesima®, which is only 
four in the hundred. Sixthly, interest upon interest was abso- 
lutely forbidden by the Roman laws% to all persons in any 


85 C.17. See n. 65, preceding. 

86 C.4. See ἢ. 70, preceding. 

87 Ubisupr. See n. 83, preceding. 
Conf. Novell. 32, 33, 34. (t.5. pp. 
235, 5666.) 

88 L. 2. tit. 33. De Usur. leg. 1. 
(t. I. p. 230.) Quicunque fruges, 
aridas vel humidas, indigentibus 
mutuas dederint, usuree nomine ter- 
tiam partem superfluam consequan- 
tur: id est, ut si summa crediti in 
duobus modiis fuerit, tertium mo- 
dium amplius consequantur. 

89 L, 4. tit. 32. de Usur. leg. 26. 
(t. 4. p. 966.) Lllos vero, qui ergaste- 
riis preesunt, vel aliquam licitam ne- 
gotiationem gerunt, usque ad bes- 
sem centesime, [usurarum nomine, 


in quocunque contractu] suam sti- 
pulationem moderari. 

90 Tbid. ... Ceeteros autem omnes 
homines dimidiam tantummodo cen- 
tesime, usurarum nomine, posse sti- 
pulari. 

91 [Vid. Suid. in voce ἔφεκτος. 
(t. 1. p. 1105 f. 1.) "Eqexros τόκος, 6 
ἐπὶ τὸ ἔκτον kehadaiou=a sixth part 
of the whole. Ev.| 

92 Cod. Justin. ut supr. (p. 966.) 
eis Ideoque jubemus illustribus 
set 9s personis, sive eas preece- 

entibus, minime licere ultra tertiam 
partem centesime, usurarum nomi- 
ne, in quocumque contractu ulli vel 
maximo stipulari. 


9 Ibid. leg. 28. (p. 968.) Ut 


86. 





of the primitive clergy. 211 


ease whatsoever; as is evident from an edict of Justinian’s, 

which both mentions-and confirms the ancient prohibition of it 
by the laws of the emperors that were before him. So that 
‘several of these kinds of usury being prohibited to the laity in 
‘general by the laws of the State, it was no wonder that they 
‘should be more severely forbidden to the clergy by the laws of 
‘the Church. 

- Then for the other sorts of usury, which the State allowed, 
the Church had two reasons for discouraging the practice of 
them in the clergy. First, because usury was most commonly 
exacted of the poor, which the Church reckoned an oppression 
of them, who were rather to be relieved by the charity of 
lending without usury, as the Gospel requires. Secondly, the 
clergy could not take usury of the rich and trading part of 
the world, but that must needs engage them in secular business 
and worldly concerns, more than the wisdom of the Church in 
those times thought fit to allow. And this I take to be the 
true state of the case, and the sum of the reasons for prohibiting 
the clergy the practice of usury in the primitive Church. Usury 
was generally a great oppression to the poor, as the ancient 
writers, who speak against it, commonly complain. Or else it 
was thought to argue and proceed from a covetous and worldly 
mind, which made men forsake their proper employment, and 
betake themselves to other business which was beside their 
ealling, and could not then be followed without some reproach 
and dishonour to it. Therefore Cyprian % , speaking of some 
bishops, who were the reproach of his age, in enumerating 
their miscarriages, joins all these things together ; ‘ that they, 


‘nullo modo usure usurarum a de- 
bitoribus exigantur, et veteribus 
quidem legibus constitutum fuerat, 
sed non perfectissime cautum. Si 
enim usuras in sortem redigere fu- 
erat concessum, et totius summe 
usuras stipulari; que differentia 
erat debiteribus, a quibus revera 
usurarum usure exigebantur? Hoc 
certe erat non rebus, sed verbis tan- 
tummodo legem ponere. Quaprop- 


ter hac emai lege definimus, 
nullo modo licere cuiquam usuras 
preeteriti temporis vel futuri in sor- 
tem redi ere, et earum iterum usu- 
ras sti , &e. 

. id. Chrysost. Hom. 56. in 


ae (t. 7. p. 573 a.) Μὴ τοίνυν 
ματευώμεθα τὰς ἀλλοτρίας συμ- 
pong μηδὲ καπηλεύωμεν τὴν φιλαν- 
θρωπίαν. —Ibid. (a.). .“O τελώνης νό- 
μον πληροῖ τὸν ἔξωθεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως κο- 
Ad¢erac’ ὃ καὶ ἡμεῖς πεισόμεθα, ἐὰν 
μὴ ἀποστῶμεν τοὺς πένητας ἐπιτρί- 
βοντες, καὶ τῇ χρείᾳ καὶ τῇ ἀναγκαίᾳ 
τροφῇ, καὶ ἀφορμῇ εἰς καπηλείαν 
ἀναίσχυντον ἀποχρώμενοι. --- Basil. 
Hom. in Ps. 4. t. 2. Ρ. 136. (t. 1. 
. I. p. 153 b. 1.) Ὁ yap τόκοις 
αὐτὸν ὑπεύθυνον καταστήσας, κι τ. Δ. 
95 De Lapsis, p. 124. (p. 88.) Epi- 
scopi plurimi, &c. See ch. 1. s. 3. 
the last part of n. 31, preceding. 


P2 


212 VL ii. 


Life and conversation 


who ought to have been examples and encouragers to the rest, 
had cast off the care of divine service to manage secular 
affairs ; and leaving their sees, and deserting their people, they 
rambled into other provinces to catch at business that would 
bring them in gain: meanwhile the poor brethren of the 
Church were suffered to starve without relief, whilst their 
minds were set upon hoarding up silver in abundance, and 
getting estates by fraudulent arts, and exercising usury to 
augment their own treasures.’ When usury was ordinarily 
attended with such concomitants as these, it was no wonder 
it should be utterly proscribed by the holy Fathers of the 
Church. Besides St. Chrysostom % plainly intimates, ‘ that in 
his time all senators and persons of quality were absolutely 
forbidden to take usury by the laws of the commonwealth.’ 
And that consideration probably so much the more inclined 
the Fathers of the Church to forbid it to the clergy, lest they 
should seem to be outdone by men of a secular life; and it 
might be objected to them, that the laws of the Church in this 
respect. were more remiss than the laws of the State. 

7. Indeed the necessities of the poor, and fatherless, and 
strangers, and widows in those early times were so impor- 
tunate and craving in every Church, that their revenues would 
seldom answer all their demands. ‘ The Church,’ as St. Austin 
‘says97, ‘had very rarely any thing to lay up in bank. And 
then it did not become a bishop to hoard up gold, and turn 
away the poor empty from him. They had daily so many poor 
petitioners, so many in distress and want continually applying 
to them, that they were forced to leave some in their sorrows, 
because they had not wherewith to relieve them all’ Now in 


Of the hos- 
pitality of 
the clergy. 


the centesimal interest: q. v. (t. I. 
pp. 236, 237.) Frustra debitores, 
&c.... Senatores sub medietatem 


_ % Hom. 56. in Matth. (t. 7. p. 
574 Ὁ.) Ei δὲ βούλει καὶ τοὺς ἔξωθεν 
νομοθέτας ἔρεσθαι, ἀκούσῃ, ὅτι κἀκεί- 


vos τῆς ἐσχάτης ἀναισχυντίας τὸ 


πρᾶγμα δεῖγμα εἶναι δοκεῖ" τοὺς γοῦν 

ἐν ἀξιώμασιν ὄντας, καὶ εἰς τὴν μεγά- 
- ’ 

λην τελοῦντας βουλὴν, ἣν σύγκλητον 


ν “- > ’ [ ΄ 
καλοῦσιν, οὐ θέμις τοιούτοις κέρδεσιν 


καταισχύνεσθαι: ἀλλὰ νόμος ἐστὶν 
παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὁ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἀπαγορεύων 
xépdn.—Honorius, anno 397, pub- 
lished a law which implies the same; 
(Cod. Theod. 1. 2. tit. 33. de Usur. 
leg. 3;) though by a following law, 
anno 405, he allowed senators half 


centesimee, &c. 

97 Serm. 49. de Divers. [al. Serm. 
355.deVit. et Morib. Clericor. r.c.5. ] 
(t. 5. p.1382 g.) Enthecam nobis ha- 
bere non licet. Non enim est episco- 
pi servare aurum, et revocare a se 
mendicantis manum. Quotidie tam 
multi petunt, tam multi gemunt, 
tam multi nos inopes interpellant ; 
ut plures tristes relinquamus, quia 
quod possimus dare omnibus non 
habemus. 


of the primitive clergy. 213 


this case, where there was need of greater charities than they 
had funds or abilities to bestow, there could be no room for 
usury, but with great neglect and uncharitableness to the poor. 
And therefore, instead of lending upon usury, they were ob- — 
liged to be exemplary in the practice of the contrary virtues, 
hospitality and charity ; which the ancients% call lending upon 
divine usury, not to receive one in the hundred, but an hun- 
dred for one from the hands of God. ‘It was then one of the 
glories of a bishop,’ St. Jerom tells us%, ‘to be a provider for 
the poor; but a disgrace to the holy function, to seek only to 
enrich himself.’ And therefore he gives this direction to Ne- 
potian, among other good rules, which he prescribes him, ‘that 
his table should be free to the poor and strangers, that with 
them he might have Christ for his guest.’ St. Chrysostom! 
speaks nobly of his bishop Flavian upon the account of this 
virtue; he says, ‘ his house was always open to strangers, and 
such as were forced to fly for the sake of religion; where they 
were received and entertained with that freedom and humanity, 
that his house might as properly be called the house of strangers 
as the house of Flavian. Yea, it was so much the more his 
own, for being common to strangers; for whatever we pos- 
sess is so much the more our property for being communi- 
cated to our poor brethren; there being no place where we 


may so safely lay up our treasure, as in the hands and bellies 


ef the poor.’ 


98 Petr. Chrysolog. Serm. 25. p. 
δον (p. εἰ ἄρῃ Usu ura mundi centum 
ad unum, Deus unum accipit ad 


minia omnium sacerdotum est pro- 
priis studere divitiis. 
1 Hom. 1. in Gen. t. 2. p. 886. 


centum. — Chrysost. Hom. 56. in 
Matth. 17- P- 507; (t. 7. Ρ. 573 ¢-) 
ΤῊΝ ὃς " πένης ; καὶ τί μικρό- 
υ μεγάλα πωλῶν, χρη- 
μάτων topcase, δέον βασιλείας 
ἀεὶ μενούσης ; τί τὸν Θεὸν ἀφεὶς, ἀν- 
θρώπινα κερδαίνεις κέρδη; τί τὸν 
πλουτοῦντα παραδραμὼν, τὸν οὐκ ἔ- 
χοντα ἐνοχλεῖς, καὶ τὸν ἀποδιδοῦντα 
καταλιπὼν, τῆς ἀγνωμονοῦντι συλλα- 
λεῖς, καὶ συμβάλλεις ; ἐκεῖνος ἐπιθυ- 
μεῖ ἀποδοῦναι" οὗτος δὲ καὶ δυσχεραί- 
νει ἀποδιδούς" οὗτος μόλις ἑκατοστὴν 
ἀποδίδωσιν" ἐκεῖνος δὲ ἑκατονταπλα- 
— aes coy ν αἰώνιον. 
= te ad Nepotian. 
é: I. μῳ 259 loria episcopi est 


pauperum ὃ λυ providere: igno- 


(t. 4. p. 650 b.).... “Os τὴν οἰκίαν 
τὴν πατρῴαν, ὥσπερ εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο 
παρὰ τῶν προγόνων δεξάμενος, ἵνα 
ταῖς τῶν “ξένων αὐτὴν θεραπείαις πα- 
pacxn, οὕτω διαπαντὸς τοῖς πάντοθεν 
ἔλαυνομένοις ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀληθείας ἀ ἀνῆκε, 
καὶ ὑποδέχεται, καὶ θεραπεύει θερα- 
πείας τρόπῳ παντοδαπῷ' ὥστε οὐκ 
οἶδα εἰ χρὴ τούτου μᾶλλον, ἢ i) τῶν ξένων 
καλεῖν τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν τούτου" μᾶλλον 
δὲ διὰ τοῦτο τούτου νομίζειν εἶναι αὐ- 
τὴν, ἐπειδὴ τῶν ,ξένων ἐστί" καὶ γὰρ 
τὰ ἡμέτερα κτήματα τότε μάλιστα 
ἡμέτερα Ὑ γίνεται, ὅταν μὴ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς, 
ἀλλὰ τοῖς πένησιν. αὐτὰ κεκτημένοι 
res ὦμεν" καὶ πῶς ; ἐγὼ λέγω" 

ἂν εἰς δεξιὰν « τοῦ πένητος ἀποθῆς τὸ 
ἀργύριον" κ.τ.λ. 


914 Life and conversation VI. ἢ. 


Of their 8. Now the better to qualify them to perform this duty, 

frugality ‘ ° . 

and con- Very clergyman was required to lead a frugal life; that is, to 

seomgneer | avoid profuseness, as well in their own private concerns, as in 
giving great entertainments to the rich; which is but a false- 
named. hospitality, and a great usurper upon the rights and 
revenues of the poor. We may judge of the simplicity of 
those times by the character which Ammianus Marcellinus?, 
the heathen historian, gives of the Italian bishops, as it is pro- 
bable, from his own observation: he says, ‘ their spare diet 
and frugal way of living, their cheap clothing and grave de- 
portment, did recommend them to God and his true worship- 
pers as persons of pure and modest souls.’ This made those 
country-bishops more honourable, in his opinion, than if they 
had lived in the riches and state and splendour of the bishops 
of Rome. By a canon of the fourth Council of Carthage’, all 
the African bishops were obliged to live after this manner; not 
to affect rich furniture, or sumptuous entertainments, or a 
splendid way of living, but to seek to advance the dignity and 
authority of their order by their faith and holy living. Some 
indeed were for that other sort of hospitality, for entertaining 
the rich, and especially the magistrates, on pretence that they 
might keep an interest in them, and be able to intercede with 
them for poor criminals when they were condemned. But 
St. Jerom particularly considers and answers this pretence in 
his instructions to Nepotian. ‘You must avoid,’ says he¢, 
‘giving great entertainments to secular men, and especially 
those that are in great offices. or it 1s not very reputable to 
have the lictors and guards of a consul stand waiting at the 
doors of a priest of Christ, who himself was crucified and poor ; 
nor that the judge of a province should dine more sumptuously 
with you than in the palace. If it be pretended that you do 
this only to be able to intercede with him for poor criminals, 
there is no judge but will pay a greater deference and respect 
to a frugal clergyman than a rich one, and shew greater re- 
verence to your sanctity than your riches. Of if he be such 


2 L. 27. c. 3. See ch. 1. 8.1. dignitatis suze auctoritatem fide et 
the latter part of ἢ. 23, preceding. _meritis vitze queerat. 

3 C. 15. (t.2. p.1201 b.) Ut epi- 4 Ep. 2. [8]. 52.] ad Nepotian. 
scopus vilem supellectilem et men- c., 11 tot. (t. 1. Ῥ. 263 d.) Convivia 
sam ac victum pauperem habeat, et tibi vitanda sunt, &c. 


of the primitive clergy. 215 


an one as will not hear a clergyman’s intercessions but only 
among his cups, I should freely be without this benefit, and 
rather beseech Christ for the judge himself, who can more 
speedily and powerfully help than any judge.’ St. Jerom, 
in the same place®, advises his clerk not to be over free in 
receiving other men’s entertainments neither. ‘For the laity,’ 
says he, ‘should rather find us to be comforters in their 
mournings, than companions in their feasts. That clerk will 
quickly be contemned that never refuses any entertainments, 
when he is frequently invited to them.’ Such were the ordi- 
nary rules and directions, given by the ancients, for regulating 
the hospitality and frugality of the clergy. But many bishops 
and others far exceeded these rules in transcendent heights of 
abstinence and acts of self-denial, freely chosen and imposed 
upon themselves, that they might have greater plenty and 
superfluities to bestow upon others. Gregory Nazianzen® gives 
us this account of St. Basil, ‘that his riches was to possess 
nothing ; to live content with that little which nature requires; 
to despise delicacies and pleasures, and set himself above the 
slavery of that cruel and sordid tyrant the belly. His most 
delicious and constant food was bread and salt and water; his 
clothing but one coat and one gown; his lodging upon the 
ground; not for want of better accommodations, for he was 
metropolitan of Cxsarea, and had considerable revenues be- 


longing to his Church; but he submitted to this way of living 


in imitation of his Saviour, who became poor for our sakes, 
that we through his poverty might be made rich.’ And there- 
fore both the same author’, and the Church-historians® also 


5 Ibid. c. 15. sub fin. (p. 266 e.) 
Facile contemnitur clericus, qui, sze- 
pe vocatus ad prandium, ire non 
recusat. 


6 Orat.20. de Laud. Basil. (p.357 c.) 
᾿Εκείνῳ τ πλοῦτος τὸ μηδὲν ἔχειν"... θαυ- 
sree ἡ ἐγκράτεια ! καὶ ὀλιγάρκεια, καὶ 
ἐπὶ παρὸ κρατεῖσθαι τῶ αὐ ar μηδ᾽ ὡς 

‘on παξντξκσρϑα ἀνελευθ pov δεσποίνης 


7 4 τὰ κρίνα 
pied air μ ner ols ν τὸ 
κάλλος, καὶ σχέδιος ἡ ak κατὰ 

nv παραίνεσιν τοῦ ἐμοῦ 
Χριστοῦ, καὶ σάρκα δι’ ἡμᾶς πτωχεύ- 
σαντος, iy’ ἡμεῖς πλουτισθῶμεν. διό. 
tyra’ ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῷ τὸ ἕν χιτώνιον, 


καὶ τριβώνιον δ᾽ χαμευνία" καὶ ἡ 
ἀγρυπνία, καὶ ἡ ἀλουσία, τὰ ἐκείνου 
σεμνολογήματα᾽ καὶ τὸ ἥδιστον δεῖπνον 
καὶ ὄψον, ὁ ἄρτος καὶ οἱ ἅλες, ἡ καινὴ 
kapukeia’ καὶ ποτὸν νηφάλιόν τε καὶ 
ἄφθονον, ὃ γεωργοῦσι πηγαὶ μηδὲν 
πονουμένοις. 

7 Ibid. (p. 340 d.) Δημεύσει μὲν 
οὐχ ἁλωτὸς ὁ μηδὲν ἔχων, πλὴν εἰ 
τούτων χρήσεις τῶν τρυχίνων μου 
ῥακίων καὶ βιβλίων ὀλίγων, ἐν οἷς 6 
πᾶς ἐμοὶ βίος. 

8 Sozom. 1.6. c. 16. (v. 2. p. 238. 
31.) Οὐσίαν μὲν οὐκ ἔχω, ῥάκος δὲ καὶ 
βιβλία ὀλίγα οἰκῶ δὲ τὴν γῆν, ὡς ἀεὶ 


παροδεύων. 


216 Life and conversation VIL ii 


tell us, that when, in the time of the Arian persecution under. 
Valens, he was threatened by one of the emperor’s agents, that, 
unless he would comply he should have all his goods confis- 
cated, his answer was, ‘that no such punishment could reach 
him, for he was possessed of nothing, unless the emperor 
wanted his threadbare clothes, or a few books, which was all 
the substance he was master of.’ St. Jerom gives the like cha- 
racter of Exuperius, bishop of Tholouse, who made other men’s 
wants always his own; and, like the widow of Sarepta, pinched 
and denied himself to feed the poor, bestowing all his substance 
upon the bowels of Christ. Nay, such was his frugality, that 
he ministered the body of Christ in a basket of osiers, and the 
blood in a glass cup. ‘ But nothing,’ says our author, ‘ could 
be more rich or glorious than such a poverty as this.’ It were 
easy to give a thousand instances of the same nature in the 
Cyprians, the Austins, the Nazianzens, the Paulinuses, and. 
other such like generous spirits of the age they lived in; who 
contemned the world with greater pleasure, than others could 
admire or enjoy it. But as such heights of heroic virtues 
exceeded the common rule, they are not proposed as the strict: 
measures of every man’s duty, but only to excite the zeal of 
the forward and the good. It may be said of this, as our 
Saviour says of a parallel case, “All men cannot receive this 
saying, save they to whom it is given; but he that is able to 
receive it, let him receive it.” 


hides 9. Some indeed would fain turn this prudential advice into a 
Θ cier, - 

were an. law, and attempt to prove that anciently the clergy were under 
wey Sg an obligation to quit their temporal possessions, when they 
any law to betook themselves to the service of the Church. But this is 
Hy temas to outface the sun at noon-day. For as there is no just ground 
poral pos- for this assertion, so there are the plainest evidences to the 


ΕΝ contrary. Among those called the Apostolical Canons there is 


one!° to this purpose: ‘ Let the goods of the bishop, if he has 


9 Ep. 4. [al. 125.] ad Rustic. sub 
fin. (t. 1. p. 941 6.) Nihil illo ditius, 
qui corpus Domini canistro vimineo, 
sanguinem portat in vitro. 

10 Ὁ. 40. [al. 39.] (Cotel. [e. 33.] 
v.1.p. 443.) Ἔστω φανερὰ τὰ ἴδια 
τοῦ ἐπισκόπου πράγματα, εἴγε καὶ 
ἴδια ἔ ἔχει, καὶ φανερὰ τὰ κυριακὰ, ἵνα 
ἐξουσίαν ἔχῃ τῶν ἰδίων τελευτῶν ὁ 


ἐπίσκοπος, ὡς βούληται καὶ οἷς βού- 
λεται [8]. οἷς βούλεται, κ καὶ ὡς βούλε- 
Ta, | καταλεῖψαι" καὶ μὴ προφάσει 
τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν πραγμάτων δια- 
πίπτειν τὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου, ἔσθ᾽ ὅτε 
γυναῖκα. καὶ παῖδας κεκτημένου, ἢ συγ- 
γενεῖς, ἢ οἰκέτας. Δίκαιον γὰρ τοῦτο 
παρὰ Θεῷ καὶ ἀνθρώποις, τὸ μήτε τὴν 
ἐκκλησίαν ζημίαν τινὰ ὑπομένειν a; 


217 


any of his own, be kept distinct from those of the Church; 
that when he dies he may have power to dispose of them, to 
whom he pleases, and as he pleases; and not receive damage 
in his private effects upon pretence that they were the goods of 
the Church. For perhaps he has a wife, or children, or rela- 
tions, or servants: and it is but just both before God and man, 
that neither the Church should suffer for want of knowing 
what belonged to the bishop, nor the bishop’s relations be da- 
maged by the Church, or come into trouble upon that account, 
which would be to the scandal and reproach of the deceased 
bishop.’ Many other canons, both of the Greek and Latin 
Church, are to the same effect. Nor can it be pretended that 
this is to be understood only of such estates as they got in the 
service of the Church. For St. Ambrose plainly intimates, 
that the law left the clergy in the full possession of their patri- 
mony or temporal estates which they had before. For he 
brings in some malcontents among the clergy? thus com- 
plaining : : ‘What advantage is it to me to be of the clergy, to 
suffer injuries and undergo hard labour, as if my own estate 
would not maintain me?’ This implies, that men of estates 
were then among the clergy. And indeed there was but one 
ease in which any clerk could be compelled to quit his pos- 
sessions, and that was when his estate was originally tied to the 
service of the empire, of which I have given a full account be- 
fore. In all other cases it was matter of free choice, and left 


of the primitive clergy. 


γνοίᾳ τῶν τοῦ ἐπισκόπου πραγμάτων, 
μήτε τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἢ τοὺς αὐτοῦ συγ- 


_— π εἰ τῆς νας Ἣν δημεύ- 
al.” “πημαίνεσθαι) καὶ εἰς 


ματα ἐμπίπτειν 8 με δια- 
Ferns καὶ τὸν αὐτοῦ θάνατον δυσ- 


δ Ansoch. 
ἀπ Antioch. c. 24. (t. 2. p. 


572 6.) Φανερὰ δὲ εἶναι, τὰ  διαφέρον- 

τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ γνώσεως τῶν 
περὶ αὐτὸν ( ν [ἐπίσκοπον] πρεσβυτέρων 
καὶ μὴ ; pee τούτους εἰδέναι, 

ἀγνοεῖν, τίνα ποτέ ἐστι τῆς 
ἐκκλησίας, ὥστε μηδὲν αὐτοὺς λανθά- 
νειν" ἵν᾽ εἰ συμβαίη τὸν ἐπίσκοπον με- 


ταλλάττειν τὸν βίον, φανερῶν ὄντων τῶν 


διαφερόντων τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ πραγμάτων, 
“μήτε αὐτὰ διαπίπτειν καὶ ἀπόλλυσθαι, 


μῆτε τὰ ἴδιατοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἐνοχλεῖσθαι 
προφάσει τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν πραγ- 


μάτων᾽ δίκαιον γὰρ καὶ ἀρεστὸν παρά 
τε τῷ Θεῷ καὶ ἀνθρώποις, τὰ ἴδια τοῦ 
ἐπισκόπου, οἷς ἂν αὐτὸς βούλεται, 
καταλιμπάνεσθαι, κ. τ. A.—C. Aga- 
thens. c. 47. (t. 4. p. 1391 b.) Ut de 
rebus e oa ὃς propriis vel acquisitis, 
vel pa νῶν episcopus de suo pro- 
se habet, hzredibus suis, si vo- 
erit, derelinquat. —C. Carth. 
c. 49. (t. 2. p. 1178 a.) Si ipsis 
[clericis] proprie aliquid liberalitate 
alicujus, vel successione cognationis 
obvenerit, faciant inde, quod eorum 


roposito congruit. 

: 12 Ep. 17. [al. 81.] ad Clericos. 
(t. 2. p. 1098 a. 1.) Quid mihi pro- 
dest in clero manere, subire injurias, 
labores perpeti, quasi non possit 
ager meus me pascere. 


918 Life and conversation VI. ἢ. 


to his liberty, whether he would dispose of his estate to any 
pious use or not. Only, if he did not, it was expected he 
should be more generous in his charities, and less burdensome 
to the Church, his needs being supplied another way. Though 
neither was this forced upon him by any law, but only urged 
upon reasons of charity 18 : leaving him judge of his own neces- 
sities, and not forbidding him to have his dividend in the 
Church, if in his own prudence he thought fit to require it. 
Socrates! commends Chrysanthus, a Novatian bishop, upon 
this account, that having an estate of his own, he never took 
any thing of the Church, save two loaves of the eulogie or 
offerings on Sunday; though he does not once intimate that 
there was any law to compel him to do so. As neither does 
Prosper, who speaks most of any other against rich men’s 
taking their portion in the charities of the Church. He 
reckons!5 it indeed a dishonourable act. and a sin in them, 
because it was to deprive others of the Church’s charity, who 
stood more in need of it; and he thinks!®, though a rich clergy- 
man might keep his own estate without sin, because there was 
no law but the law of perfection to oblige him to renounce it, 
yet it must be upon condition that he required none of the 
maintenance of the Church. But he only delivers this as his 
own private opinion, and does not signify that there was then 
any such standing law in the Church. In Afric they had a 
peculiar law against covetousness in the time of St. Austin, 
which was?/, ‘that if any bishop, presbyter, or deacon, or any 
other clerk, who had no estate when they were ordained, did 


13 Vid. C. Apost. 41. [al. 40.] 
(Cotel. [c. 34.] v. 1. p. 443.) Mera- 
λαμβάνειν δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν τῶν δεόντων, 
εἴγε δέοιτο, εἰς τὰς ἀναγκαίας αὐτῷ 
xpeias.—Conf. C. Antioch. 1. c. 25. 
(t. 2. p. 573 a.) where the same 
words occur. 

14 L. 7. c. 12. (v. 2. p. 348 d.) 
᾿Από τε τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν οὐδὲν ἐδέξατο, 
πλὴν κατὰ κυριακὴν δύο ἄρτους τῶν 
εὐλογιῶν ἐλάμβανεν. 

15 De Vit. Contemplat. 1. 2. c. 12. 
(append. p. 34 b. 6.) Noverint esse 
deformius, possessores de eleemo- 
synis pauperum pasci. 

16 [bid. 1. 2. 6. 12. (append. 
p- 34.) Illi, qui tam infirmi sunt, ut 


possessionibus suis renunciare non 


possint; si ea, que accepturi erant, 
dispensatori relinquant, nihil haben- 
tibus conferenda, sine peccato possi- 
dent sua. 

7 6, Carth. 3. ¢. 49. (t. 2. 
p- 1177 6.) Placuit, ut episcopi, 
presbyteri, diaconi, vel quicunque 
clerici, qui nihil habentes ordinan- 
tur, et tempore episcopatus vel cle- 
ricatus sui, agros vel quecunque 
predia nomine suo comparant, tan- 
quam rerum divinarum [al. domi- 
nicarum | invasionis crimine tenean- 
tur obnoxii, nisi admoniti ecclesize 
eadem ipsa contulerint. 


9, Io. 219 


afterward purchase lands in their own name, they should be 
impleaded as guilty of invading the Lord’s revenue, unless 
upon admonition they conferred the same upon the Church.’ 
For in those times the Church-revenues being small, no one’s 
dividend was more than a competent maintenance ; and there- 
fore it was presumed, that he, who could purchase lands in 
such circumstances, must have been some way injurious to the 
public revenues of the Church. But in the same law it was 
provided, that, if any estate was left them by donation or inhe- 
ritance, they might dispose of it as they pleased themselves: 
for the Church made no rules, but only gave her advice in 
such cases as these; exhorting her wealthy clergy to greater 
degrees of liberality, but not demanding their estates to have 
them at her own disposal. On the other hand, when clergy- 
men, who had no visible estates of their own, and were single 
men, and had no poor families to provide for, were busily 
intent upon growing rich out of the revenues of the Church; 
this was always esteemed a scandalous covetousness, and ac- 
cordingly prosecuted with sharp invectives by St. Jerom!* and 
others of the ancient writers. So much of the laws of charity 
which concerned the ancient clergy. 

10. I might here give a character of their meekness, mo- Of their 
desty, gravity, humility, and several other virtues, which Na- aig ag 
zianzen describes in the person of his own father; but I shall offensive 
but take notice of two things more, which concerned the econ- plese 
duct of their lives, and those are the laws relating first to their 
words, and secondly to their fame and reputation. For their 
words, they who were to teach others the most difficult part of 
human conduct, the government of the tongue, were highly 
concerned to be examples to the people as well in word as ac- 
tion. And to this purpose the laws were very severe against 
all manner of licentious discourse in their conyersation.. The 
fourth Council of Carthage has three canons together upon 
this head; one!9 of which forbids scurrility and buffoonery, 


of the primitive clergy. 


eliodor. (t. 1. p. 337 ἃ.) 
Alii nummum addant nummo. . sint 
ditiores monachi, quam fuerant sx- 
culares; et clerici possideant opes 
sub Christo paupere, quas sub lo- 
cuplete [et fallace] Diabolo non ha- 


18 Epitaph. Nepotian. Ep. 3. (al. 
691 af Ρ. 3- [ 


buerant: et suspiret eos ecclesia di- 
vites, quos mundus tenuit ante men- 
cos. 

19 C, Go. (t. 2. p. 1204 e.) Cleri- 
cum scurrilem, et verbis turpibus 
joculatorem, ‘See jocularem, | ab offi- 
cio detrahendum [4]. retrahendum. | 


220 VI. 


Life and conversation 


or that foolish talking and jesting with obscenity, which the 
Apostle calls Bwpodoxia2°, under the penalty of deprivation. 
Another?! threatens such with excommunication as use to 
swear by the name of any creature. And a third canon” 
menaces the same punishment to such as sing at any public 
entertainments. St. Jerom2? particularly cautions his clerk 
against detraction, because of the temptation he may lie under 
either to commit the sin himself, or give way to it in others, 
by hearkening to and reporting false suggestions after them- 
Which is much the same thing; ‘for no slanderer tells his 
story to one that is not willing to hear him.’ ‘ An arrow,’ says 
he, ‘never fixes upon a stone, but often recoils back, and 
wounds him that shoots it. Therefore let the detracter learn 
to be less forward and busy, by your unwillingness to hear his 
detraction.’ St. Chrysostom 24 takes notice of this vice as most 
incident to inferiors, whom envy and emulation too often 
prompt to detract from the authority and virtues of their 
bishop; especially when they are grown popular, and admired 
for their own eloquent preaching; then, if they be of a bold 
and arrogant and vain-glorious temper, their business is to 
deride him in private, and detract from his authority, and 
make themselves every thing by lessening his just character 
and power. Upon this hint our author also takes occasion 
to shew what an extraordinary courage and spirit, and how 
divine and even a temper a bishop ought to have, that by such 
temptations, and a thousand others of the like nature, he be 


20 [The term which St. Paul em- 
ploys (Col. 3, 8.) is αἰσχρολογία. 
Βωμολοχία, buffoonery or ribaldry, 
does not occur in the N.T. It is 
met with in Plato’s Republic, and 
Aristotle has described the charac- 
ter of the βωμολόχος, the vulgar and 
coarse jester, as in one extreme of 
εὐτραπελία. See Eth. Nicom. 4. 8, 3. 
and Rhet. 3. 18, 7. The author has 
accidentally used the philosopher’s 
term, while he had in mind the 
Apostle’s expression. Ep. ] 

21 Ὁ. 61. (ibid. p. 1205 a.) Cleri- 
cum per creaturas jurantem acer- 
rime objurgandum. Si perstiterit in 
vitio, excommunicandum. 

22 (, 62. (ibid. a.) Clericum inter 
epulas cantantem supradicte sen- 
tentiz severitate coercendum. 


23 Ep. 2. [8]. 52.] ad Nepotian. (t. 
I. p. 266 a.) Cave quoque ne aut lin- 
guam aut aures habeas prurientes, 
id est, ne aut ipse aliis detrahas, aut 
alios audias detrahentes. ... Parce a 
detractione lingue, custodi sermo- 
nes tuos, et scito, quia per cuncta, 
quee de aliis loqueris, tua sententia 
judicaris, et in his ipse deprehen- 
deris, que in aliis arguebas. Neque 
vero illa justa est excusatio, Refe- 
rentibus aliis, injuriam facere non 
possum. Nemo invito auditori li- 
benter refert. Sagitta in lapidem 
nunquam figitur, interdum resiliens 
percutit dirigentem. Discat detrac- 
tor, dum te videt non libenter au- 
dire, non facile detrahere. 

24 De Sacerd. 1. 5. c. 8. tot. (t. I., 


ΡΡ. 420, 421.) 


oe we em 
ἢ 


§ 10, 11. of the primitive clergy. 
_ not overwhelmed either with anger or envy on the one hand, 
| or insuperable sorrow and dejection of mind on the other. 
St. Jerom recommends another virtue of the tongue to his 
clerk, which is of great use in conversation; and that is the 
keeping of secrets, and knowing when to be silent, especially 
about the affairs of great men. ‘ Your office,’ says he, ‘ re- 
quires you to visit the sick, and thereby you become acquainted 
with the families of matrons and their children, and are in- 
trusted with?the secrets of noble men. You ought therefore to 
keep not only a chaste eye, but also a chaste tongue. And as 
it is not your business to be talking of the beauties of women, 
‘so neither to let one house know from you what was done in 
another. For if Hippocrates adjured his disciples before he 
taught them, and made them take an oath of silence; if he 
formed them in their discourse, their gait, their meekness and 
‘modesty, their habit, and their whole morals; how much more 
‘ought we, who have the care of souls committed to us, to love 
the houses of all Christians as if they were our own! He 
‘means, that the clergy should be formed to the art of silence 
‘as carefully as Hippocrates taught his scholars; that the peace 
-and unity of Christian families might not be disturbed or dis- 
‘composed by revealing the secrets of one to another; which it 
is certain no one will do that has the property which St. Jerom 
requires, of loving every Christian family as his own. 
11. Secondly. As they were thus taught to be inoffensive of their 
both in word and deed, and thereby secure a good name and prod 
reputation among men, which was necessary for the due exer- against 
cise of their function; so, because it was possible their credit (P°" 
might be impaired, not only by the commission of real evil, 
but by the very appearance and suspicion of it, the laws of the 
Church upon this account were very exact in requiring them 
to set a guard upon their whole deportment, and avoid all sus- 
picious actions that might give the least umbrage or handle to 


25 Ep. 2. [al. 52.] ad Nepotian. (t.1. 
Ῥ. 266 c.) baie Ue est viaitare lan- 


221 


pulos suos, antequam doceat, et in 
verba sua jurare compellit: extor- 


guentes : nosse domos matronarum, 
ac liberos earum, et nobilium viro- 
rum custodire secreta. Officii tui 
sit, non solum oculos castos servare, 
sed et linguam. Nunquam de for- 
mis mulierum disputes, nec quid 
agatur in alia, domus alia per te 
noverit. Hippocrates adjurat disci- 


quet sacramento silentium; sermo- 
nem, incessum, habitum, moresque 
rescribit. Quanto is nos, qui- 
us animarum cura fal. medecina | 
commissa est, omnium Christiano- 
rum domos debemus amare tan- 
quam proprias ὃ 


222 Life and conversation 


an adversary to reproach them. It was not enough in this case 
that a man kept a good conscience in the sight of God, but he 
must provide or forecast for honest things in the sight of men. 
And this was the more difficult, because men are apt to be 
querulous against the clergy, as St. Chrysostom observes, some 
through weakness and imprudence, others through malice, 
easily raising complaints and accusations without any just 
ground, and difficultly hearkening to any reasons or apologies 
that they can offer in their own defence. But the more queru- 
lous and suspicious men are, the more watchful it becomes the 
clergy to be against unjust surmises, that they may cut off 
occasion from them that desire occasion to accuse or reproach 
them. To this end they are to use the utmost diligence and 
‘precaution to guard against the ill opinions of men, by avoiding 
all actions that are of a doubtful or suspicious nature. ‘ For,’ 
says St. Chrysostom, ‘if the holy Apostle St. Paul was afraid, 
lest he should have been suspected of theft by the Corinthians; 
and upon that account took others into the administration of 
their charity with himself, that no one might haye the least 
pretence to blame him; how much more careful should we be 
to cut off all occasions of sinister opinions and. suspicions, how- 
ever false or unreasonable they may be, or disagreeable to our 


VI. ui 


26 De Sacerd. 1. 6. ὁ. 9. τ 4. p. 
428 6.) Εἰ γὰρ 6 μακάριος Παῦλος, 
μὴ κλοπῆς ὑπόνοιαν λάβῃ παρὰ τοῖς 
μαθηταῖς, ἔδεισε' καὶ διὰ τοῦτο προσ- 
έλαβε καὶ ἑτέρους εἰς τὴν τῶν χρημά- 
των διακονίαν, ἵ ἵνα μή τις ἡμᾶς μωμή- 
σηταί, φησιν, ἐν τῇ adpornre ταύτῃ, 
τῇ διακονουμένῃ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν" πῶς ἡμᾶς 
οὐ πάντα δεῖ ποιεῖν, ὥστε τὰς πονη- 
ρὰς ἀναιρεῖν ὑποψίας, κἂν “Ψευδεῖς, 
κἂν ἀλόγιστοι τυγχάνωσιν οὖσαι, κἂν 
σφόδρα τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀπέχωσι δόξης" 
οὐδενὸς γὰρ ἁμαρτήματος τοσοῦτον 
ἡμεῖς ἀφεστήκαμεν, ὅσον κλοπῆς ὁ 
Παῦλος" ἀλλ᾽ ὅ ὅμως καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀφε- 
στηκὼς τῆς πονηρᾶς ταύτης πράξεως, 
οὐδὲ οὕτως ἠμέλησε τῆς" τῶν πολλῶν 
ὑπονοίας, καίτοι λίαν οὔσης ἀλόγου 
καὶ μανιώδους" μανία γὰρ ἦν, τοιοῦτον 
ὑποπτεῦσαί τι περὶ τῆς μακαρίας καὶ 
θαυμαστῆς ἐκείνης Ψυχῆς" [κεφαλῆς" 
Savil. Bened. ] ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οὐδὲν ἣ ἧττον 
καὶ ταύτης τῆς ὑποψίας, τῆς οὕτως 
ἀλόγου, καὶ ἣν οὐδεὶς ἂν μὴ παρα- 
παίων ὑπώπτευσε, πόρρωθεν ἀναιρεῖ 
τὰς αἰτίας" καὶ οὐ διέπτυσε τὴν τῶν 


πολλῶν ἄνοιαν, οὐδὲ εἶπε" τίνι γὰρ ἂν 
ἐπέλθοι ποτὲ, τοιαῦτα περὶ ἡμῶν ὑπο- 
νοεῖν, καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν σημείων, καὶ ἀπὸ 
τῆς ἐπιεικείας τῆς ἐν τῷ βίῳ, πάντων 
ἡμᾶς καὶ τιμώντων καὶ ᾿θαυμαζόντων ; 
ἀλλ᾽ ἅπαν τοὐναντίον, καὶ ὑπείδετο 
καὶ προσεδόκησε ταύτην τὴν πονηρὰν 
ὑπόνοιαν᾽ καὶ πρόρριζον αὐτὴν ἀνέ- 
σπασε, μᾶλλον δὲ οὐδὲ φῦναι τὴν ἀρ- 
χὴν ἀφῆκε" διὰ τί; προνοοῦμεν γάρ, 
φησι, καλὰ οὐ μόνον ἐνώπιον Κυρίου, 
ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐνώπιον ἀνθρώπων. τοσαύτη 
δεῖ μᾶλλον. δὲ καὶ πλείονι κεχρῆσθαι 
σπουδῇ" ὥστε μὴ μόνον αἰρομένας 
κατασπᾷν καὶ κωλύειν τὰς φήμας τὰς 
οὐκ ἀγαθάς" ἀλλὰ καὶ πόρρωθεν, ὅθεν 
ἂν γένοιντο, προορᾷν" καὶ τὰς προφά- 
σεις, ἐξ ὧν τίκτονται, προαναιρεῖν, 
καὶ μὴ περιμένειν αὐτὰς συστῆναι, 
καὶ ἐν τοῖς τῶν πολλῶν διαθρυλλη- 
θῆναι στόμασι τηνικαῦτα γὰρ οὔτε 
εὔπορον αὐτὰς ἀφανίσαι λοιπὸν, ἀλλὰ 
καὶ λίαν “δυσχερὲς, τάχα δὲ καὶ ἀδύ. 
νατον᾽ οὔτε ἀζήμιον, τῷ μετὰ τὴν τῶν 
πολλῶν βλάβην τοῦτο γενέσθαι. 


δ 11,12. of the primitive clergy. 223 


character! For none of us can be so far removed from any sin 
as St. Paul was from theft; yet he did not think fit to contemn 
the suspicions of the vulgar; he did not trust to the reputation 
which both his miracles and the integrity of his life had gener- 
ally gained him: but, on the contrary, he imagined such sus- 
picions and jealousies' might arise in the hearts of some men, 
and therefore he took care to prevent them; not suffering them 
to-arise at all, but timely foreseeing and prudently forestalling 
them; providing, as he says, for honest things not only in the 
sight of God, but also in the sight of men. The same care and 
much greater should we take, not only to dissipate and destroy 
the ill opinions men may have entertained of us, but to foresee 
afar off from what causes they may spring, and to cut off be- 
forehand the very occasions and pretences from whence they 
may grow. Which is much easier to be done than to extinguish 
them when they are risen, which will then be very difficult, 
perhaps impossible; besides that their being raised will give 
great scandal and offence, and wound the consciences of many.’ 
Thus that holy father argues upon this point, according to his 
wonted manner, nervously and strenuously, to shew the clergy 
their obligations to use their utmost prudence to foresee and 
prevent scandal, by avoiding all actions of a doubtful and sus- 
picious nature. St. Jerom2?? gives his clerk the same instruc- 
tions, ‘to guard against suspicions, and take care beforehand to 
minister no probable grounds for raising any feigned stories 
concerning him. If his office required him to visit the widows 
or virgins of the Church, he should never go to them alone, 
but always take some other persons of known probity and gra- 
vity with him, from whose company he would receive no defa- 
mation.’ 

12. Nor was this only the private direction of St. Jerom, Laws re- 
but a public rule of the Church. For in the third Council of rrp 
eee this canon?* was enacted, ‘that neither bishop nor 

. 2. [al. Ὥς .7 δὰ Nepotian. rici vel continentes ad viduas vel 
αν I. > or c.) Caveto omnes sus- virgines, nisi jussu vel permissu 
piciones : et quicquid probabiliter episcoporum et presbyterorum, non 
fingi potest, ne fingatur, ante devita accedant. Et hoc non soli faciant, 

. Si, propter officium clericatus, sed cum clericis, vel cum his, cum 
aut vidua a te visitatur aut virgo, quibus e iscopus jusserit vel pres- 
nunguam domum solus introeas. byter. Nec episcopi, aut peeebyests 
Tales habeto socios, quorum contu- soli habeant accessum ad hujusmodi 


bernio non infameris. foeminas, nisi aut clerici preesentes 
28 C, 25. (t. 2. p.1171a.) Ut cle-  sint, aut. graves aliqui Christiani. 


Raw 


presbyter, nor any other clerk, should visit the widows and 
virgins alone, but in the company and presence of some other 
of the clergy, or some grave Christians.’ And in the first 
Council of Carthage?9 and the Council of Epone®° there are 
canons to the same purpose. . 


224 Life and conversation 


An account 13. The great Council of Nice?! made another order upon 
of the aga- Ss τὴν : 
pete and the same grounds, to prevent all sinister opinions, ‘that none 


συνείσαις- δ i ee ΤΡ a ἐν Ἢ ; 
Ἐπ deat ts of the unmarried clergy, p,» presbyter, deacon, or any 


laws of the Other, should have any woman that was a stranger, and not 


oe. one of their kindred, to dwell with them; save only a mother, 
gina a sister, or an aunt, or some such persons, with whom they 
them. 


might live without suspicion.’ They who hence conclude that 
the clergy were forbidden to cohabit with their wives, which 
they had married before ordination, are sufficiently exposed by 
Gothofred®?, as ignorant of the true import of the original 
word, ovveloaxros, which never denotes a wife, but always ὦ 
stranger, in opposition to those of one’s kindred. And it is 
evident, the canon was made not upon the account of the mar- 
ried clergy, but the unmarried, to prevent suspicion and evil 
reports, that might easily arise from their familiar conversation 
with women that were not of their kindred or near relations. 


29 C. 3. (ibid. p. 1823 e.) Occa- 
siones enim amputande sunt pecca- 
torum, et tollendze omnes suspicio- 
nes, quibus subtilitas Diaboli, sub 
preetextu caritatis et dilectionis, in- 
cautas animas vel ignaras irretire 
consuevit. Nullus ergo et nulla, 
sanctimoniz deserviens, propter 


blasphemiam ecclesiz, si vobis pla- 


cet, in una domo penitus commora- 
ri [non] debent. Universi dixerunt: 
Qui nolunt nubere et pudicitiz me- 
liorem eligunt partem, vitare debent, 
non solum habitare simul, sed nec 
habere ad se aliquem accessum. 

80 C. 20. (t. 4. p. 1578 d.) Epi- 
scopo, presbytero, et diacono, vel 
ceteris clericis, horis preteritis, id 
est, meridianis vel vespertinis, ad 
foeminas prohibemus accessum: que 
tamen, si causa fuerit, cum presby- 
terorum aut clericorum testimonio 
videantur. 

31 Ὁ, 3. (t. 2. p. 29 d.) ᾿Απηγόρευσε 
καθόλου ἡ μεγάλη συνόδος, μήτε ἐπι- 
σκόπῳ, μήτε πρεσβυτέρῳ, μήτε δια- 


κόνῳ, μήτε ὅλως τινὶ τῶν ἐν τῷ κλή- 
ρῳ, ἐξεῖναι συνείσακτον γυναῖκα ἔχειν" 
πλὴν εἰ μὴ ἄρα μητέρα, ἢ ἀδελφὴν, ἢ 
θείαν, ἢ ἃ μόνα πρόσωπα πᾶσαν ὗὑπο- 
ψίαν διαπέφευγε. 

82 In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de 
Episcopis, leg. 44. (t.6. p. 88.) Ne- 
que he [conjuges] extranez sunt, 
neque cum his commune quidquam 
habet superior prohibitio de extra- 
neis mulieribus non asciscendis : 
quod ut hec lex apertissime testa- 
tur, ita Paphnutii quoque historia, 
collata cum dicto C. 3. Niczno, pa- 
riter edocet. Quare falluntur, qui 
ad conjuges a maritis ad sacerdo- 
tium promotis divellendas auctori- 
tatem canonis Niceeni advocant, qui 
non est nisi de extraneis, ut et Epi- 
stolam Basilii ad Paregorium 198; 
quee pariter non est nisi περὶ συν- 
εἰσάκτων. [Consult also sect. 2, 
throughout, wherein Gothofred is 
explicit on the subject. (p. 86. ad 
calc. col. dextr. et p. 87.) Vetantur 
igitur hac lege, &c. Ep.] 


225 


We may be satisfied of this from a law of Honorius and Theo- 
dosius Junior, which was made in pursuance of the Nicene Ca- 
non, and is still extant in both the Codes; where,—first having 
forbidden the clergy to cohabit with any strange women, who 
by some were taken in under the title and appellation of sis- 
ters; and having named what persons they might lawfully en- 


of the primitive clergy. 


_ tertain in their houses, viz. mothers, daughters, and sisters, 


because natural consanguinity would prevent all suspicion of 
these; lest not excepting of wives might seem to exclude them 
also,—a particular clause is added concerning them, ‘that such 
as were married before their husbands were ordained should 
not be relinquished upon pretence of chastity, but rather be 
retained upon that account; it being but reasonable that they 
should be joined to their husbands, who by their conversation 
made their husbands worthy of the priesthood.’ The συνείσ- 
axtot then, or strangers, who in these laws are forbidden to 
cohabit with the clergy, are not their lawful wives, but others, 
who were taken in under the name of sisters, as that law of 
Honorius, and other ancient writers * intimate they were called 
by those that entertained them. St. Jerom®> and Epiphanius®6 
tell us, they were also known by the name of agapete, ἀγαπη- 
ταὶ, that is, beloved. So that all these several names signify 
but that one sort of persons, most commonly called strangers, 
extranee, and συνείσακτοι, whose conversation was suspicious, 
and therefore so often prohibited by the laws of the Church. 
They were commonly some of the virgins belonging to the 
Church, whom they, that entertained them, pretended only to 


38 Cod.Theod.1.16. tit. 2. de Episc. 
leg. 44. (ibid. p. 86.)—Cod. Justin. 
1.1. tit.3. leg. 19.(t.4. p.83.) Eum, qui 

ilem szeculo’ disciplinam agit, 

lorari consortio sororiz appella- 
tionis non decet. Quicunque igitur 
cujuscunque us eas wor ful- 
ciuntur, vel clericatus honore cen- 
sentur, extranearum sibi mulierum 
i icta consortia cognoscant ; hac 
eis tantum facultate concessa, ut 
matres, filias, atque germanas intra 
domorum suarum septa contineant. 
In his enim nihil sevi criminis ex- 
istimari foedus naturale permittit. 
Illas etiam non relinqui castitatis 
hortatur affectio, que ante sacerdo- 
tium maritorum legitimum meruere 


BINGHAM, VOL. Ll. 


conjugium. Neque enim clericis in- 
competenter adjuncte sunt, qua 
dignos sacerdotio viros sua conver- 
satione fecerunt. 

‘4 Vid. C. Ancyr. c. 19. (t. I. p. 
1464b.)..... Τὰς μέν τοι συνερχομέ- 
νάς παρθένους τισὶν, ὡς ἀδελφὰς, ἐκω- 
λύσαμεν. 

35 See n. 38, following. 

86 Her. 63. Origen. ἢ. 2. (t. 1. p. 
521d.) Κατηγοροῦσι τῶν ἐν τῇ ἐκκλη- 
σίᾳ τὰς ἀγαπητὰς λεγομένας συνεισ- 

ous γυναῖκας κεκτημένων, ὡς καὶ 
αὐτῶν τοῦτο ἐπιτελούντων κρυφῆ διὰ 
τὴν τῶν ἀνθρώπων aida ἵνα μὲν τῇ 
πονηρίᾳ συνθάπτωνται, τῷ δὲ προ- 
σχήματι τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἕνεκα τὸ ὄνομα 
σεμνύνωνται. 

Q 


226 Life and conversation VI. in. 


love as sisters with a chaste love. But their manner of con- 
versing was sometimes so very scandalous, that it justly gave 
great offence to all sober and modest persons; and had not the 
Church always interposed with her severest censures, it must 
have made her liable to as great reproach. For it appears 
from the complaints of St. Cyprian37, St. Jerom%, and others, 
that the practice of some was very intolerable: for they not 
only dwelt together in the same house, but lodged in the same 
room, and sometimes in the same bed; and yet would be 
thought innocent, and called others uncharitable and suspicious 
that entertained any hard thoughts of them. But the Church 
did not regard vain words, but treated them, as they justly de- 
served, as persons that used a scandalous and indecent liberty, 
and who were the very pests and plagues of the Church. Cy- 
prian?9 commends Pomponius for excommunicating a deacon, 
who had been found guilty in this kmd. And the Council of 
Antioch‘? alleged this among other reasons for their deposing 
Paulus Samosatensis from his bishopric. In the following ages, 


87 Ep. 7. [4]. 13.] (p. 190.)... Cum 
summo animi nostri gemitu et do- 
lore cognovimus, non deesse, qui 
Dei templa, et post confessionem 
sanctificata, et illustrata prius mem- 
bra turpi et infami concubitu suo 
maculent, cubilia sua cum foeminis 
promiscua jungentes, &c.—Ep. 6. 
[8]. 14.] (p. 92.) Doleo enim quan- 
do audio quosdam improbe et inso- 
lenter discurrere ... Christi membra 
et jam Christum confessa per con- 
cubitus illicitos inquinasse, &c.—Ep. 
62. [al. 4.7 (p. 173.) Legimus literas 
tuas, frater carissime, quas per Pa- 
conium fratrem nostrum misisti, 
postulans et desiderans, ut tibi re- 
scriberemus, quid nobis de iis vir- 
ginibus videatur, que, cum in statu 
suo esse et continentiam firmiter te- 
nere decreverint, detect sint postea 
in eodem lecto pariter mansisse cum 
masculis: ex quibus unum diaco- 
num esse dicis; plane easdem, que 
se cum viris dormisse confessz sint, 
asseverare se integras esse, &c. 

_ 88 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. de Vir- 
gin. Servand. [c. 14.] p. 138. (t.1. 
Ρ. 97 8.).. Unde in ecclesias agape- 
tarum pestis introiit?) Unde sine 
nuptiis aliud nomen uxorum? Immo 


unde novum coneubinarum genus? 
Plus inferam : Unde meretrices uni- 
viree? Que eadem domo, uno cubi- 
culo, sepe uno tenentur et lectulo ; 
et suspiciosos nos vocant, si aliquid 
existimamus. 

39 Ep. 62. [al. 4.7 (p.174.).. Con- 
sulte et cum vigore fecisti, frater ca- 
rissime, abstinendo diaconum, qui 
cum virgine seepe mansit, sed et cze- 
teros, qui cum virginibus dormire 
consueverunt. Quod si pceniten- 
tiam hujus illiciti concubitus sui 
egerint, et a se invicem recesserint, 
inspiciantur interim virgines ab ob- 
stetricibus diligenter; et, si virgines 
invente fuerint, accepta communi- 
catione ad ecclesiam admittantur: 
hac tamen interminatione, ut si ad 
eosdem masculos postmodum re- 
verse fuerint, aut si cum eisdem in 
una domo et sub eodem tecto simul 
habitaverint, graviore censura ejici- 
antur, nec in ecclesiam postmodum 
facile recipiantur, &c. 

40 Ep. Synod. ap. Euseb. 1. 7. c. 
30. (ν.1. p. 362. 19.) Tas δὲ συνεισ- 
ἄκτους αὐτοῦ γυναῖκας, ὡς ᾿᾽Αντιο- 
χεῖς ὀνομάζουσι, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν 
πρεσβυτέρων καὶ διακόνων, K.T. r. 


§ 13. 


Le ee ee Oe 


of the primitive clergy. 497 
besides the Councils of Nice and Ancyra already mentioned, we 
meet with many other canons made upon this account, as in the 
second Council of Arles*', the first, third, and fourth Councils 
of Carthage*?, the Council of Eliberis*®, and Lerida**, and 
many others, prohibiting the clergy to entertain any women, 
who were strangers, and not of their near relations, under pain 
of deprivation. The intent of all which canons was to oblige 
the clergy, not only to live innocently in the sight of God, but 
also unblamably, and without suspicion and censure, in the 
sight of men. It being more especially necessary for men of 
their function to maintain not only a good conscience, but a 
good name; the one for their own sake, the other for the sake 
of their neighbours‘>: that men might neither be tempted to 
blaspheme the ways of God, by suspecting the actions of holy 
men to be impure, when they were not so; nor be induced to 
imitate such practices, as they at least imagined to be evil; 
either of which would turn to the destruction of their souls. So 
that it was cruelty and inhumanity, as St. Austin concludes, 
for a man, in such circumstances, to neglect and disregard his 


own reputation. 
41 C.3. (t.4. p.1o1r a.) Si quis 
a diaconatus in sola- 
tio suo mulierem, preter aviam, ma- 
trem, filiam, neptem, vel conversam 
secum uxorem, habere preesumpse- 
rit, a communione alienus habeatur. 
Par quoque et mulierem, si se sepa- 
rare noluerit, ym percellat. 
ἊΒ δυ τ Ι. 5.8. Seen.2 
rats a p- wear) Jas. ux- 
uas eadem lex ma- 
μὰν et πον —Carth. (Gv 59. 
(t. 2. p. 1170 a.) Cum omnibus om- 
nino clericis extranee foemine non 
cohabitent,sed sole matres,avize, ma- 
terterz, amitz, sorores, et filiz fra- 
trum aut sororum, et quecunque ex 
familia, domestica necessitate, etiam 
antequam ordinarentur, jam cum eis 
habitabant, &c.—Carth. 4. c. 46. 
(ibid. p. 1204 a.) Clericus cum ex- 
ἂν “0 traneis mulieribus non ae ie 
27. (t. I. p.973 6.) Episco- 
pus vel ὦ quilibe ‘ t 12 clericus, aut 
sororem, aut ἜΣ virginem dica- 
tam Deo, tantum secum habeat ; 
extraneam nequaquam habere pla- 
cuit. 


44 C. 15. (t. 4. p.1613¢.) Familia- 


ritatem extranearum mulierum, licet 
ex toto sancti patres antiquis moni- 
tionibus preceperint ecclesiasticis 
evitandam, id nunc tamen nobis vi- 
sum est, ut qui talis probabitur, si 
post primam et secundam commo- . 
nitionem se emendare neglexerit, 
donec in vitio perseverat, officii sui 
re- dignitate privetur. 

# Vid. August. de Bon. Viduitat. 
c. 22. (t.6. p. 384 g. et p. 385.) In 
omnibus sane spiritalibus deliciis, 
quibus fruuntur innupte, sancta ea- 
rum conversatio cauta etiam debet 
esse, ne forte, cum mala vita non sit 
per lasciviam, mala sit fama per 
negligentiam. Nec audiendi sunt, 
sive viri sancti sive foeemine, quando 
reprehensa in aliquo negligentia sua, 
per quam fit, ut in malam veniant 
suspicionem, unde vitam suam longe 

sciunt, dicunt sibi coram 
Deo sufficere conscientiam, existi- 
mationem hominum non impruden- 
ter solum, verum etiam crudeliter 
contemnentes: cum occidunt ani- 
mas aliorum, sive blasphemantium 
viam Dei, quibus secundum suam 
suspicionem quasi turpis, que casta 


Q2 


VI. i. 


228 Duties and offices 
Malevolent 14. But it might happen that a man, after the utmost 
ether human caution and prudence that could be used, might not be 


suspicions able to avoid the malevolent suspicions of ill-disposed men: for 
a our blessed Lord, whose innocence and conduct were both 
equally divine, could not in his converse with men wholly 
escape them. Now in this case the Church could prescribe no 
other rule, but that of patience and Christian consolation, given 
by our Saviour 46 to his Apostles: “ Blessed are ye, when men 
shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say all manner of 
evil against you falsely, for my sake. Rejoice, and be exceeding 
glad: for great is your reward in heaven.” ‘When we have 
done,’ says St. Austin47, ‘all that in justice and prudence we 
could to preserve our good name, if after that some men, not- 
withstanding, will endeavour to blemish our reputation and 
blacken our character, either by false suggestions or unreason- 
able suspicions, let conscience be our comfort, nay, plainly our 
joy, that great is our reward in heaven. For this reward is 
the wages of our warfare, whilst we behave ourselves as good. 
soldiers of Christ, by the armour of righteousness on the right 
hand and on the left, by honour and dishonour, by evil report 
and good report.’ 
So much of the laws of the Church, relating to the life and 
conversation of the ancient clergy. 


CHAP. III. 
Of laws more particularly relating to the exercise of the 
duties and offices of their function. 
1. I come now to speak of such laws as more immediately 
related to their function, and the several offices and duties be- 


The clergy 
obliged to 
lead a stu- 
dious life. 


est, displicet vita sanctorum; sive 
etiam cum excusatione imitantium, 
non quod vident, sed quod putant. 
Proinde quisquis a criminibus flagi- 
tiorum atque facinorum vitam suam 
custodit, sibi bene facit: quisquis 
autem etiam famam, et in alios mi- 
sericors est. Nobis enim necessa- 
ria est vita nostra, aliis fama nos- 
tra: et utique etiam quod aliis mi- 
nistramus misericorditer ad salu- 
tem, ad nostram quoque redundat 
utilitatem. 

46 Matth. 5, 11. 

47 Thid. (p. 385 ¢.)...... Ubi pro 


existimatione nostra, quidquid recte 
possumus, fecerimus; si aliqui de 
nobis vel mala fingendo, vel male 
credendo, famam nostram decolo- 
rare conantur; adsit conscientiz so- 
latium, planeque etiam gaudium, 
quod merces nostra magna est in 
ceelis, etiam cum dicunt homines 
mala multa de nobis, pie tamen 
justeque viventibus. [lla enim mer- 
ces tamquam stipendium est mili- 
tantium, per arma justitiz, non so- 
lum dextera, verum et sinistra, per 
gloriam scilicet et ignobilitatem, per 
infamiam et bonam famam. 





‘Tee 


229 


longing to it. In speaking of which, because many of these 
offices will come more fully to be considered hereafter, when 
we treat of the liturgy and service of the Church, I shall here 
speak chiefly of such duties as were required of them by way 
of general qualification, to enable them the better to go through 
the particular duties of their function. Such was, in the first 
place, their obligation to lead a studious life. For since, as 
Gregory Nazianzen‘* observes, the meanest arts could not be 


of the primitive clergy. 


obtained without much time and labour and toil spent therein, 


it were absurd to think that the art of wisdom, which compre- 
hends the knowledge of things human and divine, and com- 
prises every thing that is noble and excellent, was so light and 
vulgar a thing, as that a man needed no more but a wish or 
a will to obtain it. Some indeed, he complains‘9, were of this 
fond opinion, and therefore, ‘ before they had well passed the 
time of their childhood, or knew the names of the books of the 
Old and New Testament, or how well to read them, if they had 


but got two or three pious words by heart, or had read a few 


of the Psalms of David, and put on a grave habit, which made 
some outward show of piety, they had the vanity to think they 
were qualified for the government of the Church. They then 
talked nothing but of Samuel’s sanctification from his cradle, 
and thought themselves profound scribes, and great rabbies 


48 Orat. 1. Apologet. de Fug. (t. 
I. ἣν»: 22 Ὁ.) ᾽᾿Ορχήσεως μὲν καὶ αὐλή- 
ἐστι διδασκαλία καὶ μάθησις, 

καὶ χρόνου πρὸς τοῦτο δεῖ, καὶ ἱδρώ- 


᾿ τῶν συχνῶν καὶ πόνων, καὶ μισθοὺς 


καταβαλεῖν ἐσ τὶν ὅτι, καὶ προσαγωγῶν 
» καὶ ἀποδημῆσαι érepa, 
καὶ τ᾽ τὰ μὲν ποιῆσαι πάντα, τὰ 
δὲ παθεῖν e ἐμπειρία συλλέγεται" 
τὴν δὲ σοφίαν, ἣ πᾶσιν ἐπιστατεῖ, καὶ 
tangy ἐν αὐτῇ τὰ καλὰ συλλαβοῦσα 
ἔχει .. . οὕτω κοῦφόν τι pte ὅστε 
μένον πρᾶγμα ὑπολ' α, 
ἡρῆσω, ‘bet μόνον a εἶναι σοφόν, 
ς τοῦτο τῆς 
49 Thid. (p.21¢.)...... Καὶ οὕτω 
κακῶς διακείμεθα, ὥστε οἱ πλείους ἡ ἡ- 
μῶν, ἵνα μὴ λέγω πάντες, πρὶν ἀπο- 
θέσθαι σχεδὸν τὴν πρώτην τρίχα, καὶ 
τὸ τὰ παιδικὰ ψελλίζεσθαι, πρὶν παρ- 
ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὰς θείας αὐλὰς, πρὶν τῶν 
ἱερῶν βίβλων γνῶναι καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα, 
πρὶν καινῆς καὶ παλαιᾶς χαρακτῆρα 


γνωρίσαι, καὶ τοὺς προστάτας" (οὔπω 
γὰρ λέγω, πρὶν ἣ τὸν βόρβορον. ἀπο- 
πλύνασθαι, καὶ τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς αἴσχη, 
ὅσα ἡ κακία ἡμῖν προσεμάξατο") ἂν 
δύο i τρία ῥήματα τῶν εὐσεβῶν ἐ 
ασκήσωμεν, καὶ ταῦτα ἐξ ἀκοῆς, οὐκ 
ἐντεύξεως, ἢ ad Δαβὶδ βραχέα καθο- 
μιλήσωμεν, ἢ τὸ τριβώνιον εὖ περι- 
στειλώμεθα, ἢ μέχρι τῆς ζώνης φιλο- 
σοφήσωμεν, εὐσεβείας τι πλάσμα κατ᾽ 
w ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς περιχρώσαντες" βα- 
βαὶ τῆς προεδρίας καὶ τοῦ φρονήμα- 
tos’ ἱερὸς καὶ ἐκ σπαργάνων ὁ Σα- 
μουήλ. εὐθύς ἐσμεν “σοφοὶ καὶ διδά- 
σκαλοι καὶ ὑψηλοὶ τὰ θεῖα, καὶ γραμ- 
paréov ra πρῶτα, κ καὶ νομικῶν, | καὶ χει- 
ν ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς οὐρανίους, καὶ 
ἔνα: ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἹῬαββὶ 
ζητοῦμεν, καὶ οὐδαμοῦ τὸ γράμμα καὶ 
πάντα δεῖ νοηθῆναι πνευματικῶς, καὶ 
λῆρος πλατὺς τὰ ὀνείρατα, καὶ ἀγα- 
πο ἂν, εἰ μὴ σφόδρα ἐπαινοί- 
με 


230 Duties and offices VI. ii. 


and teachers, sublime in the knowledge of divine things, and 
were for interpreting the Scripture; not by the letter, but after 
a spiritual way, propounding their own dreams and fancies, in- 
stead of the divine oracles, to the people.’ This, he complains, 
was for want of that study and labour which ought to be the 
continual employment of persons who take upon them the 
offices of the sacred function. St. Chrysostom pursues this mat- 
ter a little further, and shews the necessity of continual labour 
and study in a clergyman, from the work and business he has 
upon his hand, each part of which requires great sedulity and ap- 
plication. For, first >°, ‘he ought to be qualified to minister suit- 
able remedies to the several maladies and distempers of men’s 
souls; the cure of which requires greater skill and labour than 
the cure of their bodily distempers. And this is only to be 
done by the doctrine of the Gospel, which therefore required 
that he should be intimately acquainted with every part of it.’ 
Then, again 51, ‘he must be able to stop the mouths of all gain- 
sayers,—Jews, Gentiles, and heretics,—who had different arts 
and different weapons to assault the truth by; and unless he 
exactly understood all their fallacies and sophisms, and knew 
the true art of making a proper defence, he would be in dan- 
ger not only of suffering each of them to make spoil and de- 
vastation of the Church, but of encouraging one error whilst 
he was opposing another.’ For nothing was more common than 
for ignorant and unskilful disputants to run from one extreme 
to another; as he shews in the controversies which the Church 
had with the Marcionites and Valentinians on the one hand, 
and the Jews on the other, about the law of Moses; and the 
dispute about the Trinity between the Arians and Sabellians. 
Now unless a man was well skilled and exercised in the Word 
of God, and the true art and rules of disputation, which could 
not be attained without continual study and labour, he con- 
cludes, ‘ it would be impossible for him to maintain his ground, 
and the truth, as he ought, against so many subtle and wily 


50 De Sacerd. 1. 4. c. 3. (t. I. p. 
407 6.) Ἢ ἀγνοεῖς, ὅτι καὶ πλείοσι 
τῆς ἡμετέρας σαρκὸς καὶ νόσοις καὶ 
ἐπιβουλαῖς τοῦτο ὑπόκειται τὸ σῶμα, 
κι T.A. 

91" Tbid. Ὁ, 4. (p. 408 d.) Διὸ 
πολλὴν χρὴ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν σπουδὴν, 
ὥστε τὸν λόγον τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐν ἡμῖν 


ἐνοικεῖν πλουσίως" οὐ γὰρ πρὸς ἕν εἷ- 
δὸς ἡμῖν μάχης ἡ παρασκευή" ἀλλὰ 
ποικίλος οὗτος 6 πόλεμος, καὶ ἐκ δια- 
φόρων συγκροτούμενος τῶν ἐχϑρῶν' 
οὔτε γὰρ ὁ ὅπλοις ἅπαντες χρῶνται τοῖς 
αὐτοῖς, οὔτε ἑνὶ προσβάλλειν ἡμῖν με- 
μελετήκασι τρόπῳ. κ. τ. A. 


δ 1,2. of the primitive clergy. 231 


opposers.’ Upon this he inculeates*? that direction of St. Paul 

to Timothy, (i Tim. 4. 13, 15.) “ Give attendance to reading, to 

exhortation, to doctrine. Meditate upon these things: give thy- 

self wholly to them ; that thy profiting may appear to all men.” 

Thirdly, he shews* ‘ how difficult and laborious a work it was 

to make continual homilies and set discourses to the people, 

who were become very severe judges of the preacher’s com- 

posures, and would not allow him to rehearse any part of an- 

other man’s work, nor so much as to repeat his own upon a 

second occasion. Here his task was something the more diffi- 

cult, because men had generally nice and delicate palates, and 

were inclined to hear sermons as they heard plays, more for 

pleasure than profit. Which added to the preacher’s study and 

labour; who, though he was to contemn both popular applause 
and censure, yet was also to have such a regard to his audi- 

tory, as that they might hear him with pleasure to their edifi- 

cation and advantage.’ And*4 ‘the more famed and eloquent 

the preacher was, so much the more careful and studious ought 

he to be, that he may always answer his character, and not 

expose himself to the censures and accusations of the people.’ 

These and the like arguments does that holy Father urge, to 

shew how much it concerns men of the sacred calling to devote 

themselves to a studious and laborious life, that they may be 

the better qualified thereby to answer the several indispensable 

duties of their functions. 

2. Some indeed, St. Chrysostom says, were ready to plead No pleas 

even the Apostle’s authority for their ignorance, and almost prorpoot 
value themselves for want of learning, because the Apostle says wih gs 
of himself that he was rude in speech. But to this the holy arse 
Father justly replies >>, ‘ that this was a misrepresentation of the 





52 Thid. oh c. 8. (p.413 b.)”"Axove 
δὲ καὶ re bere φησιν ἐπιστέλ- 
λων" κ.τ. 

58 Tbid. ᾿ . δ: 2. ¥. ,&. 415 a.).. 
οὖν τοῦτό ἐστιν; ὁ πολὺς wives ἀν 
περὶ τὰς διαλέξεις τὰς κοινῇ πρὸς τὸν 
rab rt Saat ἐν apy Πρῶ- 

πλέον τῶν ἀρχομένων 
ob ᾿βθέλουσιν ὡς πρὸς διδασκάλους 
πῶς λέγοντας, ἀλλὰ 
τῶν v τάξιν ore ς ἀντι- 
λ iy 1 ry τῶν ϑεατῶν τῶν ἐν 
τοῖς ἔξωθεν καθεζομένων ἀγῶσι. .... 


Ἣν γὰρ τινὰ δυμβῆ τῶν λεγόντων μέ- 
ρος τι τῶν ἑτέροις πονηθέντων ἐνυφῆ- 
vat τοῖς λόγοις αὐτοῦ, πλείονα τῶν τὰ 

ene κλεπτόντων ὑφίσταται dvei- 


-.λ. 
34 ibid. ἘΚ, .41| ἃ.) Καὶ γὰρ ὅτ' 
oe Loren, Savil.] πολλὴν ἐν τῷ λέγειν 
. οὐδὲ οὕτω τοῦ πονεῖ- 


σθαι denpecte ἀπήλλακται .++. Gore 


Ty τοῖς σοφωτέροις μᾶλλον, i} τοῖς ἀμα- 


ϑεστέ is, μείζων ὅ πόνος, κ. τ.λ. 
55 Thid. 1. 4. cc. 6. et 7. tot. 
410 d.) Ti οὖν ὁ Παῦλός, φησιν, 


oe 


232 Duties and offices VI. iii. 


great Apostle, and vainly urged to excuse any man’s sloth and 
negligence in not attaining to those necessary parts of know- 
ledge which the clerical life required. If the utmost heights 
and perfections of exotic eloquence had been rigidly exacted of 
the clergy ; if they had been to speak always with the smooth- 
ness of Isocrates, or the loftiness of Demosthenes, or the ma- 
jesty of Thucydides, or the sublimity of Plato; then indeed it 
might be pertinent to allege this testimony of the Apostle. But 
rudeness of style, in comparison of such eloquence, may be al- 
lowed; provided men be otherwise qualified with knowledge, 
and ability to preach and dispute accurately concerning the 
doctrines of faith and religion; as St. Paul was, whose talents 
in that kind have made him the wonder and admiration of the 
whole world; and it would be unjust to accuse him of rudeness 
of speech, who by his discourses confounded both Jews and 
Greeks, and wrought many into the opinion that he was the 
Mercury of the Gentiles. Such proofs of his power of persua- 
sion were sufficient evidence that he had spent some pains in 
this way; and therefore his authority was fondly abused to 
patronise ignorance and sloth, whose example was so great a 
reproach to them.’ Others again there were who placed the 
whole of a minister in a good life, and that was made another 
excuse for the want of knowledge and study, and the art of 
preaching and disputing. But to this St. Chrysostom also re- 
plies 56, ‘ that both these qualifications were required in a priest; 


ἐσπούδασε ταύτην [Savil. αὐτῷ. al. of | 
κατορθωθῆναι τὴν ἀρετήν᾽ K.T. 

56 [bid. c. 8. (p. 413 b.)” Move de, 
κι τ. A.—It. ς. 9. (Pp. 414.) Oray δὲ 
ὑπὲρ δογμάτων ἀγὼν κινῆται, καὶ πάν- 
τες ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν μάχωνται γραφῶν, 
ποίαν ἰσχὺν ὁ βίος ἐνταῦθα ἐπιδεῖξαι 
δυνήσεται ; τί τῶν πολλῶν ὄφελος 
ἱδρώτων, ὅτ' ἂν μετὰ τοὺς μόχθους 
ἐκείνους, ἀπὸ τῆς πολλῆς τις ἀπειρίας 
εἰς αἵρεσιν ἐκπεσὼν ἀποσχισθῇ τοῦ 
σώματος τῆς ἐκκλησίας 5 ὅπερ οἶδα 
πολλοὺς παθόντας , ἐγώ" ποῖον αὐτῷ 
κέρδος τῆς καρτερίας: οὐδέν᾽ ὥσπερ 
οὖν οὐδὲ ὑγιοῦς πίστεως, τῆς πολι- 
τείας διεφθαρμένης" Διὰ δὴ ταῦτα 
μάλιστα πάντων “ἔμπειρον εἶναι δεῖ 
τῶν τοιούτων ἀγώνων, τὸν διδάσκειν 
τοὺς ἄλλους λαχόντα' εἰ γὰρ καὶ αὐ- 
τὸς ἕστηκεν ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ, μηδὲν ὑπὸ 


τῶν ἀντιλεγόντων βλαπτόμενος, ἀλλὰ 
τὸ τῶν ἀφελεστέρων πλῆθος, τὸ τατ- 
τόμενον ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ, ὅτ' ἂν ἴδῃ τὸν 
ἡγούμενον ἡττηθέντα, καὶ οὐδὲν ἔ ἔχοντα 
πρὸς τοὺς ἀντιλέγοντας. εἰπεῖν, οὐ τὴν 
ἀσθένειαν τὴν ἐκείνου τῆς ἥττης, ἀλλὰ 
τὴν τοῦ δόγματος αἰτιῶνται σαθρό- 
τητα᾽ καὶ, διὰ τὴν τοῦ ἑνὸς ἀπειρίαν, 


ς 


ὁ πολὺς λεὼς εἰς ἔσχατον ὄλεθρον 
καταφέρεται: κἂν γὰρ μὴ πάντῃ γέ- 
νῶνται τῶν ἐναντίων᾽ ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως, ὑπὲρ 
ὧν θαρρεῖν εἶχον, ἀμφιβάλλειν ἀναγ- 
κάζονται" καὶ οἷς μετὰ πίστεως προσ- 
ἥεσαν ἀκλινοῦς, οὐκ ἔτι μετὰ τῆς av- 
τῆς δύνανται προσέχειν στερρότητος" 
ἀλλὰ τοσαύτη ζάλη τῶν ἐκείνων εἰσοι- 
κίζεται ψυχαῖς, ἀπὸ τῆς ἥττης τοῦ 
διδασκάλου" ὡς καὶ εἰς ναυάγιον τε- 
λευτῆσαι τὸ κακόν. 


82, 3. of the primitive clergy. 233 


he must not only do, but teach the commands of Christ, and 
guide others by his word and doctrine, as well as his practice : 
each of these had their part in his office, and were necessary to 
assist one another, in order to consummate men’s edification. 
For otherwise, when any controversy should arise about the 
doctrines of religion, and Scripture was pleaded in behalf of 
error; what would a good life avail in this case? What would 
it signify to have been diligent in the practice of virtue, if after 
all a man, through gross ignorance and unskilfulness in the 
Word of Truth, fell into heresy, and cut himself off from the 
body of the Church? as he knew many that had done so. But 
admit a man should stand firm himself, and not be drawn away 
by the adversaries; yet when the plain and simple people who 
are under his care shall observe their leader to be baffled, and 
that he has nothing to say to the arguments of a subtle opposer, 
they will be ready to impute this not so much to the weakness 
of the advocate as the badness of his cause: and so, by one 
man’s ignorance, a wliole people shall be carried headlong to 
utter destruction; or at least be so shaken in their faith, that 
they shall not stand firm for the future.’ St. Jerom* gives 
also a smart rebuke to this plea, telling his clerk ‘that the 
plain and rustic brother should not value -himself upon his 
sanctity, and despise knowledge; as neither should the artful 
and eloquent speaker measure his holiness by his tongue. For 
though of two imperfections, it was better to have a holy igno- 
rance than a vicious eloquence; yet to consummate a priest, 
both qualifications were necessary, and he must have know- 
ledge as well as sanctity to fit him for the several duties of his 
function.’ Thus did those holy instructors plead against igno- 
rance in the clergy, and urge them with proper arguments to 
engage them upon a studious life, which was the only way to 
furnish them with sufficient abilities to discharge many weighty 
duties of their function. 
3. But it was not all sorts of studies that they equally re- Their chief 


commended, but chiefly the study of the Holy Scriptures; as be the Holy 


57 Ep. 2.[al.52.]ad Nepotian.(t.1. tatem. Multoque melius est e duo- 
Ρ. 262 d.) Nec rusticus et tamen bus imperfectis rusticitatem sanc- 
simplex frater ideo se sanctum pu- tam habere, quam eloquentiam pec- 
tet, si nihil noverit: nec peritus et catricem. 
eloquens in lingua estimet sancti- 


234 Duties and offices VI. iii. 


Scriptures, being the fountains of that learning which was most proper for 


and the ap- ᾿ 3 Α ‘ 
proved ὡς Ὁ their calling, and which upon all occasions they were to make 


Ran use of. ‘For,’ as St. Chrysostom 58 observes, ‘in the way of 
Church. administering spiritual physic to the souls of men, the Word 


of God was instead of every thing that was used in the cure of 
bodily distempers. It was instrument, and diet, and air; it was 
instead of medicine, and fire, and knife; if caustics or incisions 
were necessary, they were to be done by this; and if this did 
not succeed, it would be in vain to try other means. This was 
it that was to raise and comfort-the dejected soul, and take 
down and assuage the swelling tumors and presumptions of the 
confident. By this they were both to cut off what was super- 
fluous and supply what was wanting, and do every thing that 
was necessary to be done in the cure of souls. By this all 
heretics and aliens were to be convinced, and all the plots of 
Satan to be countermined: and therefore it was necessary that 
the ministers of God should be very diligent in studying the 
Scriptures, that the word of Christ might dwell richly in them.’ 
This was necessary to qualify them especially for preaching ; 
since, as St. Jerom 59 rightly notes, ‘the best commendation of 
a sermon was to have it seasoned well with Scripture rightly 
applied.’ Besides, the custom of expounding the Scripture 
occasionally, many times as it was read, required a man to be 
well acquainted with all the parts of it, and to understand both 
the phrase and sense, and doctrines, and mysteries of it, that 
he might be ready upon all occasions to discourse pertinently 
and usefully upon them. And to this purpose some canons 
appointed 60, ‘that their most vacant hours, the times of eating 


58 De Sacerd. 1]. 4. c. 3. (t. 1. p. 
407 6.) Τοῦτο ὄργανον, τοῦτο τροφὴ, 
τοῦτο ἀέρων κράσις ἀρίστη" τοῦτο 
ἀντὶ φαρμάκου, τοῦτο ἀντὶ πυρὸς, 
τοῦτο ἀντὶ σιδήρου" κἂν καῦσαι δέῃ 
καὶ τεμεῖν, τούτῳ χρήσασθαι ἀνάγκη" 
Kav τοῦτο μηδὲν ἰσχύσῃ, πάντα οἴχε- 
Tat τὰ λοιπά" τούτῳ καὶ κειμένην 
ἐγείρομεν, καὶ φλεγμαίνουσαν κατα- 
στέλλομεν τὴν Ψυχὴν, καὶ τὰ περιττὰ 
περικόπτομεν, καὶ τὰ λείποντα πλη- 
povdpev, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἅπαντα ἐργαζό- 
μεθα, ὅσα εἰς τὴν τῆς ψυχῆς ὑγιείαν 
ἡμῖν συντελεῖ: πρὸς μὲν γὰρ βίου 
κατάστασιν ἀρίστην, βίος ἕτερος εἰς 
τὸν ἶσον ἂν ἐναγάγοι ζῆλον' ὅτ᾽ ἂν δὲ 


περὶ δόγματα νοσῇ ἡ Ψυχὴ τὰ νόθα, 
πολλὴ τοῦ λόγου ἐνταῦθα ἡ χρεία, οὐ 
πρὸς τὴν τῶν οἰκείων ἀσφάλειαν μό- 
νον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἔξωθεν πολέ- 
povs.—Ibid. c. 4. (p. 408 c.) Διὸ 
πολλὴν χρῆ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν σπουδὴν, 
ὥστε τὸν λόγον τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐν ἡμῖν 
ἐνοικεῖν πλουσίως. 

59 Ep. 2. ut supr. (t 1. p. 261 b.) 
Sermo presbyteri Scripturarum lec- 
tione conditus sit. Nolo te decla- 
matorem esse et rabulam, garru- 
lumque sine ratione, sed mysterio- 
rum peritum, &c. , 

60 C. Tolet. 3. c. 7. (Ὁ. 5. p. IOTT a.) 
.. Quia solent crebro mensis otiosz 





of the primitive clergy. 235 


and drinking, should not pass without some portion of Scrip- 
ture read to them; partly to exclude all other trifling and un- 
necessary discourse, and partly to afford them proper themes 
and subjects to exercise themselves upon to edification and ad- 
vantage.’ St. Jerom® commends his friend Nepotian for this, 
‘that at all feasts he was used to propound something out 
of the Holy Scripture, and entertain the company with some 
useful disquisition upon it. And, next to the Scriptures, he 
employed his time upon the study of the best ecclesiastical au- 
thors, whom by continual reading and frequent meditations he 
had so treasured up in the library of his heart, that he could 
repeat their words upon any proper occasion, saying, Thus 
spake Tertullian, thus Cyprian, so Lactantius, after this manner 
Hilary, so Minucius Felix, so Victorinus, these were the words 
of Arnobius, and the like.’ But among ecclesiastical writings, 
the Canons of the Church were always reckoned of greatest 
use; as containing a summary account not only of the Church’s 
discipline, and doctrine, and government, but also rules of life 
and moral virtues; upon which account, as some laws directed 
that the Canons should be read over at every man’s ordination, 
so others ® required the clergy afterward to make them part 
of their constant study together with the Holy Scripture. For 
the Canons were then a sort of directions for the pastoral care, 
and they had this advantage of any private directions, that 
they were the public voice and rubrics of the Church, and so 
much the more carefully to be read upon that account. In 
after-ages, in the time of Charles the Great, we find some laws ® 


1261 e.) Nulli episcopo liceat Cano- 
nes, aut Librum Pastoralem a beato 
Gregorio papa editum, si fieri potest, 
ignorare, in quibus se debet unus- 


fabulz interponi, in omni sacerdo- 
tali convivio lectio Scripturarum di- 
vinarum misceatur: per hoc enim 
et anime eedificantur in bonum, et 


fabule non pergeenrie peubentat, 
61 Epi tian. Ep. 

Heliodor. [al. Ep “4 Virtutes 

tiani.] (t. 1. p. 336 ἃ.) Sermo eas 

per omne convivinm de Scripturis 


Ele « cant -c- 25; ( (t. 4. 13 d.) 
Sciant igitur sacerdo ong pal δι 
sanctas, et Canones fmeditonter|, 

ut edificent Name tam fidei sci- 


enti, perum disciplina. 
ἃ ava 3. 8. 6. ἃ G7. PB 


uisque, quasi in quodam speculo, 
adel ue ἘΠι για Cabillon. 2. 
c. 1. (ibid. p. 1585. 5 c.).. Illas Scrip- 
turas notissimas habeant, que ca- 
nonice appellantur, et earum sen- 

patrum tractatus inquirant. 
rye quoque intelligant et Li- 
brum beati Gregorii pape de Cura 
Pastorali: et secundum formam ibi- 
dem constitutam et vivant et pre- 
dicent. 


236 Duties and offices VI. in. 
obliging the clergy to read, together with the Canons, Gre- 
gory’s book De Cura Pastorali. 

4. As to other books and writings, they were more cautious 

—. and sparing in the study and use of them. Some canons® 

oe forbad a bishop to read heathen authors. Nor would they 

allowed. allow him to read heretical books but only upon necessity, that 
is, when there was occasion to confute them, or to caution 
others against the poison of them. But the prohibition of hea- 
then learning, though it seem to be more peremptory, was to 
be understood likewise with a little qualification. For men 
might have very different views and designs in reading heathen 
authors. Some might read them only for pleasure, and make a 
business of that pleasure, to the neglect of Scripture and more 
useful learning; and all such were highly to be condemned. 
St. Jerom® says of these, ‘ that when the priests of God read 
plays instead of the Gospels, and wanton bucolics instead of the 
Prophets, and loved to have Virgil in their hands rather than 
the Bible, they made a crime of pleasure, and turned the ne- 
cessity of youthful exercise into a voluntary sin.’ Others could 
not relish the plain and unaffected style of Scripture, but con- 
versed with heathen orators, to bring their language to a more 
polite or Attic dialect. And these also came under the censures 
of the Church. It is remarkable what Sozomen® tells us of 
Triphyllius, a Cyprian bishop, (who was one of these nice and 
delicate men who thought the style of Scripture not so elegant 
as it might be made), that having occasion, in a discourse before 
Spiridion and some other Cyprian bishops, to cite those words 
of our Saviour, ρον σοῦ τὸ κράββατον καὶ περιπάτει, Take up 


How far 


63 C. Carth. 4. c.16. (t. 2. p.1201¢.) 
Ut episcopus gentilium libros non 
legat; heereticorum autem pro ne- 
cessitate et tempore. 

64 Ep. 146. [al. 21.] ad Damas. 
de Fil. Prod. t. 3. p. 129. (t. 1. p. 
7 5 €.).... Sacerdotes Dei, omissis 

vangeliis et Prophetis, videmus 
comeedias legere, amatoria bucoli- 
corum versuum verba canere, Vir- 
gilium tenere; et id quod in pueris 
necessitatis est, crimen in se facere 
voluptatis. 


OL. 1. Gree. 0052. P. 23. 40.) 


Συνάξεως ἐπιτελουμένης, ἐπιτραφεὶς 
Τριφύλλιος διδάξαι τὸ πλῆθος, ἐπεὶ 
τὸ ῥητὸν ἐκεῖνο παράγειν εἰς μέσον 
ἐδέησε, τὸ ᾿Αρόν σου τὸν κράββατον 
καὶ περιπάτει, σκίμποδα ἀντὶ τοῦ 
κραββάτου μεταβαλὼν τὸ ὄνομα εἶπε" 
καὶ ὁ Σπυρίδων ἀ ἀγανακτήσας, Οὐ σύγε, 
ἔφη. ἀμείνων τοῦ κράββατον εἰρηκό- 
τος, ὅτι ταῖς αὐτοῦ λέξεσιν ἐ ἐπαισχύνῃ 
κεχρῆσθαι" καὶ τοῦτο εἰπὼν, ᾿ἀπεπή- 
δησε τοῦ ἱερατικοῦ θρόνου, τοῦ δήμου 
ὁρῶντος" ταύτῃ γὲ μετριάζειν παι- 
δεύων τὸν τοῖς λόγοις ὠφρυωμένον. 


ΑΨ Ὸ τνο 


= 2 oe 


§ 4. 


of the primitive clergy. 237 


thy bed and walk, he would not use the word κράββατον, but 
instead of it put σκίμποδα, as being a more elegant word in his 
opinion. To whem Spiridion, with an holy indignation and 
zeal, replied, “ Art thou better than He that said κράββατον, 
that thou shouldest be ashamed to use his words?” thereby 
admonishing him to be a little more modest, and not give 
human eloquence the preference before the Holy Scriptures. 
Another sort of men conversed with heathen authors rather 
than the Scriptures, because they thought them more for their 
turn to arm them with sophistry to impose their errors upon 
the simplicity of others. As the anonymous author in Euse- 
bius®, who writes against the Theodosian heretics, observes of 
the leading men of that party, ‘ that, leaving the Holy Scrip- 
tures, they generally spent their time in Euclid and Aristotle, 
Theophrastus and Galen; using the quirks and sophisms of 
infidel writers to palliate their heresy, and corrupt the sim- 
plicity of the Christian faith.’ Now in all these cases, the 
reading of heathen authors for such unworthy ends was very 
disallowable, because it was always done with a manifest ne- 
glect and contempt of the Holy Scriptures, and therefore upon 
such grounds deservedly forbidden by the canons of the 
Church. But then, on the other hand, there were some cases, 
in which it was very allowable to read Gentile authors, and the 
Church’s prohibition did not extend to these. For sometimes 
it was necessary to read them, in order to confute and expose 
their errors, that others might not be infected thereby. Thus 
St. Jerom®? observes of Daniel, ‘that he was taught in the 


SL, 5. ς, 28. (ν. I. p. 254. 3.) 
] ς δὲ τὰς ἁγίας τοῦ Θεοῦ 
γεωμετρίαν ἐπιτηδεύουσιν, 


Qui de mensa regis et de vino potus 
ejus non vult comedere ne pollua- 
tur; utique si sciret ipsam sapien- 


ὡς ra ἐκ τῆς γῆς ὄντες, καὶ ἐκ THs γῆς 
λαλοῦντες, καὶ τὸν ἐρχόμενον 
ἀγνοοῦντες. Ἐὐκλείδης γοῦν παρά τι- 
σιν αὐτῶν φιλοπόνως γεωμετρεῖται" 
Ἶ ἔλης δὲ καὶ Θεόφραστος θαυ- 
Ὄνται" Γαληνὸς γὰρ ἴσως ὑπό τινων 

καὶ προσκυνεῖται" οἱ δὲ ταῖς τῶν ἀπί- 
στων τέχναις εἰς τὴν τῆς αἱρέσεως αὐ- 
τῶν γνώμην ἀποχρώμενοι, καὶ τῇ τῶν 
ἀθέων πανουργίᾳ τὴν ἁπλῆν τῶν θείων 
ὧν πίστιν καπηλεύοντες" ὅτι μὴ 

i 


eee 


δὲ ὺς πίστεως ὑπάρχουσι, τί 
<< ΩΝ 
67 In Dan. c. 1. (t. 5. p. 625 ¢.) 


tiam atque doctrinam Babyloniorum 
esse peccatum, nunquam acqui- 
esceret dicere, quod non licebat. 
Discunt autem, non ut sequantur, 
sed ut judicent atque convincant. 
Quomodo si quis adversus mathe- 
maticos velit scribere, imperitus pa- 
θήματος, risui pateat, et adversum 
μόρᾳ μαι disputans, si ignoret 
ogmata philosophorum. Discunt 
ergo ea mente doctrinam Chaldzo- 


rum, qua et Moyses omnem sapien- 
tiam pe ale didicerat. 


238 Duties and offices VI. ii. 


knowledge of the Chaldeans, and Moses in all the wisdom of 
the Egyptians; which it was no sin to learn, so long as they 
did not learn it to follow it, but to censure and refute it.” St. 
Ambrose ®® says, ‘ he read some books that others might not 
read them; he read them to know their errors, and caution 
others against them.’ This was one reason why sometimes 
heathen writers might be read by men of learning, in order to 
set a mark upon them. Another reason was, that many of them 
were useful and subservient to the cause of religion, either for 
confirming the truth of the Scriptures, and the doctrines of 
Christianity, or for exposing and refuting the errors and vani- 
ties of the heathens themselves. Thus St. Jerom® observes, 
‘that both the Greek and Latin historians, such as Diodorus 
Siculus, Polybius, Trogus Pompeius, and Livy, are of great use 
as well to explain as confirm the truth of Daniel’s prophecies.’ 
And St. Austin7° says the same of the writings of Orpheus and 
the Sibyls, and Hermes, and other heathen philosophers, ‘ that 
as they said many things that were true both concerning God 
and the Son of God, they were in that respect very serviceable 
in refuting the vanities of the Gentiles.’ Upon which account 
not only St. Austin and St. Jerom, but most of the ancient wri- 
ters of the Church, were usually well versed in the learning of 
the Gentiles, as every one knows that knows any thing of them. 
St. Jerom, in one short Epistle71, mentions the greatest part of 
those that lived before his own time, both Greeks and Latins, 
and says of them all in general, that their books are so filled 


68 L. 1. in Luc. Procem. 6.1. v. 1. 
(t. 1. p. 1265 d.) Legimus aliqua, ne 
legantur ; legimus, ne ignoremus ; 
legimus, non ut teneamus, sed ut 
repudiemus. 

69 Prolog. in Dan. (t.5. p.622.) Ad 
intelligendas extremas partes Dani- 
elis, multiplex Grecorum historia 
necessaria est. .. Et si quando cogi- 
mur literarum seecularium recordari, 
et aliqua ex his dicere que olim omi- 
simus; non nostre est voluntatis, 
sed, ut ita dicam, gravissime neces- 
sitatis. Ut probemus ea, que a 
sanctis Prophetis ante multa szcula 
preedicta sunt, tam Greecorum quam 
Latinorum et aliarum Gentium lite- 
ris contineri. 


70 Cont. Faust. 1. 13. c. 15. (t. 8. 
Ρ. 260 a.) Sibylla porro, vel Sibyl- 
le, et Orpheus, et nescio quis Her- 
mes, et si qui alii vates, vel theo- 
logi, vel sapientes, vel philosophi 
gentium de Filio Dei, aut de Patre 
Deo vera preedixisse seu dixisse per- 
hibentur; valet quidem aliquid ad 
paganorum vanitatem revincendam, 


e; 

71 Ep. 84. [al. 70.] ad Magn. (t. 
I. p. 427 6.) In tantum philosopho- 
rum doctrinis atque sententiis suos 
referciunt libros, ut nescias quid in 
illis primum admirari debeas, eru- 
ditionem seculi, an scientiam Scrip- 
turarum. 


δ. 4,5. of the primitive clergy. 239 


with the sentences and opinions of philosophers, that it is hard 

to say which is most to be admired, their secular learning, or 

their knowledge in the Scriptures. And herein is comprised 

the plain state of this matter ;—the clergy were obliged, in the 

first place, to be very diligent in studying the Scriptures, and 

after them the Canons and approved writers of the Church, ac- 
cording to men’s abilities, capacities, and opportunities ; for the 

same measures could not be exacted of all. Beyond this, as 

there was no obligation on them to read human learning, so 

there was no absolute prohibition of it; but where it could be 

made to minister as an handmaid to divinity, and not usurp or 
encroach upon it, there it was not only allowed, but commended 

and encouraged. And it must be owned, that though the abuse 

of secular learning does sometimes great harm, yet the study 

of it rightly applied did very great service to religion in the 
primitive ages of the Church. 

5. From their private studies pass we on next to view them Of their 

‘in their more public capacities, as the people’s orators to God, "ἰοῦ and. 
and God’s ambassadors to the people. In regard to which tbeir public 
offices and character, I have shewed before7?, they were es- rg 
teemed a sort of mediators, in a qualified sense, between God 

and men. In all their addresses to God as the people’s orators 

their great care was to offer all their sacrifices and oblations of 
prayer and thanksgiving in such a rational, decent, and be- 
coming way, as best suited the nature of the action; that is, 

with all that gravity and seriousness, that humility and re- 
verence, that application of mind and intenseness and fervency 

of devotion, as both became the greatness of that Majesty to 
whom they addressed, and was proper for raising suitable af- 
fections in the people. This is the true meaning of that famous 
controverted passage in Justin Martyr’s Second Apology, where, 
describing the service of the Church, and the manner of cele- 
brating the eucharist, he says7°, ‘the bishop sent up prayers 

and praises, ὅση δύναμις, with the utmost of his abilities to 

God.’ Some misconstrue this passage, and interpret the abilities 

of the minister officiating so as if they meant no more but his 
invention, expression, or the like; making it by such a gloss to 


72 B. 2. ch. 19. 8. 16. v. 1. p.238. εὐχὰς ὁμοίως καὶ εὐχαριστίας, ὅση 
73 Apol. 2. (p. 98 6.) Ὃ προεστὼς δύναμις αὐτῷ, ἀναπέμπει. 


240 Duties and offices VIL in. 


become an argument against the antiquity of public liturgies, 
or set forms of prayer; whereas indeed it signifies here a quite 
different thing, viz. that spiritual vigour, or intenseness and 
ardency of devotion, with which the minister offered up the 
sacrifices of the Church to God; being such qualifications as 
are necessary to make our prayers and praises acceptable unto 
Him, who requires them to be presented with all our soul and 
might; which may be done in set forms, as well as any other 
way. And so Gregory Nazianzen and Justin Martyr himself 
use the phrase ὅση δύναμις, where they speak of set forms of 
praising and serving God; of which more hereafter in its pro-_ 
per place. St. Chrysostom?‘ is very earnest in recommending 
this same duty to the priests of God, under the name of σπουδὴ 
and εὐλάβεια, care and reverence. ‘With what exact care,’ says 
he, ‘ ought he to behave himself, who goes in the name of a 
whole city, nay, in the name of the whole world, as their orator 
and ambassador to intercede with God for the sins of all? But 
especially when he invocates the Holy Ghost, and offers up τὴν 
φρικωδεστάτην θυσίαν, the tremendous sacrifice of the altar ; 
with what purity, with what reverence and piety, should his 
tongue utter forth those words; whilst the angels stand by him, 
and the whole order of heavenly powers cries aloud, and fills 
the sanctuary in honour of Him, who is represented as dead, 
and lying upon the altar! Thus that holy Father argues with a 
warmth and zeal suitable to the subject, and such as is proper 
to raise our devotion, and kindle our affections into an holy 
flame, whenever we present the supplications of the Church on 
earth to the Sacred Majesty of heaven. 

sla ee 6. And this ardency of devotion was continually to be che- 

as neglect- rished and preserved. ΤῸ which purpose the Church had her 


74 De Sacerd. 1.6. c. 4. (t.1. p. 
424 a.) Τὸν yap ὑπὲρ ὅλης τῆς πό- 
News’ καὶ τί λέγω πόλεως ; πάσης 
μὲν οὖν τῆς οἰκουμένης πρεσβεύοντα, 
καὶ δεόμενον ταῖς ἁπάντων ἁμαρτίαις 
ἵλεων γενέσθαι τὸν Θεὸν. - ὁποῖόν 
τινα εἶναι χρή: SueyeoT ἂν δὲ καὶ τὸ 
Πνεῦμα τὸ ΤΑ γον. καλῇ; καὶ τὴν φρι- 
κωδεστάτην ἐπιτελῇ θυσίαν, καὶ τοῦ 
κοινοῦ πάντων συνεχῶς ἐφάπτηται Δε- 


'σπότου, ποῦ τάξομεν αὐτὸν, εἶπέ μοι; 


πόσην δὲ αὐτὸν ἀπαιτήσομεν καθαρό- 


τητα, καὶ πόσην εὐλάβειαν ; ; ἐννόησον 
γὰρ, ὁποίας τὰς ταῦτα διακονουμένας 
χεῖρας εἶναι χρὴ, ὁποίαν τὴν γλῶτταν 
τὴν ἐκεῖνα προχέουσαν τὰ ῥήματα" 
τίνος δὲ οὐ καθαρωτέραν καὶ ἁγιωτέ- 
ραν, τὴν τοσοῦτο πνεῦμα ὑποδεξαμέ- 
γὴν ψυχήν; τότε καὶ ἄγγελοι παρε- 
στήκασι τῷ ἱερεῖ, καὶ οὐρανίων δυνά- 
μεὼν ἅπαν τάγμα Boa καὶ ὁ περὶ τὸ 
θυσιαστήριον πληροῦται τόπος εἰς τὴν 
τιμὴν τοῦ κειμένου. 


241 


daily sacrifices wherever it was possible to have them; and on ed the daily 
these every clergyman was indispensably obliged to attend ; fro, 
and that under pain ef suspension and deprivation, whether it 

was his duty to officiate or not. For so the first Council of 
Toledo?> determined for the Spanish Churches, ‘ that if any 
presbyter or deacon, or other clerk, should be in any city or 

country where there was a church, and did not come to church 

to the daily sacrifice or service, he should no longer be reputed 

one of the sacred function.’ The Council of Agde7® orders such 

to be reduced to the communion of strangers, which at least 

implies suspension from their office. And the law of Justinian’? 
punishes them with degradation, because of the scandal they 

give to the laity by such neglects or contempts of divine ser- 

vice. So careful were the ancient lawgivers of the Church to 

cut off all indecencies and abuses of this nature, and make the 

clergy provoking examples of piety to the people. 

7. Next to their office in addressing God as the people’s Rulesabout 
orators, we are to view them as God’s ambassadors, addressing Prestins 
themselves in his name to the people. Which they did by public tion. 
preaching and private application: in both which their great 
care was to perform the duty of watchmen over God’s flock, 
and of good stewards over his household. In their preaching, 
their only aim was to be the edification of the people. To 
which purpose the great masters of rules in this kind, Gregory 
Nazianzen, Chrysostom, and St. Jerom, lay down these few 
directions : 

First, that the preacher be careful to make choice of an 
useful subject. Gregory Nazianzen’® specifies the rule in some 

75 C. 5 2. p. 1224 b.) Presby- 
ter, vel diaconus, qui intra civitatem 


of the primitive clergy. 


temque recipiant. 
77 Cod. 1. 1. tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 





Sh pe eS 


fuerit, vel in loco in quo ecclesia 
est, si in ecclesiam ad sacrificium 
1otidianum non venerit, clericus 
non habeatur. 
76 Ὁ, 2. (t. 4. p. 1383 b.) Contu- 
maces vero clerici, prout dignitatis 
ordo permiserit, ab episcopis corri- 
gantur: et si qui prioris gradus 
elati superbia communionem for- 
tasse contempserint, aut ecclesiam 
frequentare, vel officium suum im- 
neglexerint, peregrina eis com- 
munio tribuatur: ita ut, cum eos 
peenitentia correxerit, rescripti in 
matricula gradum suum dignita- 
BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


41. n. 10. (t. 4. p. 113.) ... Καὶ τοὺς 
μὴ εὑρισκομένους ἀμέμπτως ταῖς λει- 
τουργίαις π τ αν dvras, ἔξω τοῦ 
κλῆρον καθίστασθαι κελεύομεν. 

8 Orat. 1. re oS de Fug. (t. 
I. p. 15 ἃ.) Ἐμοὶ δ᾽ οὖν πρᾶγμα φαί- 
νεται, οὐ τῶν φαυλοτάτων, οὐδὲ ὀλί- 
γου τοῦ πνεύματος, διδόναι κατὰ και- 
ρὸν ἑκάστῳ τοῦ λόγου τὸ σιτομέτριον, 
καὶ νομεῖν ἐν κρίσει τὴν ἀλήθειαν 
τῶν ἡμετέρων δογμάτων, ὅσα περὶ 
κόσμων ἢ κόσμου πεφιλ ϑ 
djl ὅλη, περὶ ψυχῆς, περὶ νοῦ καὶ 
τῶν νοερῶν φύσεων, βελτιόνων τε καὶ 
χειρόνων, περὶ τῆς τὰ πάντα συνδεού- 

R 


242 Duties and offices VI. iu. 


particular instances, such as the doctrine of the world’s crea- 
tion, and the soul of man; the doctrine of providence, and 
the restoration of man; the two covenants; the first and second 
coming of Christ, his incarnation, sufferings, and death; the 
resurrection, and end of the world, and future judgment, and 
different rewards of Heaven and Hell; together with the doc- 
trine of the blessed Trinity, which is the principal article of the 
Christian faith. Such subjects as these are proper for edifica- 
tion, to build up men in faith and holiness, and the practice of 
all piety and virtue. 

But then, secondly, they pet be treated on in a wniahie 
way; not with too much art or loftiness of style, but with great 
condescension to men’s capacities, who must be fed with the 
word as they are able to bear it. This is what Gregory Nazi- 
anzen79 so much commends in Athanasius, when he says, ‘ he 
condescended and stooped himself to the mean capacities, whilst 
to the acute his notions and words were more sublime.’ St. 
Jerom 80 also observes upon this head, ‘ that a preacher’s dis- 
course should always be plain, inteligible, and affecting; and 
rather adapted to excite men’s groans and tears, by a sense of 
their sins, than their admiration and applause, by speaking to 
them what neither they, nor he himself perhaps, do truly un- 
derstand. For it is ignorant and unlearned men chiefly that, 
affect to be admired for their speaking above the capacities of 
the vulgar. <A bold forehead often interprets what he himself 
does not understand; and yet he has no sooner persuaded 
others to they know not what, but he assumes to himself the 
title of learning upon it. When yet there is nothing so easy as 
to deceive the ignorant multitude, who are always most prone 


79 Orat. 21. de Laud. Athanas. 


\ ΄, Ν , “ 
σης τε καὶ διεξαγούσης προνοίας, ὅσα 


τε κατὰ λόγον a ἀπαντᾷν δοκεῖ, καὶ ὅσα 
παρὰ λόγον τὸν κάτω καὶ τὸν ἀνθρώ- 
πινον᾽ ἔτι τε ὅσα περὶ τῆς πρώτης 
ἡμῶν συστάσεως καὶ τῆς τελευταίας 
ἀναπλάσεως, τύπων τε καὶ ἀληθείας 
καὶ “διαθηκῶν; καὶ Χριστοῦ παρουσίας 
πρώτης τε καὶ δευτέρας, σαρκώσεώς 
τε καὶ παθημάτων, καὶ ἀναλύσεως" 
ὅσα τε περὶ ἀναστάσεως, περὶ τέλους, 
περὶ κρίσεως καὶ ἀνταποδόσεως σκυ- 
Opwrorépas | τε καὶ ἐνδοξοτέρας" τὸ 
κεφάλαιον, ὅ ὅσα περὶ τῆς ἀρχικῆς καὶ 
βασιλικῆς καὶ μακαρίας Τριάδος ὑπο- 
ληπτέον" κι τ. Δ. 


(ibid. Ρ. 896 ἃ.).... Πεζὸς τοῖς τα-. 
TEPOTADE ὑψηλότερος τοῖς οὐκ 
ροτέ ots. 

80 Ep.2. ‘fal. 52.] ad Nepotian. (t.1. 
p- 261 b.) Docente te in ecclesia, 
non clamor populi, sed gemitus sus- , 
citetur; lacryme auditorum laudes 
tue sint....Celeritate dicendi apud 
imperitum ‘vulgus admirationem sui 
facere indoctorum hominum est. 
Attrita  frons interpretatur spe 
quod nescit ; et, cum aliis persua- 
serit, sibi quoque usurpat scien- 
tiam. 


ὃ 7. 


ere 








of the primitive clergy. 243. 


to admire what they do not understand.’ Upon this account, 
St. Chrysostom 51 spends almost a whole book in cautioning the 
Christian orator_against this failing; ‘that he should not be 
intent on popular applause, but with a generous mind raise 
himself above it; seeking chiefly to advantage his hearers, and 
not barely to delight and please them. To this purpose,’ he 
concludes, ‘it would be necessary for him to despise both the 
applauses and censures of men, and all other things that might 
tempt him rather to flatter his hearers than edify them.’ In a 
word, ‘his chief end in all his composures should be to please 
God ®?: and then, if he also gained the praise of men, he might 


,receive it; if not, he needed not to court it, nor torment him- 


self that it was denied him. For it would be consolation enough 
for all his labours, that in adapting his doctrine and eloquence 
he had always sought to please his God.’ 

Thirdly. A third rule given in this case was, ‘ that men 
should apply their doctrine and spiritual medicines according 
to the emergent and most urgent necessities of their hearers. 
Which was the most proper duty of a watchman, to perceive 
with a quick eye where the greatest danger lay; which was 
men’s weakest and most unguarded side; and then apply suit- 
able remedies to their maladies and distempers.’ St. Chryso- 
stom 53, in speaking of this part of a minister’s duty, says ‘ he 
should be νηφάλιος καὶ διορατικὸς, watchful and perspicacious, 
and have a thousand eyes about him, as living not for himself 
alone, but for a multitude of people. To live retired in a cell 


“81 De Sacerd. 1. g. c. 1. [ἢ τ: φημίαι") εἰ μὲν ἐπαινεῖται καὶ παρὰ 
415 4.) Tevvaias ες δεῖ  κῴταῦδα τῶν ἀνθρώπων, μὴ διακρουέσθω τὰ 


ῆς, καὶ πολὺ τὴν ἡ ἡμετέραν ym 
σμικρότητα" i iva τὴν ἄτακ 
Ajj) τοῦ πλήθους ἡδονὴν 
μων το καὶ πρὸς τὸ ὠφελιμώτερον 
τὴν ἀκρόασιν᾽ ὡς 
αἰτῷ τὸ τὸν λαὸν ἕπεσθαι καὶ εἴκειν, 
μὴ αὐτὸν τῶν ἐκείνων ἄγεσθαι 
ἐπιθυμίαις. Τούτου δὲ οὐδαμῶς ἐστιν 
ἐπιτυχεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ διὰ τούτοιν τοῖν δυ- 
“- τῆς τε τῶν ἐπαίνων ὑπεροψίας, 


λέγειν ὃ 
“er ibid. ¢ 7. “pe 419 δ. οκρ- ὧω 


yagi ’ ὡς dy ἔσειε 
ἐν Θεῷ, (οὗτος αὐτῷ ν καὶ 
ουργίας "τῆν ae μὴ κρότοι, μηδὲ εὐ- 


ἐγκώμια" μὴ παρεχόντων δὲ αὐτὰ τῶν 
ἀκροατῶν, μὴ ζητείτω, μηδὲ ᾿ἀλγείτω" 
ἱκανὴ γὰρ αὐτῷ παραμυθία τῶν πόνων, 
καὶ πάντων μείζων, Or ἂν ἑαυτῷ συν- 
εἰδέναι δύνηται, πρὸς ἀρέσκειαν τοῦ 
Θεοῦ συντιθεὶς καὶ ῥυθμίζων τὴν δι- 
δασκαλίαν. 

83 Thid. 1. 3. c. 12. (p. 380 Ὁ.) .. 
Νηφάλιον εἶναι δεῖ τὸν ἱερέα, καὶ διο- 
ρατικὸν, καὶ “μυρίους πανταχόθεν κε- 

κτῆσθαι τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς" ὡς οὐχ 
ἑαυτῷ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθει ζῶντα 

τοσούτῳ, k.r..—Conf. |. 4. ce, 2. et 
-_(P. aitos 9 495 d. og Ὥσπερ yap τοῖς aipe- 
αὕταρκες, κι τ. A. ' 


R 2 


244 Duties and offices VI. iii. 


is the business of a monk; but the duty of a watchman is to 
converse among men of all degrees and callings; to take care 
of the body of Christ, the Church, and have regard both to its 
health and beauty; curiously observing lest any spot or wrinkle 
or other defilement should sully the grace and comeliness of it. 
Now this obliged spiritual physicians to apply their medicines, 
that is, their doctrines, as the maladies of their patients chiefly 
required; to be most earnest and frequent in encountering 
those errors and vices which were most reigning, or which men 
were most in danger of being infected by.’ And this is the rea- 
son why, in the homilies of the Ancients, we so often meet with 
discourses against such heresies as the world now knows no- 
thing of; such as those of the Marcionites and Manichees, and 
many others, which it would be absurd to combat now in po- 
pular discourses ; but then it was necessary to be done, because 
they were the prevailing heresies of the age, and men were in 
danger of being subverted by them. And it is further observa- 
ble, that the most formidable heresies and prevailing factions, 
such as that of the Arians, when armed with secular power, 
could never either force or court the Catholic preachers into 
silence, to let the wolves devour the sheep by such a tame and 
base compliance. In this case no worldly motives could pre- 
vail with them, when they saw the danger, not to give warning 
of it. They thought they could not otherwise answer the cha- 
racter of watchmen, and stewards of the mysteries of God, since 
it was required in stewards that a man be found faithful. 

Of fidelity, 8, But their fidelity was not only expressed in their public 

diligence, discourses, but also in their private addresses and applications 


heck ts to men, who had either cut themselves off from the body of 
Sata se Christ by heresies and schisms, or by their sins made them- 
cig” selves unsound members of the body, whilst they seemed to 
continue of it. With what fidelity and meekness and diligence 
they addressed themselves to the former sort, we may learn 
from the good effects which their applications often had upon 
them. Theodoret tells of himself, in one place 84, that he had 


converted a thousand souls from the heresy of the Marcionites, 


84 Ep. 113. ad Leon. (t. 4. part. 2. πολλοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αρείου καὶ 
Ρ. 1190.) Τῆς θείας μοι χάριτος συν- Ἑὐνομίου συμμορίας προσήγαγον τῷ 
εργησάσης πλείους μὲν ἢ χιλίας ψυ- δεσπότῃ Χριστῷ. 
χὰς ἠλευθέρωσα τῆς Μαρκίωνος νόσου, 


§7, 8. 


of the primitive clergy. 245 


and many others from the heresies of Arius and Eunomius, in 
his own diocese. And in another place*> he augments the 
number of converted Marcionites to ten thousand, whom, with 
indefatigable industry, in a diocese of forty miles in length and 
breadth, containing eight hundred churches in it, he had re- 
duced from their strayings to the unity of the Catholic Church. 
What wonders also St. Austin wrought in Afric upon the Do- 


. natists and others the same way, by private letters and confer- 


ences and collations with them, the reader may learn from 
Possidius 36, the author of his Life, who frequently mentions his 


labours in this kind, and the great advantage that accrued to 


the Church by these means. For he lived to see the greatest 
part of the Manichees, Donatists, Pelagians, and Pagans con- 
verted to the Catholic Church. They were no less careful to 
apply themselves in private to persons within the Church, as 
occasion required. And here great art and prudence, as well 
as fidelity and diligence, was necessary to give success to their 


endeavours. ‘For mankind,’ as Nazianzen observes’, ‘is so va~ 


ΓΝ 145 ny ge 1026. (ibid. - 1251.) 
ὀδύρομαι, ὅτι ὃς πρώην 

τοῖς ἊΝ 9 Μαρκίωνος τὴν λύμην δεξα- 
μένοις π ρον ἀποδείξεις, καὶ 
πλείους ἢ μυρίους διὰ τῆς θείας χάρι- 
τὸς πείσας προσήγαγον τῷ παναγίῳ 
ματι, ταύταις νῦν τοῖς νομι- 


Barrio, 
σθεῖσιν ὁμοπίστοις ἡ ἡ ἐπισκήψασα νό- 


woe π ἔρειν καταναγκάζει. 
it. August. c. ate t. 10. append. 


p- aa eyet Episcins privatas ad 
quoscumque ejusdem erroris episco- 
pos et eminentes scilicet laicos dedit, 
δρόμο reddita admonens atque ex- 
hortans, ut vel ab illa se pravitate 
t, vel certe ad disputatio- 
nes venirent.—C. 12. ult. et c.13. (p. 
265 e & f.) Qua diligentia et sancto 
studio multum crevit sancta eccle- 
sia. Et his omnibus pro pace eccle- 
sie gestis, A o Dominus et 
hic red dedit, et apud se justi- 
tize coronam reservavit: ac m 
magisque, juvante Christo, de die in 
diem auge et multiplicabatur od 
unitas et ecclesiz Dei fraterni- 
tas.—C. 18. (p. 270 a.) Et erat ille 
ἐμδικοευλδης να precipuum Domi- 
nici corporis membrum, circa uni- 
versalis ecclesiz utilitatem solicitus 


semper ac pervigil. Et illi divinitus 
donatum est, ut de suorum laborum 
fructu, etiam in hac vita, udere 
provenisset, prius quidem in Hippo- 
nensi ecclesia et regione, cul maxime 
residebat unitate ac pace perfecta, 
Neinde i in aliis Afric partibus, sive 
se a sive -~ alios, et quos 
ipse dederat sacerdotes pullulasse, 
et multiplicatam fuisse Domini ec- 
elesiam pervidens, illosque Mani- 
cheos, Donatistas, Pelagianistas, et 
Paganos ex magna defecisse, 
et ecclesiz Dei sociatos esse con- 
gaudens. 

87 Orat. 1. Apologet. de Fug. (t. 
I. pp- 13 d. seqq.) «. +++ Τούτων yap 
ἕκαστοι πλεῖον ἀλλήλων ἔστιν ὅτε 
ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις καὶ ταῖς ὁρμαῖς, i 
κατὰ τὰς τῶν σωμάτων ἰδέας δια- 
φέροντες. εἰ δὲ βούλει, τὰς τῶν στοι- 
χείων μίξεις, καὶ κράσεις, ἐξ ὧν συν- 
εστήκαμεν, οὐ ῥάστην ἔχουσι τὴν οἰ- 
Kovo " ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ τοῖς σώμασιν 

αὐτὴν μακείαν τε καὶ τρο- 
φὴν Gundsnore, ἄλλοι δὲ ἄλλην, ἢ 
εὐεκτοῦντες, ἢ κάμνοντες, οὕτω καὶ τὰς 
ψυχὰς διαφόρῳ λόγῳ = ἀγωγῇ θε- 
ραπεύονται' μάρτυρες δὲ τῆς 
πείας, ὧν καὶ τὰ guste τοὺς μὲν ae 


246 Duties and offices VI. im. 


rious and uncertain a sort of creature, that it requires’ the 
greatest art and skill to manage him. For the tempers of 
men’s minds differ more than the features and lineaments of 
their bodies; and, as all meats and medicines are not proper 
for all bodies, so neither is the same treatment and discipline 
proper for all souls. Some are best moved by words, others by 
examples; some are of a dull and heavy temper, and so have 
need of the spur to exstimulate them; others that are brisk 
and fiery, have more need of the curb to restrain them. Praise 
works best upon some, and reproof upon others, provided each 
of them be ministered in a suitable and seasonable way; other- 
wise they do more harm than good. Some men are drawn by 
gentle exhortations to their duty; others by rebukes and hard 


λόγος, οἱ δὲ ῥυθμίζονται παραδείγμα- 
τι" οἱ μὲν δέονται κέντρων, οἱ δὲ χα- 
λινοῦ" oi μὲν γάρ εἰσι νωθεῖς, καὶ 
δυσκίνητοι πρὸς τὸ καλὸν, ods τῇ πλη- 
γῇ τοῦ λόγου διεγερτέον" οἱ δὲ θερ- 
μότεροι τοῦ μετρίου τῷ πνεύματι, καὶ 
δυσκάθεκτοι ταῖς ὁρμαῖς, καθάπερ πῶ- 
λοι γενναῖοι πόρρω τῆς νύσσης | θέον- 
τες, οὗς βελτίους ἂν ποιήσειεν ἄγχων 
καὶ ἀνακόπτων 6 λόγος. τοὺς μὲν ἔπαι- 
νος ὥνησεν, τοὺς δὲ ψόγος, ἀμφότερα 
μετὰ τοῦ καιροῦ" ἢ τοὐνάντιον, ἔβλα- 
Ψψεν ἔξω τοῦ καιροῦ, καὶ τοῦ λόγου" 
τοὺς μὲν παράκλησις κατορθοῖ, τοὺς 
δὲ ἐπιτίμησις, καὶ αὕτη τοὺς μὲν ἐν τῷ 
κοινῷ διελεγχομένους, τοὺς δὲ κρύβδην 
νουθετουμένους" φιλοῦσι γὰρ οἱ μὲν 
καταφρονεῖν τῶν ἰδίᾳ νουθετημάτων, 
πλήθους καταγνώσει σωφρονιζόμενοι' 
οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τῶν ἐλέγ- 
χων ἀναισχυντεῖν, τῷ τῆς ἐπιτιμήσεως 
μυστηρίῳ παιδαγωγούμενοι, καὶ ἀντι- 
διδόντες τῆς συμπαθείας τὴν εὐπεί- 
θειαν. τῶν μὲν πάντα τηρεῖν ἐπιμελῶς 
ἀναγκαῖον μέχρι καὶ τῶν μικροτάτων, 
ὅσους τὸ οἴεσθαι λανθάνειν" ἐπειδὴ 
τοῦτο τεχνάζουσιν, ὡς σοφωτέρους 
ἐφύσησεν' τῶν δὲ ἔστιν ἃ καὶ παρο- 
ρᾷν ἄμεινον, ὥστε ὁρῶντας μὴ ὁρᾷν, 
καὶ ἀκούοντας μὴ ἀκούειν, κατὰ τὴν 
παροιμίαν" ἵνα μὴ πρὸς ἀπόνοιαν av- 
τοὺς ἐἑρεθίζωμεν, τῷ φιλοπόνῳ τῶν 
ἐλέγχων καταβαπτίζοντες, καὶ τέλος, 
πρὸς πάντα ποιήσωμεν τολμηροὺς, τὸ 
τῆς πειθοῦς φάρμακον τὴν αἰδῶ διαλύ- 
σαντες. καὶ μέν τοι καὶ ὀργιστέον τι- 
σὶν οὐκ ὀργιζομένους, καὶ ᾿ὑπεροπτέον 
οὐχ ὑπερορῶντας, καὶ ἀπογνωστέον 


οὐκ ἀπογινώσκοντας, ὅσων τοῦτο a 
φύσις ἐπιζητεῖ" καὶ ἄλλους ἐπιεικείᾳ 
θεραπευτέον καὶ ταπεινότητι, καὶ τῷ 
συμπροθυμεῖσθαι. δὴ περὶ τὰς χρῆστο- 
τέρας ἐλπίδας. καὶ τοὺς μὲν νικᾷν, τῶν 
δὲ ἡττᾶσθαι πολλάκις λυσιτελέστερον, 
καὶ τῶν μὲν εὐπορίαν καὶ δυναστείαν, 
τῶν δὲ πενίαν ἢ δυσπραγίαν, ἢ ἢ ἐπαι- 
νεῖν ἢ ἀπεύχεσθαι: οὐ γὰρ ὥσπερ ἐ ἐπὶ 
τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔχει καὶ τῆς κακίας, τὴν 
μὲν καλλίστην εἶναι καὶ ὠφελιμωτά- 
την ἀεὶ καὶ πᾶσι, τὴν δὲ χειρίστην τε 
καὶ βλαβερωτάτην" οὕτω καὶ τῆς φαρ- 
μακείας τῆς ἡμετέρας, ἕν τι καὶ τὸ αὐ- 
τὸ ὑγιαινότατον, ἢ ἐπισφαλέστατον 
ἀεὶ καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἀποδέδεικται" οἷον 
τὸ αὐστηρὸν ἢ τὸ πρᾷον, ἢ τῶν ἄλλων, 
ὧν ἀπηριθμησάμην ἕκαστον" ἀλλὰ | τοῖς 
μὲν τοῦτο καλὸν καὶ χρήσιμον, τοῖς δὲ 
τὸ ἐναντίον πάλιν, ὅπως ἂν, οἶμαι, 
συμπίπτουσιν οἵ, τε καιροὶ καὶ τὰ 
πράγματα, καὶ ὁ τῶν θεραπευομένων 
ἐπιδέχηται τρόπος. ἃ πάντα μὲν δι- 
ελέσθαι λόγῳ καὶ συνιδεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ 
ἀκριβέστατον, ὥστε καὶ κε αλαίῳ τὴν 
θεραπείαν περιλαβεῖν, ἀμήχανον, κἂν 
ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξίκηταί τις ἐπιμελείας 
τε καὶ συνέσεως. ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς πείρας 
αὐτῆς καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων, τῷ Oepa- 
πευτῇ λόγῳ καὶ ἀνδρὶ καταφαίνεται 
sie οὕτω μὲν δὴ τὰ τῶν παθῶν ἔχει 
τῶν ἡμετέρων, καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐνταῦθα 
τὸ ἔργον τῷ ἀγαθῷ ποιμένει, τῷ γνω- 
στῶς γνωσομένῳ ψυχὰς ποιμνίου, καὶ 
ἀφηγησομένῳ κατὰ "λόγον ποιμαντι- 
κῆς, τῆς γε ὀρθῆς καὶ δικαίας, καὶ τοῦ 
ἀληθινοῦ ἸΤοιμένος ἡμῶν ἀξίας. 


48. 


ea ἐν. ἄνω ἃ Ἔσο αν a 


of the primitive clergy. 247 


words must be driven to it. And even in the business of re- 
proof, some are affected most with open rebuke, others with 
private. For some men never regard a secret reproof, who yet 


are easily corrected, if chastised in public. Others again can- 


not bear a public disgrace, but grow either morose, or impudent 
and implacable upon it ; who, perhaps, would have hearkened 
to a secret admonition, and repaid their monitor with their 
conversion, as presuming him to have accosted them out of 


mere pity and love. Some men are to be so nicely watched 


and observed, that not the least of their faults are to be dis- 


sembled; because they seek to hide their sins from men, and 


arrogate to themselves thereupon the praise of being politic 
and crafty: in others it is better to wink at some faults, so 
that seeing we will not see, and hearing we will not hear, lest 
by too frequent chidings we bring them to despair, and so 


make them cast off modesty, and grow bolder in their sins. To 
some men we must put on an angry countenance, and seem to 


contemn them, and despair of them as lost and deplorable 
wretches, when their nature so requires it; others, again, must 
be treated with meekness and humility, and be recovered to 
a better hope by more promising and encouraging prospects. 
‘Some men must be always conquered, and never yielded to, 
whilst to others it will be better sometimes to concede a little. 
For all men’s distempers are not to be cured the same way ; 
but proper medicines are to be applied, as the matter itself, or 
occasion, or the temper of the patient will admit of. And this 
is the most difficult part of the pastoral office, to know how to 
distinguish these things nicely, with an exact judgment, and 
with as exact a hand to minister suitable remedies to every dis- 
temper. It is a masterpiece of art, which is not to be perfectly 
attained but by good observation, joined with experience and 
practice.’ What our author thus here at large discourses by 
way of rule and theory, he in another place sums up more 
briefly in the example of the great Athanasius, whose pattern 
he proposes to men’s imitation, as a living image of this ad- 
mirable prudence and dexterity in dealing with men according 
to this great variety of tempers; telling us‘, ‘ that his design 

88 Orat. 21. de Laud. Athanas. (t. τὸ νωθρὸν διεγείρων, τῶν δὲ τὸ θερμὸν 


I. p. Fy 6 Cs) eevee Τοὺς μὲν ἐπαινῶν, κατείργων᾽ καὶ τῶν μὲν ὅπως μὴ πταί- 
πλήττων μετρίως" καὶ τῶν μὲν σωσι προμηϑούμενος, τοὺς δὲ ὅπως δι- 


248 Duties and offices VI. iii. 


was always one and the same, but his methods various; prais- 
ing some, moderately correcting others; using the spur to 
some dull tempers, and the reins to others of a more hot and 
zealous spirit; in his conversation, master of the greatest sim- 
plicity, but in his government master of the greatest artifice 
and variety of skill; wise in his discourses, but much wiser in 
his understanding, to adapt himself according to the different 
capacities and tempers of men.’ Now the design of all this 
was, not to give any latitude or license to sin, but by all pru- 
dent and honest arts to discourage and destroy it. It was not 
to teach the clergy the base and servile arts of flattery and 
compliance ; to become time-servers and men-pleasers, and 
soothe the powerful or the rich in their errors and vices; but 
only to instruct them in the different methods of opposing sin, 
and how, by joming prudence to their zeal, they might make 
their own authority most venerable, and most effectually pro- 
mote the true ends of religion. St. Chrysostom 89 puts in this 
caution, in describing this part of a bishop’s character: ‘He 
ought to be wise, as.well as holy; a man of great experience, 
and one that understands the world: and, because his business 
is with all sorts of men, he should be ποικίλος, one that can 
appear with different aspects, and act with great variety of 
skill” ‘But when I say this, IT do not mean,’ says he, ‘ that 
he should be a man of craft, or servile flattery, or a dissem- 
bling hypocrite; but a man of great freedom and boldness, who 


ορθωθεῖεν πταίσαντες, μηχανώμενος" 
ἁπλοῦς τὸν τρόπον, πολυειδὴς τὴν κυ- 
βέρνησιν, σοφὸς τὸν λόγον, σοφώτε- 
ρος τὴν διάνοιαν, πεζὸς τοῖς ταπεινο- 
τέροις, ὑψηλότερος τοῖς μετεωροτέ- 
ροις, φιλόξενος, ἱ ἱκέσιος, ἀποτρόπαιος" 
πάντα εἷς ἀληθῶς, ὅ ὅσα μεμερισμένως 
τοῖς ἑαυτῶν θεοῖς Ἑλλήνων παῖδες 
ἐπιψημίζουσι" προσθήσω δὲ καὶ (ύ- 
γίον, καὶ παρθένιον, καὶ εἰρηναῖον, καὶ 
διαλλακτήριον, καὶ πομπαῖον τοῖς ἐν- 
τεῦθεν ἐπειγομένοις. 

89 De Sacerd. 1.6. c. 4. (t. 1. p. 
425 a. ) Od yap μόνον καθαρὸν οὕτως, 
ὡς τηλικαύτης ἠξιωμένον διακονίας, 
ἀλλὰ καὶ λίαν συνετὸν, καὶ πολλῶν 
ἔμπειρον εἶναι δεῖ" καὶ πάντα μὲν εἰ- 
δέναι τὰ βιωτικὰ, τῶν ἐν μέσῳ στρε- 
φομένων οὐχ ἧττον" πάντων δὲ ἀπηλ- 
λάχθαι μᾶλλον τῶν τὰ ὄρη κατειλη- 


φότων μοναχῶν. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἀνδράσιν 
αὐτὸν ὁμιλεῖν ἀνάγκη, καὶ γυναῖκας 
ἔχουσι, καὶ παῖδας τρέφουσι, καὶ θε- 
ράποντας κεκτημένοις, καὶ πλοῦτον 
περιβεβλημένοις πολὺν, καὶ δημόσια 
πράττουσι, καὶ ἐν δυναστείαις οὖσι" 
ποικίλον αὐτὸν εἶναι δεῖ' ποικίλον δὲ 
λέγω, οὐχ ὕπουλον, οὐ κόλακα, οὐχ 
ὑποκριτήν" ἀλλὰ πολλῆς μὲν ἐλευθε- 
ρίας καὶ παρρησίας ἀνάμεστον, εἰδότα 
δὲ καὶ συγκατιέναι χ σίμως, ὅτ᾽ ἂν ἡ 
τῶν πραγμάτων ὑπό ἐσις τοῦτο ἀπαι- 
τῇ" καὶ χρηστὸν εἶναι ὁμοῦ καὶ αὐστη- 
por" οὐ γάρ ἐστιν ἑνὶ τρόπῳ χρῆσθαι 
τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ἅπασιν' ἐπειδὴ μηδὲ 
ἰατρῶν παισὶν ἑνὶ νόμῳ τοῖς κάμνουσι 
πᾶσι προσφέρεσθαι καλόν" μηδὲ κυ- 
βερνήτῃ μίαν ὁδὸν εἰδέναι τῆς πρὸς τὰ 


πνεύματα μάχης. 


§ 8. 


of the primitive clergy. 249 


knows notwithstanding how to condescend and stoop himself 
for men’s advantage, when occasion requires, and can be as well 
mild as austere. For all men are not to be treated in the 
same way: no physician uses the same method with all his pa- 
tients.’ The true mean and decorum, he thinks, which a bishop 
should observe in his converse and applications to men, is to 
keep between too much stiffness and abjectness. ‘He must be 
graye® without pride; awful, but courteous; majestic, as a 
man of authority and power, yet affable and communicative to 
all. Of an integrity that cannot be corrupted, yet officious and 
ready to serve every man; humble, but not servile; sharp-and 
resolute, but yet gentle and mild. By such prudence he will 
maintain his authority, and carry any point with men, whilst he 
studies to do every thing without hatred or favour, only for 
the benefit and edification of the Church.’ We must reduce to 
this head of prudence, in making proper address and applica- 
tion to offenders, that direction given by St. Paul, and repeated 
in several ancient canons, that a bishop be no smiter, μὴ πλή- 
κτὴν, which the twenty-seventh of those called the Apostolical 
Canons?! thus paraphrases: ‘If any bishop, presbyter, or dea- 
con, smite either an offending Christian, or an injurious hea- 
then, we order him to be deposed. For our Lord did not teach 
us this discipline, but the contrary: for he was smitten, but did 
not smite any; when he was reviled, he reviled not again; 
when he suffered, he threatened not.’ Justinian forbids the 
same in one of his Novels®, as a thing unbecoming the priests 
of God, to smite any man with their own hands. The word 
πλήσσειν signifies also smiting with the tongue, by reproachful, 


90 Thid. 1.3. c. τό. (p. 395 ¢.) Καὶ 
γὰρ καὶ σεμνὸν, καὶ ἄτυφον, κα - 
ρὸν, καὶ π jj, καὶ ἀρχικὸν, καὶ 


ν, καὶ ἀδέκαστον, καὶ θερα- 


91 (Ὁ, 27. (al. 26.] (Cotel. [c. 20. ] 
Vv. 1. p. 440.) Ἐπίσκοπον, ἣ πρεσβύ- 
τερον, ἢ διάκονον, τύπτοντα πιστοὺς 


7 


ἁμαρτάνοντας, ἣ ἀπίστους ἀδικήσαν- 


πευτικὸν, καὶ ταπεινὸν, καὶ ἀδούλωτον, 
καὶ σφοδρὸν, καὶ ἥμερον εἶναι δεῖ" ἵνα 
πρὸς ἅπαντα ταῦτα εὐκόλως μάχεσθαι 
δύνηται" καὶ τὸν ἐπιτήδειον ὑπ πολ- 
λῆς τῆς ἐξουσίας, κἂν ἅπαντες ἀντι- 

ὡσι, παράγειν" καὶ τὸν οὐ τοιοῦ- 
Tov μετὰ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐξουσίας, κἂν ἅ- 
πάντες συμπνέωσι, μὴ προσίεσθαι, 
ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἕν μόνον ὁρᾷν τὴν ἐκκλησια- 
στικὴν οἰκοδομήν᾽ καὶ μηδὲν πρὸς 
ἀπέχθειαν ἣ χάριν ποιεῖν. 


τας, καὶ διὰ τοιούτων φοβεῖν ἐθέλοντα 
[al. θέλοντα], καθαιρεῖσθαι προστάσ- 
σομεν᾽ οὐδαμοῦ γὰρ ὁ Κύριος ταῦτα 
al. τοῦτο] ἡμᾶς ἐδίδαξε" τοὐναντίον 
ὲ αὐτὸς τυπτόμενος οὐκ ἀντέτυπτε" 
λοιδορούμενος οὐκ ἀντελοιδόρει" πά- 
σχὼν οὐκ ἠπείλει. 

Novel. 123. 6.11. (t. 5. Ρ. 546.) 
Sed neque propriis manibus liceat 
episcopum aliquem percutere; hoc 
enim extraneum sacerdoti est. 


250 Duties and offices VI. iii. 


bitter, and contumelious language, as St. Chrysostom, St. Je- 
rom, and others understand it. In which sense also it was for- 
bidden, as a thing indecent, and unbecoming the gravity and 
prudence of the Christian clergy. 
Of pre 9. St. Chrysostom enlarges upon several other parts of pru- 
dence and : 2 we 
candour in dence, which I need not here insist upon, because they have 
composing either already been mentioned, or will hereafter be considered 


unneces- 
sary con- in other places: such as prudence} in opposing heresies; pru- 


“ange dence in managing the virgins and widows, and the revenues 
Church. of the Church; prudence in hearing and determining secular 
causes; and prudence in the exercise of discipline and church- 
censures, which last will be spoken to under another head. I 
shall here, therefore, only add one instance more of their pru- 
dence in allaying unnecessary disputes, which rose among Ca- 
tholics, and men of the same opinion in the Church, which in- 
deed was rather a complication of many noble virtues: pru- 
dence, candour, ingenuity, moderation, peaceableness, and cha- 
rity, jomed together, which like a constellation of the brightest 
qualities always shined with the greatest lustre. This is what 
Gregory Nazianzen chiefly admired in the conduct of Athana- 
sius, and therefore he gives it the highest commendation and 
preference before all his other virtues, as thinking there was 
no one thing whereby he did greater service to the Church of 
God. It happened in the time of Athanasius, that the Catholics 
were like to be divided about mere words; a warm dispute 
arising about what names the Three Divine Persons were to 
be called by: some were for calling them only Τρία Πρόσωπα, 
Three Persons, to avoid Arianism; others called them Τρεῖς 
Ὑποστάσεις, Three Hypostases, to avoid Sabellianism. Now 
they all meant the same thing; but not understanding each 
other’s terms, they mutually charged one another with the he- 
resies of Arius and Sabellius. The one party, in the heat of 
disputation, could understand nothing by Three Hypostases 
but three substances or essences in the Arian sense; for they 


_ 98 De Sacerd. 1.4. 6. 4. tot. (t. 1. % Ibid. ο. 18. (p. 399 6.) Td δὲ τῶν 

Ρ. 408.) Διὸ πολλὴν χρὴ ποιεῖσθαι κρίσεων μέρος, κ.τ.λ. 

τὴν σπουδὴν, κ.τ.λ. 96 Tbid. (p. 400 8. et p. 401 a.) Ti 
94 Ibid. 1.3. 6. τό. (p. 396 a.) Bov- ἄν τις λέγοι τὰς λύπας, ἃ ἃς ὑπομένου- 

λει οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν χηρῶν προστα- σιν, ἡνίκα ἂν δέῃ τινὰ τοῦ τῆς ἐκκλη- 

σίαν ἴωμεν πρότερον, K.T.A. σίας περικόψαι πληρώματος; K.T.A. 


9. 


ΝΥΝ KS 
= oe 


of the primitive clergy. 251 


made no distinction between hypostasis and essence, and there- 
fore charged their opposites with Arianism. The other party 
were afraid that Τρία Πρόσωπα signified no more than nominal 
persons, in the sense of Sabellius, who himself had used those 
very terms in an equivocal sense to impose upon the vulyar, 
and therefore they inveighed against their adversaries as de- 
signing to promote Sabellianism. ‘And so,’ says Nazianzen%7, 

‘ this little difference in words making a noise as if there had 
been difference in opinion, the love of quarrelling and conten- 
tion fomenting the dispute, the ends of the earth were in dan- 
ger of being divided by a few syllables. Which when Athana- 
sius, the true man of God, and great guide of souls, both saw 
and heard, he could not endure to think of so absurd and un- 
reasonable a division among the professors of the same faith, 
but immediately applied a remedy to the distemper. And how 
did he make his application? Having convened both parties, 
with all meekness and humility, and accurately weighed the 
intention and meaning of the words on both sides, after he 
found them agreeing in the things themselves, and not in the 
least differing in point of doctrine, he ended their dispute, 
allowing the use of both names, and tying them to unity of 
opinion.’ ‘ This,’ says our author, ‘ was a more advantageous 
act of charity to the Church, than all his other daily labours 
and discourses ; it was more honourable than all his watchings 
and humicubations, and not inferior to his applauded flights 
and exiles.’ And therefore he tells his readers, in ushering in 
the discourse %, ‘that he could not omit the relation, without 


97 Orat. 21. de Laud. Athanas. (t. 
p- con ‘arin et p. 396 a.) Πί- 


Side pa, ἡ περὶ τὸν ἦ ἦχον 
Bina Σαβιλλισμὸς ἐν- 
ταῦθα pis τοῖς τρισὶ Epsonment, 


υνεύει συναπορραγῆ- 
ναι ταῖς συλλαβαῖς τὰ πέρατα. Ταῦτα 
οὖν ὁρῶν καὶ ἀκούων ὁ μακάριος ἐκεῖ- 
τῇ καὶ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἄνθρωπος τοῦ Θεοῦ 
ς τῶν Ψυχῶν οἰκονόμος, οὐκ 
iy παριδεῖν τὴν ἄτοπον οὕτω 


| si τοῦ λόγου κατατομὴν, τὸ 


δὲ παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ φάρμακον, ἐπάγει τῷ 


ἀρρωστήματι" πῶς οὖν τοῦτο ποιεῖ: 
προσκαλεσάμενος ἀμφότερα τὰ μέρη 
οὑτωσὶ πράως καὶ φιλανθρώπως, καὶ 
τὸν νοῦν τῶν λεγομένων ἀκριβῶς ἐξ- 
ετάσας, ἐπειδὴ συμφρονοῦντας εὗρε 
καὶ οὐδὲν διεστῶτας κατὰ τὸν λόγον, 
τὰ ὀνόμοτα συγχωρήσας, συνδεῖ τοῖς 
πράγμασι" τοῦτο τῶν μακρῶν πόνων 
καὶ λόγων λυσιτελέστερον νον. τοῦτο 
τῶν πολλῶν ἀγρυπνιῶν καὶ χαμευνι- 
ὧν προτιμότερον ...... τοῦτο τῶν ἀ- 
οιδίμων ἐξοριῶν καὶ φυγῶν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς 
tov. 

[Ibid. (p. 395 b.) “O δέ μοι μά- 
λιστα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς θαυμάζειν ἔπεισε, 
καὶ ζημίᾳ τὸ σιωπᾷν διὰ τὸν καιρὸν 
μάλιστα, πολλὰς ποιοῦντα τὰς δια- 


252 Duties and offices VI. i 


injuring them, especially at a time when contentions and divi- 
sions were in the Church; for this action of his would be an 
instruction to them that were then alive, and of great advan- 
tage, if they would propound it to their own imitation; since 
men were prone to divide not only from the impious, but from 
the orthodox and pious, and that not only about little and con- 
temptible opinions, which ought to make no difference, but 
about words that tended to one and the same sense.’ The cau- 
tion is of use in all ages; and had it always been strictly ob- 
served, it would have prevented many wild disputes and fierce 
contentions about words in the Christian Church. 

10. But now we are to observe, on the other hand, that as 
they were eminent for their candour and prudence in compos- 
ing unnecessary and verbal disputes; so, where the cause was 
weighty, and any material point of religion concerned, they 
were no less famous for their zeal and courage, in standing up 
in the defence of truth against all opposers. It was neither the 
artifice and subtlety, nor the power and malice of their enemies 
could make them yield, where they thought the faith was in 
danger to be destroyed. ‘In other cases,’ says Nazianzen%, 
‘there is nothing so peaceable, so moderate as Christian bi- 
shops, but in this case they cannot bear the name of modera- 
tion, to betray their God by silence and sitting still: but here 
they are exceeding eager warriors, and fighting champions, 
that are not to be overcome.’ He does not mean, that the wea- 
pons of their warfare were carnal; that they used any pious 
frauds, or plotted treasons or rebellions, or took up arms in 
defence of religion; but that, with an undaunted courage and 
brave resolution, they stood up firm in defence of truth; and 
mattered not what names they were called by,—contentious, 
unpeaceable, immoderate, factious, turbulent, incendiaries,—or 
any thing of the like nature, nor yet what they suffered in any 


Of their 
zeal and 
courage in 
defending 
the truth. 


στάσεις, τοῦτο ἔτι προσθήσω | τοῖς εἰ- 
ρημένοις" γένοιτο γὰρ ἄν τι παίδευμα 
καὶ τοῖς νῦν ἡ πρᾶξις, εἰ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον 
βλέποιμεν' ὡς γὰρ ὕδατος ἑ ἑνὸς τέμνε- 
ται, οὐ τοῦτο μόνον ὅσον ἡ χεὶρ ἀφῆ- 
κεν ἀρυομένη,. ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσον τῇ χειρὶ 
περιεσχέθη τῶν δακτύλων ἐ ἐκρέον, οὕ- 
τω καὶ ἡμῶν οὐχ ὅσον ἀσεβὲς σχίζε- 
ται μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσον εὐσεβέστε- 
ρον, οὐ περὶ δογμάτων μόνον μικρῶν, 


καὶ παρορᾶσθαι ἀξίων" ἧττον γὰρ ἂν 
ἦν τοῦτο δεινὸν, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καὶ περὶ ῥη- 
μάτων εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν φερόντων διά- 
νοιαν. Grischov. | 

99 Ibid. (p. , 388 ἃ.) οἱ κἄν τἄλλα 
ὦσιν εἰρηνικοί τε καὶ μέτριοι, τοῦτό 
γε οὐ φέρουσιν . ἐπιεικεῖς εἶναι, Θεὸν 
προδιδόναι διὰ τῆς ἡσυχίας ἀλλὰ, καὶ 
λίαν εἰσὶν ἐνταῦθα πολεμικοί τε καὶ 


δύσμαχοι. 


δ 10. 


253 


kind, whilst they contended for that faith which was once deli- 
vered to the saints. Church-history abounds with instances of 
this nature ; but it will be sufficient to exemplify the practice 
of this yirtue in a single instance, which Gregory Nazianzen? 
gives us in the Life of St. Basil, where he relates a famous 
dialogue that passed between Modestus, the Arian governor 
under Valens, and that holy man. Modestus tried all arts to 
bring him over to the party, but, finding all in vain, he at last 
threatened him with severity. ‘ What?’ said he, ‘ dost thou not 
fear this power, which I am armed with?’ ‘Why should I 
fear?’ said Basil; ‘ what canst thou do, or what can I suffer ?” 
‘What canst thou suffer?’ said the other; ‘ Many things that 
are in my power: confiscation of thy goods, banishment, tor- 
ment, and death.’ ‘ But thou must threaten me with something 
else,’ said Basil, ‘if thou canst, for none of these things can 
touch me. As for confiscation of goods, I am not liable to it ; 
for I have nothing to lose, unless thou wantest these tattered 
and threadbare garments, and a few books, which is all the 
estate I am possessed of. For banishment, I know not what it 


of the primitive clergy. 


1 Orat. 20. de Laud. Basil. (p. 


Geis ὄνομα. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπισκόπῳ, φησὶν, 
340 ἃ.) Τί δαὶ, οὐ , φοβῇ τὴν mF ᾿: 


ἴσως ἐνέτυχες, πάντως. ἂν τοῦτον 
διειλέχθη τὸν τρόπον, ὑπὲρ τοιούτων 
ἀγωνιζόμενος. τἄλλα μὲν γὰρ ἐπι- 
εικεῖς ἡμεῖς, ὕπαρχε, κ καὶ παντὸς ἄλλου 
ταπεινότεροι, τοῦτο τῆς ἐντολῆς κελευ- 
tip καὶ μὴ ὅ ὅτι τοσούτῳ κράτει, ἀλ- 

λὰ μηδὲ τῶν τυχόντων ἑνὶ τὴν ὀφρῦν 
αἴροντες. οὗ δὲ Θεὸς τὸ κινδυνεύομε- 
νον, καὶ προκείμενον, τἄλλα περι- 
φρονοῦντες, πρὸς ἑαυτὸν μόνον βλέπο- 
μεν᾽ πῦρ δὲ καὶ ξίφος, καὶ θῆρες, καὶ 
οἱ τὰς σάρκας τέμνοντες ὄνυχες, τρυφὴ 
μᾶλλον ἡ ἡμῖν εἰσιν ἣ κατάπληξις. πρὸς 
ταῦτα ὕβριζε, ἀπεΐλει, ποίει πᾶν ὅ, τι 
ἄν ἢ βουλομένῳ σοι, τῆς ἐξουσίας 
ἀπόλαυε" ἀκουέτω ταῦτα καὶ βασιλεὺς, 
ὡς ἡμᾶς γε οὐχ αἱρήσεις" rn πείσεις 
συνθέ τῇ ἀσεβείᾳ, κἂν ᾿ἀπειλῇς 
βοιεν, οὐκ ὄντος σώματος" πλὴν εἰ τὴν χαλεπώτερα. named) ταῦτα εἰπεῖν καὶ 


ουσίαν ; ier μὴ τί γένηται ; 
; μὴ τί τῶν πολλῶν ν, ἃ 


ἐμῆς δυναστείας ἐστί; τίνα ταῦ- 
δήμευσιν, 


ταὶ ἐσθω γὰρ ἡμῖν, 
ibis Prdoere Yivinon εἴ τί ἄλλο, 


» deiner’ τούτων γὰρ οὐδὲν ἡ- 
neti a "οὶ τὸν εἰπεῖν' Posed καὶ 
τρόπον; τοι, € ημεύσει 

μὲν οὐχ ἁλωτὸς ὁ μηδὲν hee, πλὴν εἰ 
τόσαι od hed τῶν τρυχίων ῥα- 
βιβλίων a ἐν ois ὁ πᾶς 

Sot βίος" ἐξορίαν δὲ οὐ γινώσκω, ὁ 
μηδενὶ τόπῳ πε ἰγραπτὸς, καὶ μηδὲ 
ταύτην ἔ bu » ἣν οἰκῶ viv, καὶ 
a ie, ῥιφῶ" oe 


οὐ plo ge sam = χήν, ταύτης γὰρ ἀκοῦσαι τὸν ὕπαρχον, καὶ τὴν ἔνστα- 
σὺ ς KU Τῷ θάνατοι εὐεργέ- σιν μαθεῖν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς, οὕτως ἀκατά- 
se Sa πέμψει με πρὸς πληκτον καὶ ἀήττητον, τὸν μὲν ἔξω 
Θεὸν, ὦ καὶ μος καὶ κρυφῇ καὶ τῷ πέμψαι. καὶ μεταστήσασθαι, οὐκ ἔτι 


52: ridigill καὶ πρὸς ὃν ἐπείγο- μετὰ τῆ 


. τούτοις ᾿καταπλαγέντα 


μὸν ὕ ὕπαρχον, οὐδεὶς, φάναι nes νοῦ τοῦ 
οὕτως ἐμοὶ διείλεκται, Le 


σαύτης τῆς παρρησίας, τὸ ἑαυτοῦ peti 


Beet 


ς αὐτῆς ἀπειλῆς, ἀλλά τινὸς 
αἰδοῦς κι ar ὑποχωρήσεωτ᾽ αὐτὸν δὲ τῷ 
βασιλεῖ προσελθόντα, ὡς εἶχε τάχους, 
ἡττήμεθα, βασιλεῦ, εἰπεῖν, τοῦ τῆςδε 
προβεβλημένου τῆς ἐκκλησίας. 


Q54 Duties and offices. VIL iii. 


means, for I am tied to no place; I shall esteem every country 
as much my own as that where I now dwell; for the whole 
earth is the Lord’s, and I am only a pilgrim and a stranger in 
it. As for torments, what can they do to him who has not a 
body that can hold out beyond the first stroke? and for death, 
it will be a kindness to me, for it will but so much the sooner 
send me unto God, to whom 1 live, and do the duty of my sta- 
tion; being in a great measure already dead, and now of a 
long time hastening unto him.’ The governor was strangely 
surprised at this discourse, and said, ‘No man ever talked at 
this free and bold rate to Modestus before.’ ‘ Perhaps,’ said 
Basil, ‘ thou didst never meet with a bishop before ; for, if thou 
hadst, he would have talked just as I do, when he was put to 
contend about such matters as these. In other things we are 
mild and yielding, and the humblest men on earth, as our laws 
oblige us to be; we are so far from shewing ourselves super-— 
cilious or haughty to magistrates in power, that we do not do 
it to persons of the meanest rank and condition. But when the 
cause of God is concerned, or in danger, then indeed we esteem 
all other things as nothing, and fix our eyes only upon him. 
Then fire and sword, wild beasts, and instruments of torture to 
tear off our flesh, are so far from being a terror, that they are 
rather a pleasure and recreation to us. Therefore reproach* 
and threaten us, do your pleasure, use your power to the ut- 
most, and let the emperor know all this: yet you shall never 
conquer us, or bring us to assent to your impious doctrine, 
though you threaten us ten thousand times more than all this.’ 
The governor hearing this, and finding him to be a man of 
invincible and inflexible courage, dismissed him now not with 
threatenings, but with a sort of reverence and submission; and 
went and told the emperor, that the bishop of that church was 
too hard for them all: for his courage was so great, his resolu- 
tion so firm, that neither promises nor threatenings could move 
him from his purpose. | 
_Nor was it only open violence they thus bravely resisted, , 
but also the more crafty attempts of the enemies of truth, 
who many times went artificially to work against it; partly 
by blackening the characters of its champions and defenders, 
and representing them as base and intolerable men; and 
partly by smoothing their own character, and pretending unity: 


me ς a fa τὰ ὐνν νόον eS ee aT ἀν ὟΣ . a i 








of the primitive clergy. 255 


in faith with the orthodox, and that their designs were only 
designs of peace, to remove unscriptural words and novel 
terms out of the way, that all men might be of the same 
opinion. ~These were the two grand artifices of the Arian 
party, whereby the leading and politic men among them,— 
Eusebius of Nicomedia, Valens, Ursacius, and others,—always 
laboured to overthrow the truth. Upon this account Athana- 
sius was forced to undergo a thousand calumnies and slan- 
derous reproaches : he was accused to Constantine, as one that 
assumed to himself imperial authority to impose a tax upon 
Egypt; as one guilty of murder in cutting off the hand of Ar- 
senius, a Meletian bishop; as guilty of treason in siding with 
Philumenus, the rebel, and furnishing him with money; as an 
enemy to the public for attempting to hinder the transporta- 
tion of corn from Egypt to Constantinople: which accusation 
so far prevailed upon the emperor, that he banished him to 
Triers upon it. In the next reign he was accused again of re- 
peated murders; and of sacrilege, in diverting Constantine’s 
liberality to the widows of Egypt and Libya to other uses; of 
treason, in joining interest with Magnentius, the tyrant ; and 
many other such charges were spitefully and diabolically le- 
yelled against him. St. Basil was likewise variously accused 
both by professed enemies and pretended friends; who, as is 
usual in such cases, brought charges against him directly con- 
trary to one another. Some accused him of tritheism, for de- 
fending the doctrine of Three Hypostases against the Sabel- 
lians; others, of Semiarianism, or heterodoxy in the article 
about the divinity of the Holy Ghost, because in his church he 
sometimes used a different form of doxology from what was 
used in other churches. Some again accused him of Arianism, 
because he had received Eustathius of Sebastia into communion 


upon his professing the Catholic faith; others said, he commu- 


nicated with Apollinaris, the heretic, because upon some occa- 
sions he wrote letters to him. Thus were two of the greatest 
and best of men maliciously traduced and wounded in their re- 
putation ; both indeed for the same cause, but with this differ- 
ence, that the.one was prosecuted by open enemies without the 
Church, the other chiefly by secret enemies within; of whom 
therefore he had reason to take up the prophet’s complaint, 
and say, “‘ These are the wounds with which I was wounded in 


256 Duties and offices VI. iui. 


the house of my friends.” And these were such temptations as 
might have unsettled any weak and wavering minds, and made 
them turn their backs upon religion: but true zeal is above 
temptation, and can equally despise the wounds of the sword 
and the wounds of the tongue; having always the consolation, 
which Christ gives in his Gospel, ready at hand to support it, 
“Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and persecute 
you, and shall say all manner of evil against you falsely, for 
my sake. Rejoice, and be exceeding glad: for great is your 
reward in heaven.” Such examples shew us, that innocence it- 
self cannot always exempt men from calumny, but sometimes is 
accidentally the occasion of it. But then it has this advantage, 
that being joined with a suitable zeal, it never sinks under the 
weight and pressure of its burden, but always comes off con- 
queror at the last, as we see in the instances now before us. 
The other artifice, which I said the Arians used to destroy 
the Faith, was the specious pretence of peace and unity. The 
politic and crafty men among them, in the time of Constantius, | 
pretended that they had no quarrel with the Catholic doctrine 
of the Trinity itself, but only were aggrieved at the novel and 
unscriptural words, such as the ὁμοούσιον, consubstantial, &c., 
which the Council of Nice had used to express it by. These, 
they said, were dividing terms, and the cause of all the quarrel 
and combustion; and therefore they still urged the removing 
these terms, as the great stumblingblock, out of the way, that 
the peace and unity of the Church might follow upon it. But 
Athanasius and other wise Catholics easily perceived whither 
this sly stratagem tended; being very sensible that their de- 
sign was not against the bare terms, but the Faith itself, and 
therefore they always stoutly and zealously opposed it. Nor 
could the Arians ever gain this point upon the Catholics, till at 
last, in the Council of Ariminum, anno 359, by great importu- 
nity, and clamours for unity and peace, they were prevailed 
upon to sink the word consubstantial, and draw up a new 
creed without it, yet, as they thought, contaiming the very 
same doctrine, and in as full terms as could be expressed, save 
that the word consubstantial was not in it. But here, it must 
be owned, these Catholic bishops were wanting in their zeal, as 
. they themselves were quickly after convinced. For no sooner 
was this concession made, but the Arians immediately gave out, 





§ 10. 


of the primitive clergy. 257 


and boasted over all the world, that the Nicene faith was con- 
demned, and Arianism established in a general council, though 
nothing was less intended by the Catholic bishops that were 
present at it. But now they were sensible they had made a 
false step, by suffering themselves thus to be imposed upon by 
designing men: they now saw, that they ought to have stuck 
to the Nicene terms, as well as the faith, since the Faith itself 
so much depended on them. They now began to complain of 
the fraud, and asked pardon of their brethren for their want 
of foresight and caution, in a case so tender and material. St. 
Jerom, who gives us this account of the whole transaction, from 
the Acts of the Synod and other records extant in his time, 
brings them in making this apology for themselves: ‘The bi- 
shops,’ says he, ‘who had been imposed upon by fraud at Ari- 
minum, and who were reputed heretics without being conscious 
to themselves of any heresy, went about every where protest- 
ing by the body of Christ, and all that is sacred in the Church, 
that they suspected no evil in their creed: they thought the 
sense had agreed with the words, and that men had not meant 
one thing in their hearts, and uttered another thing with their 
lips. They were deceived by entertaining too good an opinion 
of base and evil men. They did not suppose the priests of 
Christ could so treacherously have fought against Christ. In 
short, they lamented their mistake now with tears, and offered 
to condemn as well.their own subscription, as all the Arian 
blasphemies.’ Any one, that reads St. Jerom carefully, will ea- 
sily perceive that these bishops were no Arians, nor ever in- 
tended to subscribe an Arian creed; but their fault was want 
of zeal in parting with the Nicene Creed, to take another in- 
stead of it without the word consubstantial; which though they 
subseribed in the simplicity of their hearts as an. orthodox 
ereed, (and indeed the words, as St. Jerom describes them, in 


3 Dial. cont. Lucifer. t. 2. p. 143. 
(t. 2. p.191 d.) Concurrebant epi- 
scopi, qui, Ariminensibus dolis irre- 
titi, sine conscientia heretici fere- 
bantur, contestantes corpus Domini, 
et quicquid in ecclesia sanctum est, 
se nihil mali in sua fide suspicatos. 
* Putavimus,’ aiebant, ‘ sensum con- 
gruere cum verbis; nec in eccle- 
8118, ubi simplicitas, ubi pura con- 

BINGHAM, VOL. Il. 


fessio est, aliud in corde clausum 
esse, aliud in labiis proferri timui- 
mus. Decepit nos bona de malis 
existimatio. Non sumus arbitrati sa- 
cerdotes Christi adversus aromas 
pugnare.’ Multaque alia, que brevi- 
tatis studio Seiler; flentes assere- 
bant, parati et subscriptionem pris- 
tinam et omnes Arianorum blasphe- 
mias condemnare. 


258 Duties and offices VL. ii 


their plain sense are sound and orthodox, as St. Jerom says in 
their excuse,) yet the Arians put an equivocal and poisonous 
sense upon them: giving out, after the Council was ended, that 
they had not only abolished the word consubstantial, but with 
it condemned the Nicene faith also. Which was strange sur- 
prising news to the bishops that had been at Ariminum. 
‘Then,’ says St. Jerom, ‘ ingemuit totus orbis, et Arianum se 
esse miratus est,—the whole world groaned, and was amazed 
to think she should be reputed Arian.’ That is, the Catholic 
bishops of the whole world, for there were three hundred of 
them present at that Council, were amazed to find themselves 
so abused, and represented as Arians, when they never in- 
tended in the least to confirm the Arian doctrine. But now by 
this the reader will be able to judge, what kind of zeal the 
Catholic Church required then in her clergy; viz., that they 
should not only contend for the Faith itself, but also for those 
Catholic forms and ways of expressing it, which had been pru- 
dently composed and settled in general Councils, as a barrier 
against heretics; the giving up of which to subtle and dan- 
gerous adversaries would always give them advantage to make 
fiercer attacks upon the Faith itself, and prove destructive to 
the Catholic cause; as those bishops found by woeful experi- 
ence, who were concerned in the concession made at Ariminum. 
It is candour indeed, when good Catholics are divided only 
about words, to bring them to a right understanding of one 
another, which will set them at peace and unity again; but it 
is tameness to give up the main bulwarks of the Faith to falla- 
cious adversaries and designing men, whose arts and aims, how- 
ever disguised, are always known to strike at the foundation of 
religion. And therefore, though no man was ever more candid 
than Athanasius towards mistaken Catholics, yet neither was 
any more zealous in opposing the arts and stratagems of the 
Arian party; always sticking close to the definition of the 
Nicene Council, and never yielding that any tittle or syllable 
of that Creed should be erased or altered. 
Of their 11. Whilst I am upon this head, I cannot but take notice of 
᾿ eel the obligations the clergy lay under to maintain the unity of 
the unity of the Church, both in faith and discipline, and what penalties 
neces were inflicted on such as-made a breach therein, whether by 


and of the 
censure of falling into heresy or schism themselves, or giving encourage- 


δ 1Γ. of the primitive clergy. 259 

I shall not need to state the nature of such as fell 
into heresy 
or schism. 


ment to them in others. 
Church-unity and communion in this place any further than by 
saying, that, to maintain the purity of the Catholic faith, and 
live under the discipline and government of a Catholic bishop, 
who himself lived in communion with the Catholic Church, were 
then as it were the two characteristic notes of any man’s being 
in the communion of the Church; and therefore, as every mem- 
ber was obliged to ‘maintain the unity of the Church in both 
these parts, so much more the clergy, who were to be the chief 
guardians of it. And if they failed in either kind, that is, if 
they lapsed either into heresy or schism, by the laws of the 
Church they were to be deposed from their office ; and though 
they repented and returned to the unity of the Church again, 
yet they were not to act in their former station, but to be ad- 
mitted to communicate only in the quality of laymen. This was 
the rule of the African Church in the time of Cyprian, as ap- 
pears from the Synodical Epistle? of the Council of Carthage, 
to which his name is prefixed. For, writing to Pope Stephen, 
they tell him their custom was to treat such of the clergy as 
were ordained in the Catholic Church, and afterward stood up 
perfidiously and rebelliously against the Church, in the same 
manner as they did those that were first ordained by heretics ; 
that is, they admitted them to the peace of the Church, and 
allowed them the communion of laymen, but did not permit 
them to officiate again in any order of the clergy. And this, 
he says*, they did to put a mark of distinction between those 
that always stood true to the Church and those that deserted 
it. Yet if any considerable advantage accrued to the Church, 


et satis habeant, quod admittuntur 


3 Ap. Cypr. Ep. 72. p. 197. (p. 
Addin a a ad pacem, qui hostes pacis exstite- 


805.) Addimus plane, et adjungi- 


mus, frater carissime, consensu et 
auctoritate ee, ut etiam si 

ui presbyteri, aut diaconi, qui vel 
a ecclesia catholica prius ondinttl 
fuerint, et postmodum perfidi ac 
rebelles contra ecclesiam steterint, 
vel apud hereticos a pseudoepisco- 
- et antichristis contra Christi 

ispositionem profana ordinatione 
promoti sint, et contra altare unum 
atque divinum sacrificia foris falsa 
ac sacrilega offerre conati sint, eos 
quoque hac conditione suscipi cum 
revertuntur, ut communicent laici ; 


rint, nec debere eos revertentes ea 
apud nos ordinationis et honoris 
arma retinere, quibus contra nos 
rebellaverint. 

4 (Ibid. (p. ead.) Satis est talibus 
revertentibus veniam dari: non ta- 
men debet in domo fidei perfidia 
promoveri. Nam quid bonis et in- 
nocentibus atque ab ecclesia non 
recedentibus reservamus; si eos, 
qui a nobis recesserint et contra 
ecclesiam  steterint, honoramus ? 
Grischov. | 


5. 2 


900 Duties and offices VI. πὶ, 


by the return of such an heretic or schismatic, as if he brought 
over any considerable part of the deluded people with him; or 
if he was generally chosen by the Church, or the like ; in’such 
cases the rule was so far dispensed with, that the deserter 
might be admitted to his pristine dignity, and be allowed to 
officiate in his own order again. Upon this account Cornelius, 
bishop of Rome, received Maximus the presbyter? to his former 
honour upon his return from the Novatian schism. And in 
after ages both the Novatians and Meletians were particularly 
favoured with this privilege by the Council of Nice, and the 
Donatists by the African fathers in the time of St. Austin, as I 
have had occasion to note more than once before®. But if they 
continued obstinate in their heresy or schism, then many times 
an anathema was pronounced against them, as in the second 
Council of Carthage. ‘If a presbyter,’ says the canon’, ‘that 
is reproved or excommunicated by his bishop, being puffed up 
with pride, shall presume to offer the oblation in a separate 
assembly, or set up another altar against him, let him be ana- 


thema.’ 


5 Cornel. Ep. 46. ial 49.] ad 
Cypr. p. 93. (p. 235.) - - - Maximum 


presbyterum locum suum agnoscere~ 


jussimus.— See other instances in 
Socrates, 1. 7: & 8. (v. 2. P- 349- 13.) 
Ὃ ᾿Αγαπητὸς, ὃν προεστάναι τῆς Μα- 
κεδονίου θρησκείας ἔφην, ἐπὶ ἀγαθὴν 
ἦλθεν ἐπίνοιαν' βουλευσάμενος γὰρ 
ἅμα τῷ αὐτοῦ κλήρῳ παντὶ, καὶ προσ- 
καλεσάμενος τὸν Ur αὐτοῦ λαὸν, πεί- 
θει τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστιν προσ- 
δέξασθαι; καὶ τοῦτο καταστήσας, εὖ- 
θὺς ὡς εἶχε σὺν πλήθει πολλῷ, μᾶλ- 
λον δὲ σὺν παντὶ Aad, ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλη- 
σίαν ὥρμησεν" εὐχήν τε ἐπιτελέσας, 
καταλαμβάνει τὸν θρόνον, ἐν ᾧ εἰώθει 
ὁ Θεοδόσιος προκαθέζεσθαι" ἑνώσας 
δὲ τὸν λαὸν, καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ τὴν τοῦ 
ὁμοουσίου πίστιν διδάσκων, τῶν ὑπὸ 
Συνάδα ἐκκλησιῶν ἐγκρατὴς ἐπὶ 
6 B. 4. ch. 7. ss. 7 and 8. 

a 98 and 100. 

C. 8. (t. 2. p. 1830 a.) Si quis 
saath presbyter ab episcopo suo cor- 
reptus vel excommunicatus, tumore 
vel superbia inflatus, putaverit se- 
paratim Deo sacrificia offerenda, vel 
aliud erigendum altare...non exeat 
impunitus. 


The Council of Antioch®, and those called the Apo- 


8 C. 4. (ibid. p- 564 b.) Εἴ τις 
ἐπίσκοπος ὑπὸ συνόδου καθαιρεθεὶς, 
ἣ πρεσβύτερος, ἢ διάκονος ὑπὸ τοῦ 
ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου, τολμήσειέν τι πρᾶξαι 
τῆς λειτουργίας, εἴ τε ὃ ἐπίσκοπος 
κατὰ τὴν προάγουσαν συνήθειαν, εἴτε 
ὁ διάκονος, μηκέτι ἐξὸν εἶναι αὐτῷ, 
μηδ᾽ ἐν ἑτέρᾳ συνόδῳ ἐλπίδα ἀποκα- 
ταστάσεως, μήτε ἀπολογίας χώραν 
ἔχειν᾽ ἀλλὰ δὲ τοὺς κοινωνοῦντας αὖ- 
τῷ πάντας ἀποβάλλεσθαι τῆς ἐκκλη- 
σίας, καὶ μάλιστα, εἰ μαθόντες “τὴν 
ἀπόφασιν τὴν κατὰ τῶν προειρημένων 
ἐξενεχθεῖσαν τολμήσειαν αὐτοῖς κοι- 
νωνεῖν.---Τ 014. c. 5. (ibid. 6.) Εἴ τίς 
πρεσβύτερος, ἢ ἢ διάκονος, καταφρονή- 
σας τοῦ ἐπισκόπου τοῦ ἰδίου, ἀφώρι- 
σεν ἑαυτὸν τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἢ ἰδίᾳ συν- 

ἤγαγεν, καὶ θυσιαστήριον ἔστησεν, 
καὶ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου προσκαλεσαμένου 
ἀπειθοίη, καὶ μὴ βούλοιτο αὐτῷ πεί- 
θεσθαι μηδὲ ὑπακούειν καὶ πρῶτον 
καὶ δεύτερον καλοῦντι" τοῦτον καθαι- 
ρεῖσθαι παντελῶς, καὶ μηκέτι θερα- 
πείας τυγχάνειν, μηδὲ δύνασθαι λαμ- 
βάνειν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τιμήν" εἰ δὲ παρα- 
μένοι θορυβῶν καὶ ἀναστατῶν τὴν ἐκ- 
κλησίαν, διὰ τῆς ἔξωθεν ἐξουσίας ὡς 
στασιώδη αὐτὸν ἐπιστρέφεσθαι. 


§ 11. of the primitive clergy. 261 


stolical Canons®, haye several decrees of the like nature. Yea, 
so careful were the clergy to be of the unity of the Church, 
that they were not to give any encouragement to heretics, or 
schismatics, or excommunicated persons, by communicating 
with them in prayer or other holy offices of the Church, or so 
much as frequenting their society, feasting with them, or the 
like. But Ido not enlarge upon these things here, because 
being matters of discipline, they will come again to be consi- 
dered under that head in another place. 

_ IT have now gone through some of the chief general duties 
which more immediately concerned the office and function of 
the clergy; and by mixing public rules with private directions 
and great examples, have made such an essay towards the idea 
and character of a primitive clerk as may, I hope, in some 
things excite both the emulation and curiosity of many of my 
readers, who may be concerned to imitate the pattern I have 
been describing. If here it be not drawn so full, or so exactly 
to the life in all its beauties as they could wish, they will find 
their account in satisfying their curiosity by having recourse 
to the fountains themselves, from whence these materials were 
taken. For many things, that might here have been added, 
were purposely omitted for fear of drawing out this part of 
the discourse to a greater length than would consist with the 
design and measures of the present undertaking. And I had 
rather be thought to have said too little than too much upon 
this head, that I might not cloy, but leave an edge upon the 
appetite of the inquisitive reader. 


CHAP. IV. 


‘An account of some other laws and rules, which were a sort 
of out-quards and fences to the former. 
1. Havine thus far discoursed both of such laws as related to No clergy- 


the life and conversation of the primitive clergy, and of those Cito — 


that more immediately concerned the duties and offices of their © rye? 
function, I come now to speak of a third sort of laws, which dation 


9C, 32. ms ἦν -] (Cotel. [e. ὅδ. δέχεσθαι ἀλλ᾽ ἣ παρὰ τοῦ ἀφορίσαν- 
Vv. 1. ΧΗ... 441 τις πρεσβύτερος, τὸς αὐτὸν, εἰ μὴ ἂν κατὰ κυρίαν 
ἀπὸ ὁ ἐπισκόπου γένηται ἐν τελευτήσῃ ὁ ἀφορίσας αὐτὸν ἐπίσκο- 
teal (al. ἀφωρισμένος,] τοῦτον πος. 
ἐξεῖναι παρ᾽ ἑτέρου δεχθῆναι (al. 


262 Special laws for VI. iv, 


without were, like the Jews’ sepimenta legis, a sort of bye-laws and 
just . 

settee rules made for the defence and guard of the two former. 
and leave. Among these we may reckon such laws as were made to fix 


the clergy to their proper business and calling; such as that 
which forbad any clergyman to desert or relinquish his station 
without just grounds or leave granted by his superiors. In the 
African Church, as has been shewed before 190, from the time 
that any man was made a reader, or entered in any of the 
lower orders of the Church, he was presumed to be dedicated 
to the service of God, so as thenceforth not to be at liberty to 
turn secular again at his own pleasure. And much more did 
this rule hold for bishops, presbyters, and deacons. Therefore 
Cyril of Alexandria, as he is cited by Harmenopulus", says in 
one of his canons, ‘ that it was contrary to the laws of the 
Church for any priest to give in a libel of resignation: for, if 
he be worthy, he ought to continue in his ministry; if he be 
unworthy, he should not have the privilege of resigning, but 
be condemned and ejected.’ The Council of Chaleedon™ orders 
all such to be anathematized ‘as forsook their orders to take 
upon them any military office or secular dignity, unless they 
repented, and returned to the employment which, for God’s 
sake, they had first chosen.’ The Council of Tours!® in like 
manner decrees, ‘ that whoever of the clergy desert their order 
and office, to follow a secular life and calling again, shall be 
punished with excommunication.’ The Civil Law was also very 
severe upon such deserters. By an order of Arcadius and 
Honorius!* they are condemned to serve in curia all their 
lives, that they might never have the privilege of resuming 


10 B. 3. ch. 1. 8.5. Vv. 1. p. 307. 

11 Epitom. ap. Leunclav. Jus Gr.- 
Rom. (t. 1. p. 11. col. sinistr.) Παρὰ 
τοὺς ἐκκλησιαστικούς ἐστι θεσμοὺς, 
τὸ λιβέλλους παραιτήσεων προσάγειν 
τινὰς τῶν ἱερουργῶν᾽ εἰ γὰρ ἄξιοι, 
λειτουργείτωσαν᾽ εἰ δὲ μὴ, μὴ παραι- 
τείσθωσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς κατεγνωσμένοι 
ἐξίτωσαν. 

12 Ὁ. 7. (t. 4. p. 759 a.) Τοὺς ἅπαξ 
ἐν κλήρῳ κατειλεγμένους, ἢ καὶ μονά- 
ζοντας, ὡρίσαμεν, μήτε ἐπὶ στρατείαν, 

t $4 Fe 1 » <>" 
pyre ἐπὶ ἀξίαν κοσμικὴν ἔρχεσθαι" ἢ 
τοῦτο τολμῶντας, καὶ μὴ μεταμελομέ- 
yous, ὥστε ἐπιστρέψαι ἐπὶ τοῦτο, ὃ 


διὰ Θεὸν πρότερον εἵλοντο, ἀναθεμα- 
τίζεσθαι. 

᾿ 18 (, 5. (ibid. p. 1051 d.) Si quis 
vero clericus, relicto officii sui or- 
dine, laicam voluerit agere vitam, 
vel se militiz tradiderit, excommu- 
nicationis poena feriatur. 

14 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de 
Episc. et Cler. leg. 39. (t. 6. p. 78.) 
Si quis professum sacre religionis 
sponte dereliquerit, continuo 510] 
eum curia vindicet: ut liber illi ul- 
tra ad ecclesiam recursus esse non 
possit, 


§1,2. the regulation of the clergy. 263 


the clerical life again. And by a law of Justinian’s!5, both 
monks and clerks so deserting were to forfeit whatever estate 
they were possessed of to the church or monastery to which 
they belonged. 7 
2. But this rule, as it was intended for the benefit of the Yetin some 
Church, to keep the clergy to their duty, so when the benefit $ovation 
of the Church, or any other reasonable cause, required the con- was allowed 
trary, might be dispensed with; and we find many such re- - 
signations or renunciations practised, and some allowed by ge- 
neral Councils. For not to mention the case of disability by 
reason of old age, sickness, or other infirmity, in which it was 
usual for bishops to turn over their business to a coadjutor, of 
which I have given a full account in a former book’®, there 
were two other cases which come nearer to the matter in hand. 
One was, when a bishop, through the obstinacy, hatred, or 
disgust of any people, found himself incapable of doing them 
any service, and that the burden was an intolerable oppression 
to him; in that case, if he desired to renounce, his resignation 
was accepted. Thus Gregory Nazianzen renounced the see of 
Constantinople, and betook himself to a private life, because 
the people grew factious, and murmured at him as being a 
stranger. And this he did with the consent and approbation 
of the general Council of Constantinople, as not only the histo- 
rians Theodoret!” and Socrates'*, but he himself!9 testifies in 


19 Cod. Justin. 1.1. tit. 3. de Episc. τίδων τὸ πλῆθος καὶ δέξασθαι καὶ εὖ 


leg. 54. (t. 4. Ρ. 40.) Quod e ill 
monasteria aut ecclesias relinquant, 
atque mundani fiant, omne ipsorum 
jus ad monasterium aut ecclesiam 
inet. 

16 B. 2. ch. 13. 8. 4. V. 1. p. 15 

7 L.5. ς.8. (ν. 3. p. 202. 26) Ὁ 
δὲ θεῖος παρεκάλει Τρηγόριος περὶ 
συμφωνίας συνηθροισμένους τὴν πρὸς 
ἀλληλοὺς ὁμόνοιαν προτιμῆσαι τῆς é- 
νὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀδικίας. ἀν aS γὰρ, ἔφη, 


εἰρήνην μετὰ 
τὸν sao ἐκεῖνον Kal χαλεπὸν a ἀπο- 
λήψεσθε πόλεμον" τῶν γὰρ λίαν ἀτο- 
πωτάτων, ἄρτι τῶν πολεμικῶν ἀπαλ- 
λαγέντας βελῶν, ἀλλήλους βάλλειν, 
~ τὴν οἰκείαν ἀναλίσκειν ἰσχύν᾽ ἐπί- 
Mah γὰρ οὕτω τοῖς δυσμενέσιν ἐσό- 
Ανδρα δὴ οὖν ἐπιζητήσαντες 


μεθα. 7s καὶ νοῦν ἔχοντα, τῶν φρον- 


διαθεῖναι δυνάμενον, a ἀρχιερέα προβάλ- 
λεσθε. Ταύταις οἱ ἄριστοι ποιμένες 
ταῖς ὑποθήκαις πεισθέντες, Νεκτάριον 
εὐπατρίδην ἄνδρα, καὶ περιφανείᾳ γέ- 
νους κοσμούμενον, καὶ τοῖς τῆς ἀρετῆς 
εἴδεσι λαμπρυνόμενον, ἐπίσκοπον τῆς 
μεγίστης ἐκείνης ἐχειροτόνησαν πό- 
λεως. 

Ι81,. 5. ς.ἡ. (v. 2. p. 267.30.) Τότε 
δὲ Γρηγόριος ὁ Ναζιανζοῦ μετατιθεὶς 
ἔνδον τῆς πόλεως ἐν μικρῷ εὐκτηρίῳ 
τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιεῖτο" reve ὕστε- 

ρον οἱ βασιλεῖς, μέγιστον οἶκον εὐκτή- 
ριον προσσυνάψαντες, ᾿Αναστασίαν 
ὠνόμασαν. Γρηγόριος μὴν οὖν, ἀνὴρ 
ἐλλόγιμος καὶ εὐλαβείᾳ τοὺς καθ᾽ ἑαυ- 
τὸν ὑπερβάλλων, vs δι ov- 
τας Twas ὡς εἴη ὑπερόριος, ee 
τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως παρουσίαν 
νος, τὴν ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει Basins 

v 


σατο. 
19 Greg. Naz. Orat. 32. passim. 


264 Special laws for VI. iv. 


many places of his writings. After the same manner, Theodo- 
ret 2° says, Meletius, the famous bishop of Antioch, when he was 
bishop of Sebastia, in Armenia, was so offended with the rebel- 
lious temper and contumacy of a perverse and froward people, 
that he abandoned them, and retired likewise to a private life. 
So Theodorus Lector2! tells us how Martyrius, bishop of An- 
tioch, being offended at the factiousness of his people and 
clergy, upon the intrusion of Peter Fullo, renounced his 
church with these words: ‘A contumacious clergy, a rebellious 
people, a profane church,—I bid adieu to them all, reserving to 
myself the dignity of priesthood.’ Another case was, when in 
charity a bishop resigned, or shewed himself willing to resign, 
to cure some invetérate schism. Thus Chrysostom?? told. his 
people, ‘that if they had any suspicion of him, as if he were an 
usurper, he was ready to quit his government when they 
pleased, if that was necessary to preserve the unity of the 
Church.’ And so Theodoret tells us2%, that in the dispute be- 
tween Flavian and Evagrius, the two bishops of Antioch, when 
Theodosius, the emperor, sent for Flavian, and ordered him to 
go and have his cause decided at Rome, he bravely answered, 


(Vid. _precipue t.I. p-527 a.) Δότε 
μοι τὴν χάριν ταύτην, μετὰ εὐχῶν ἧ- στρατιωτικοῖς, κ.τ.λ.---Οαττη. de Vit. 
μᾶς ἀποπέμψατε" δότε μοι τὸ sua. (t.2. p.26 d.) 

Ἡμῖν δὲ συγχωρήσατ᾽ ἄθρονον βίον, 

Τὸν ἀκλεῆ μὲν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως ἀκίνδυνον" 

Καθήσομ᾽ ἐλθὼν οἷ κακῶν. ἐρημία. 

Κρεῖσσον γὰρ, ἢ τοῖς πλησίον μεμιγμένον, 

Myr’ ἄλλον ἕλκειν πρὸς τὸ βούλημ᾽ ἰσχύειν, 

Mnr αὐτὸν ἄλλοις συμφέρεσθ,, οὗ μὴ λόγος. 

Δεῦρ᾽ ὅστις οἷδε τὸν θρόνον; προσβαινέτω. 

20 L. 2. c. 31. (ν. 3. Ρ.118.20.).. 22 Hom. tt. in Eph. Pp. 11 IO. (t. 12. 


γράμμα τῆς ἀφέσεως, ὥσπερ τοῖς 


Kar ἐκεῖνον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν Medériobié 
θεσπέσιος πόλιν τινὰ τῆς ᾿Αρμενείας 
ἰθύνων, εἶτα τῶν ἀρχομένων τὸ δυσή- 
νιον δυσχεράνας, ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ἑτέ- 
ρωθι διατρίβων. 

21 'L. 1. (ibid. p. 567. 27.) Πρὸς Ba- 
σιλέα ἐλθὼν Maprvpios σὺν πολλῇ 
τιμῇ ἀπελύθη, σπουδῇ καὶ παραινέσει 
Γενναδίου" ἐλθὼν δὲ εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν, 
καὶ βλέπων. ᾿Αντιοχεῖς, ταραχαῖς καὶ 
στάσεσι χαίροντας, καὶ Ζήνωνα τού- 
τοις συμπράττοντα, ἀπετάξατο τῇ 
ἐπισκοπῇ ἐπ᾽ ἐκκλησίας, εἰπὼν, Κλήρῳ 
ἀνυποτάκτῳ καὶ λαῷ ἀπειθεῖ, καὶ ἐκ- 
κλησίᾳ ἐ ἐρρυπωμένῃ ἀποτάττομαι, φυ- 
λάττων ἐμαυτῷ τὸ τῆς ἱερωσύνης ἀξί- 
wpa, 


Ρ. 89 c. :) Ei μὲν οὖν περὶ ἡμῶν ταῦτα 
ὑποπτεύετε, ἕτοιμοι παραχωρῆσαι τῆς 
ἀρχῆς ὅτῳπερ ἂν βούλοισθε" μόνον 
ἐκκλησία ἔστω μία. 

23 Τῷ, 5. 6.23. (v.3 3. p. 225. 19.) Εἰ 
μὲν τῆς πίστεως, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τῆς ἐμῆς 
ὡς οὐκ ὀρθῆς κατηγορεῦσί τινες, ἢ τὸν 
βίων φασὶν ἱ ἱερωσύνης ἀνάξιον, καὶ αὖ- 
τοῖς χρήσομαι τοῖς κατηγόροις κριταῖς, 
καὶ τὴν παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ἐκφερομένην ψη- 
gov δέξομαι" εἰ δὲ περὶ θρόνου καὶ 
προεδρίας ζυγομαχοῦσιν, οὔτε δικάσο- 
μαι; οὔτε τοῖς λαβεῖν βουλομένοις ἀν- 
τιμαχέσομαι" ἀλλ᾽ ἐκστήσομαι, καὶ τῆς 
προεδρίας ἀφέξομαι' τοιγάρτοι δὸς ᾧ 
βούλει τὸν ᾿Αντιοχέων θρόνον, ὦ βα- 
σιλεῦ. ; 


ξ.2. γ 


the regulation of the clergy. 265 


“Great sire, if any accuse my faith as erroneous, or my life as 
unqualifying me for a bishopric, I will freely let my accusers 
be my judges, and stand to their sentence whatever it be: but 
if the dispute be only about the throne and government of the 
church, I shall not stay for judgment, nor contend with any 
that has a mind to it, but freely recede, and abdicate the 
throne of my own accord. And you, sire, may commit the see 
of Antioch to whom you please.’ The emperor looked upon 
this as a noble and generous answer; and was so affected with 
it, that, instead of obliging him to go to Rome, he sent him 
home again, and bade him go feed the church committed to 
his care; nor would he ever after hearken to the bishops of 
Rome, though they often solicited him to expel him. There is 
one instance more of this nature, which I cannot omit, because 
16 15 such an example of self-denial, and despising of private in- 
terest for the public good, and peace and unity of the Church, 
as deserves to be transmitted to posterity, and to be spoken of 
with the highest commendations. It was the proposal which 
Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, and St. Austin, with the rest of 
the African bishops, made to the Donatists, at the opening of 
the Conference of Carthage‘; that, to put an end to the 
schism, wherever there was a Catholic and a Donatist bishop 
in the same city, they should both of them resign, and suffer a 
new one to be chosen. ‘ For why,’ say they, ‘should we scruple 
to offer the sacrifice of such an humility to our Redeemer? Did 
he descend from heaven to assume our nature, and make us his 
members! and shall we make any doubt to descend from our 
chairs, to prevent his members being torn to pieces by a cruel 
schism? We bishops are ordained for the people of Christ : 
what therefore is most conducive to the peace of Christian 


34 Die. 1. c. 16. (CC. t. 2. p. 1352 
e.) Quid enim dubitemus Redemp- 


ergo Christianis populis ad Christi- 
anam pacem prodest, hoc de nostro 


tori nostro sacrificium istius humi- 
litatis offerre? An vero ille de ceelis 
in membra humana descendit, ut 
membra ejus essemus, et nos, ne 
ipsa ejus membra crudeli divisione 
lanientur, de cathedris descendere 
formidamus? Pro nos nihil suf- 
ficientius, quam Christiani fideles et 
obedientes simus: hoc ergo semper 
simus. Episcopi autem propter Chri- 
stianos populos ordinamur: quod 


episcopatu faciamus. Si servi utiles 
sumus, cur Domini eternis lucris, 
pro nostris temporalibus sublimita- 
tibus, invidemus? Episcopalis dig- 
nitas fructuosior nobis erit, si gre- 
gem Christi magis deposita college- 
rit quam retenta disperserit. Nam 
qua fronte in futuro seculo promis- 
sum a Christo sperabimus honorem, 
si Christianum in hoc seculo noster 
honos impedit unitatem. 


266 Special laws for V1. iv. 


people, we ought to do in reference to our episcopacy. If we 
be profitable servants, why should we envy the eternal gain of 
our Lord for our own temporal honours? Our episcopal dignity 
will be so much the more advantageous to us, if by laying it 
aside we gather together the flock of Christ, than if we dis- 
perse his flock by retaining it. And with what face can we 
hope for the honour which Christ has promised us in the world 
to come, if our honours in this world hinder the unity of his 
Church.’ By this we see there were some cases, in which it was 
lawful for men to renounce even the episcopal office, and betake 
themselves to a private life; the grand rule being, in these and 
all other cases, to do what was most for the benefit and edifica- 
tion of the Church, and sacrifice private interest to the advan- 
tage of the public. 

3. In these cases, a bishop after he had renounced was not 
to intermeddle with the affairs of the Church, to ordain, or 
perform any offices of the like nature, unless he was called to 
assist by some other bishop, or was commissioned by him as his 
delegate; yet he was allowed the title, and honour, and com- 
munion of a bishop, as the general Council of Ephesus®® deter- 
mined it should be in the case of Eustathius, bishop of Perga 
and metropolitan of Pamphylia, who had renounced his bi- 
shopric, being an aged man, and thinking himself unable to 
discharge the duties of it. In such cases, likewise, when any 
one receded with the approbation of a Council, he was some- 
times allowed to receive a moderate pension out of the bishopric 
for his maintenance. As it was in the case of Domnus, bishop 
of Antioch, who having been ejected, though unjustly, by Dio- 
scorus, in the second Synod of Ephesus, yet quietly resigned 
the bishopric to Maximus: upon which account Maximus de- 
sired leave of the Council of Chalcedon, that he might allow 
him an annual pension out of the revenues of the Church; 
which the Council of Chalcedon 36 readily complied with. And 


And ca- 
nonical 
pensions 
sometimes 
granted in 
such cases. 


25 Act. 7. in Ep. ad Synod. Pam- 
phyliz. ( . 3: Ρ. 807 ἃ.) ᾿Εδικαιώσα- 
μεν καὶ ὡρίσαμεν δίχα πάσης ἀντιλο- 
γίας ἔχειν αὐτὸν τό τε τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς 
ὄνομα, καὶ τὴν τιμὴν καὶ τὴν κοινω- 
νίαν" οὕτω μέντοι, ὥστε μὴ χειροτο- 
νεῖν αὐτὸν, μήτε μὴν ἐκκλησίαν κατα- 
λαβόντα ἱερουργεῖν ἐξ ἰδίας αὐὖθεν- 


τείας" ἀλλ᾽ ἣ ἄρα συμπαραλαμβανό- 
μενον, εἴτουν ἐπιτρεπόμενον, εἰ τύχοι, 
παρὰ ἀδελφοῦ καὶ συνεπισκόπου κατὰ 
διάθεσιν καὶ ἀγάπην τὴν ἐν Χριστῷ. 

26 Act.7. al. το. (t.4. Ρ. 681e.).. 
Residentibus universis ante cancel- 
los sancti altaris, Maximus reveren- 
dissimus episcopus Antiochize dixit: 


§ 3,4. 267 


this, as Richerius?? ingenuously owns, was the ancient design 
and meaning of canonical pensions; which were not used to be 
granted but by the authority or approbation of a Synod, and 
only to such as, having spent the greatest part of their life in 
the service of the Church, desired to be disburdened of their 
office by reason of their age. For the reserving a pension out 
of a bishopric, which a man only resigns to take another, was 
a practice wholly unknown to former ages. 

4. Another rule, designed to keep all clergymen strictly to No clergy- 
their duty, was, that no one should remove from his own a" 47 
church or diocese, without the consent of the bishop to whose one diocese 
diocese he belonged. For as no one at first could be ordained mrt 
ἀπολελυμένως, but must be fixed to some church at his first or- — ag 
dination ; so neither, by the rules and discipline of the Church missory of 
then prevailing, might he exchange his station at pleasure, but bishor. 
must have his own bishop’s license, or letters dimissory, to qua- 
lify him to remove from one diocese to another. For this was 
the ancient right, which every bishop had in the clergy of his 
own church, that he could not be deprived of them without his 
own consent; but as well the party that deserted him, as the 
bishop that received him, were liable to be censured upon such 
a ion. ‘If any presbyter, deacon, or other clerk,’ 
says the Apostolical Canons?*, ‘ forsake his own diocese to go to 


Deprecor magnificentissimos et glo- 
riosissimos jud ices, et sanctam hanc 
et uni synodum, et huma- 


nitatem exercere in Domnum, qui 


the regulation of the clergy. 


nonicarum potest confirmari ; que 
iis tantum tribui consueverant, qui 
magnam vite partem in ministerio 
consumpserant, et propter zetatem 


fuit Antiochiz episcopus, dignemini, 
et statuere ei certos sumptus de ec- 
clesia, que sub me est... . Universa 
sancta synodus vociferata est: Lau- 
dabiles merito sunt benevolentie 
archiepiscopi. Omnes cogitatum e- 
j amus.... Magnificentissimi 
ices dixerunt: Amplectente sancta 
synodo arbitrium Maximi, viri reli- 
oon episcopi Antiochiensium, quod 
Domno probavit, et nos eidem 
consentimus, ejus arbitrio derelin- 
tes, que sunt de Domni hono- 
rificentia. 

27 Concil. Hist. 1. τ. ς. 8. n. 30. (p. 
218.) Verum, qui ad hec attenderit, 
facile videbit. Nibil antiquitus con- 
suetum fieri nisi synodice compro- 
batum; hincque jus pensionum ca- 


se exonerabant episcopatu. 

23 Ce. 15 et τό. ral. 14 et 15. 
(Cotel. [e. 12. V. I. Ρ. 429.) Εἴ τις 
πρεσβύτερος, ἣ διάκονος, ἢ ὅλως τοῦ 
καταὰλ τῶν κληρικῶν, ἀπολείψας 
τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παροικίαν, εἰς ἑτέραν ἀπ-- 
έλθη, καὶ παντελῶς μεταστὰς δια- 
τρίβῃη ἐν ἄλλῃ παροικίᾳ παρὰ γνώμην 
τοῦ ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου, τοῦτον κελεύομεν 
μηκέτι λειτουργεῖν, μάλιστα εἰ προσ- 
καλουμένου αὐτὸν ἐπανελθεῖν ἐπισκό- 
που [8]. τοῦ ἐπισκόπου αὐτὸν ἐπατεὰλ- 
θεῖν] οὐχ ὑπήκουσεν, ἐπιμένων τῇ 
ἀταξίᾳ" ὡς λαϊκὸς μέν τοι ἐκεῖσε κοι- 
νωνείτω. El δὲ ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, rap ᾧ 
fal Nemec, map οὐδὲν ἡγησάμενος 


λογισάμενος τὴν κατ᾽ αὐτῶν dpt- 
σθεῖσαν ἀγρίαν, δέξηται (al. déferas} 
αὐτοὺς ὡς κληρικοὺς, ἀφοριζέ ὡς 


908 


Special laws for 


another, and there continue without the consent of his own bi- 
shop; we decree, that such an one shall no longer minister as 
a clerk, especially if after admonition he refuse to return, but 


only be admitted to communicate as a layman. 


And if the bi- 


shop, to whom they repair, still entertain them in the quality of 
clergymen, he shall be excommunicated as a master of dis- 


order.’ 


The same rule is frequently repeated in the ancient 


Councils, as that of Antioch29, the first and second of Arles*°, 
the first and fourth of Carthage *1, the first of Toledo 832, and the 
Council of Tours®, and Turin®4, and the great Council of 
Nice3>, to whose canons it may be sufficient to refer the reader. 


διδάσκαλος dragias.— C. Chalced. 6. 
20. (t. 4. Ῥ. 766 b.) Ei δέ τις ἐπίσκο- 
πος μετὰ τὸν ὅρον τοῦτον ἄλλῳ ἐπι- 
σκόπῳ προσήκοντα δέξεται κληρικὸν, 
ἔδοξεν ἀ ἀκοινώνητον εἶναι. τὸν δεχθέντα 
καὶ τὸν δεξάμενον, ἕως ἂν ὁ μεταστὰς 
κληρικὸς εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν ἐπανέλθη ἐκ- 
κλησίαν. 

29 Ὁ. 3. (t. 2. p. δότ 6.) Et τις 
πρεσβύτερος, ἢ διάκονος, ἢ ὅλως τῶν 
τοῦ ἱερατείου τις, καταλιπὼν τὴν τοῦ 
ἑαυτοῦ παροικίαν, εἰς ἑτέραν ἀπέλθοι" 
ἔπειτα παντελῶς μεταστὰς, διατρίβειν 
ἐν ἄλλῃ παροικίᾳ πειρᾶται ἐπὶ πολλῷ 
χρόνῳ, μηκέτι λειτουργεῖν, εἰ μάλιστα 
καλοῦντι τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ τῷ ἰδίῳ, καὶ 
ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς παροικίαν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ 
παραινοῦντι, μὴ ὑπακούοι" εἰ δὲ καὶ 
ἐπιμένοι τῇ ἀταξίᾳ, παντελῶς αὐτὸν 
καθαιρεῖσθαι τῆς λειτουργίας, ὡς μη- 
κέτι χώραν ἔχειν ἀποκαταστάσεως" εἰ 
δὲ καθαιρεθέντα διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν 
δέχοιτο ἕτερος ἐπίσκοπος, κἀκεῖνον 
ἐπιτιμίας τυγχάνειν ὑπὸ κοινῆς συνό- 
δου, ὡς παραλύοντα τοὺς θεσμοὺς τοὺς 
ἐκκλησιαστικούς. 

80. Arelatens. I. 6. 21. ({.1. Ὀ. 1420 
b.) De presbyteris aut. diaconibus, 
qui solent dimittere loca sua in qui- 
bus ordinati sunt, et ad alia loca:se 
transferunt, placuit ut eis locis. mi- 
nistrent, quibus preefixi [8].  pree- 
fecti | sunt. Quod si, relictis locis 
suis, ad alium se locum transferre 
voluerint,deponantur.—Arelatens.2. 
c.13. (t. 4. p. 1012 e.) Nullus cujus- 
cumque ordinis clericus, non diaco- 
nus, non presbyter, non episcopus, 
quacumque occasione faciente, pro- 
priam relinquat ecclesiam, sed omni- 


modis aut excommunicetur aut re- 
dire cogatur. 

31 Carth. 1. c. 5. (t. 2. p. 1824 Ὁ.) 

-Non debere clericum alienum ab 
aliquo suscipi sine literis episcopi 
sui, neque apud se detinere.—Carth. 
4. 6. 27. (ibid. p.1202 6.) Inferioris 
vero gradus sacerdotes, ut alii cle- 
rici, concessione suorum episcopo- 
rum possunt ad alias ecclesias trans- 
migrare. 

82 Tolet. 1..c. 12. (1014. p. 1225 6.) 
Item ut liberum ulli clerico non sit 
discedere de episcopo suo, et alteri 
episcopo communicare. 

88 Turon. 1. c. 11. (t. 4. 1052 b.) 
Si quis clericus, absque episcopi sui 
permissu, derelicta ecclesia sua, ad 
alium se transferre voluerit locum, 
alienus a communione habeatur. 

34 Taurin. c..7. (t.2. p. 1157 ἃ.) 
.... Synodi sententia definitum est, 
ut clericum alterius secundum sta- 
tuta canonum nemo suscipiat, neque 
suz ecclesie, licet in alio gradu, au- 
deat ordinare, neque abjectum reci- 
plat in communionem. 

35 Niceen. 16. (ibid. Ρ. 36 6.) Ὅσοι 
ῥιψοκινδύνως, pyre. τὸν φόβον τοῦ 
Θεοῦ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἔ ἔχοντες, μήτε τὸν 
ἐκκλησιαστικὸν κανόνα εἰδότες, ἀνα- 
χωρήσουσι τῆς ἐκκλησίας, πρεσβύτε- 
ροι ἢ διάκονοι, ἢ ἢ ὅλως ἐν τῷ κανόνι 
«ἐξεταζόμενοι" οὗτοι οὐδαμῶς. εκτοὶ ὁ- 
φείλουσιν εἶναι ἐν ἑτέρᾳ ἐκκλησίᾳ, 
ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν αὐτοῖς ἀνάγκην ἐπάγεσθαι 
χρὴ: ἀναστρέφειν εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν 
παροικίας, ἢ ἐπιμένοντας,. ἀκοινωνή- 
τους εἶναι προσήκει. εἰ δὲ καὶ Toh- 
μήσειέ τις ὑφαρπάσαι τὸν τῷ ἑτέρῳ 


VL. iv. 


§ 4. 


the regulation of the clergy. 269 


I only observe, that this was the ancient use of letters dimis- 
sory, or, as they were then called, ἀπολυτικαὶ, εἰρηνικαὶ, συστα- 
τατικαὶ, and coneessorie, which were letters of license granted 
by a bishop for a clergyman to remove from his diocese to 
another; though we now take letters dimissory in another 
sense; but the old canons call those dimissory letters, which 
were given upon the occasion that I have mentioned. The 
Council of Carthage®® gives them only the name of the bishop's 
letters, but the Council of Trullo®7 styles them expressly di- 
missory; when, reinforcing all the ancient canons, it says, 
* No clergyman, of what degree soever, shall be entertained in 
another church,—éxros τῆς τοῦ οἰκείου ἐπισκόπου ἐγγράφου ἀπο- 
Avrixijs,—without the dimissory letters of his own bishop; 
which he might grant or refuse, as he saw proper occasion for 
it: for there was no law to compel him to grant it, whatever 
arts any clerk might use to gain a dismission any other way. 
St. Austin mentions a pretty strange case of this nature, that 
happened in his own diocese. One Timotheus, a subdeacon of 
his church, being desirous to leave his post under St. Austin, 
and go to Severus, a neighbouring bishop, protests upon oath 
to Severus, that he would be no longer of St. Austin’s church: 
upon this, Severus, pretending a reverence for his oath, writes 
to St. Austin, and tells him, he could not return him his clerk 
for fear of making him guilty of perjury. To which St. Austin 
replied ®*, ‘that this opened a way to licentiousness; and there 
was an end of all ecclesiastical order and discipline, if a bishop 
would pretend to keep another man’s clerk upon such a scruple, 


87 C. τῇ. (t. 6. p. 1152 a.) “Opt- 


διαφέροντα, καὶ rn ἐν τῇ 
ὥοσμεν, ὥστε...... μηδένα τῶν ἁπάν- 


αὐτοῦ ἐκκλησίᾳ, κατατιθεμένου 


τοῦ ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου, οὗ ἀνεχώρησεν ὁ 
ἐν τῷ κανόνι ἐξεταζόμενος, ἄκυρος 
wre ἡ χειροτονία. 

86 Carth. 1. c. 5. ook p.715 ἀν) 
Non licere clericum alienum ab ali- 
quo suscipi sine literis episcopi sui, 
neque apud se retinere. (‘This cita- 
tion is according to Labbe: but the 
citation of the same canon at ἢ, 31 
preceding, and from the same Coun- 
cil, is according to the amended edi- 
tion by Holstenius e veteribus co- 
dicibus Vaticanis, as repeated by 
Ep) at the end of t. 2. p. 1824. 

D. 


τῶν κληρικῶν, κἂν ἐν οἷῳδήποτε 
τυγχάνῃ βαθμῷ ἄδειαν ἔχειν, ἐκτὸς 
τῆς τοῦ οἰκείου ἐπισκόπου ἐγγράφου 
rcpt ἐν ἑτέρᾳ κατατάττεσθαι 


“a. τ ‘240. al. 63.] ad Sever. (t. 
2. p. 152 b.) Quantus aditus aperi- 
tur ad dissolvendum ordinem eccle- 
siastice discipline, si alterius ec- 
clesie clericus cuicunque juraverit 
quod ab ipso non sit recessurus, 
eum secum esse permittat; ideo se 
facere affirmans, ne auctor sit ejus 
perjurii, &c, 


270 Special laws for VI. iv. 


for fear of being accessory to his perjury.’ This evidently im- 
plies, that there was no law then to compel a bishop to grant 
letters dimissory to his clerk: for if there had been any such, 
Timotheus needed not to have used the stratagem of an oath, 
but might have compelled St. Austin to have granted them. 
But the Church then did not think fit to put it in every man’s 
power to remove from one diocese to another at his own plea- 
sure; but left every bishop sole judge in this case, as best 
knowing the necessities and circumstances of his own church, 
and whether it were expedient to part with the clergy which 
were ordained for her service. 

5. The laws were no less severe against all wandering cler- 
gymen,whom somé of the Ancients®? call βακάντιβοι, or vacan- 
tivi, by way of reproach. They were a sort of idle persons, 
who, having deserted the service of their own church, would 
fix in no other, but went roving from place to place, as their 
fancy and their humour led them. Now, by the laws of the 
Church, no bishop was to permit any such to officiate in his 
diocese, nor indeed so much as to communicate in his church; 
because, having neither letters dimissory nor letters commen- 
datory from their own bishop, which every one ought to have 
that travelled, they were to be suspected either as deserters, 
or as persons guilty of some misdemeanour, who fled from 
ecclesiastical censure. Therefore the laws forbad the admitting 
of such either to ecclesiastical or lay-communion. ‘A presbyter 
or deacon,’ says the Council of Agde?°, ‘ that rambles about 
without the letters of his bishop, shall not be admitted to com- 
munion by any other.’ The Council of Epone*! repeats the 


Laws a- 
gainst the 
βακάντιβοι, 
or wander- 
ing clergy. 


decree in the same words. 
Spain, orders such wandering 


39 Vid. Synes. Ep. 67. (p. 216 ἃ. 
10.) Περινοστοῦσί τινες βακαντίβοι 
παρ᾽ ἡμῖν" ἀνέξῃ γάρ μου “μικρὸν ὑπο- 
βαρβαρίσαντος, ἵ ἵνα διὰ τῆς συνηθεσ- 
τέρας τῇ πολιτείᾳ φωνῆς τὴν ἑνίων 
κακίαν ἐμφατικώτερον παραστήσαιμι" 
οὗτοι καθέδραν μὲν ἀποδεδειγμένην 
ἔχειν οὐ βούλονται" οἵγε τὴν οὖσαν 
ἀπολελοίπασι, οὐ κατὰ συμφορὰν, 
ἀλλ᾽ αὐθαίρετοι μετανάσται γινόμενοι" 
καρποῦνται δὲ τὰς τιμὰς, ἐκεῖ περινο- 
στοῦντες, ὅπου κερδαλεώτερον. 


40 C. 52. (t. 4. p. 1392 a.) Pres- 


And the Council of Valentia42, in 


and roving clerks, as will not 


bytero, sive diacono [al. vel diacono 
vel clerico] sine antistitis sui epi- 
stolis ambulanti communionem nul- 
lus impendat. 

41 (Ὁ, 6. (t. 4. p. 1577 b.) 

42 0.5. (ibid. p. 1619 e.).. Vagus 
atque instabilis clericus, .... si epi- 
scopi, a quo ordinatus est, preeceptis 
non obedierit, ut in delegata sibi ec- 
clesia officium dependat assiduum, 

uousque in vitio permanserit, et 
Gah a] communione et honore pri- 
vetur. 


the regulation of the clergy. 271 


settle to the constant performance and attendance of divine of- 
fices in the church, whereto they were deputed by the bishop 
that ordained them, to be deprived both of the communion and 
the honour of their order, if they persisted in their obstinacy 
and rebellion. So strict were the laws of the ancient Church 
in tying the inferior clergy to the service of that church to 
which they were first appointed, that they might not upon any 
account move thence, but at the discretion of the bishop that 
ordained them. 

6. Nor were the bishops so arbitrary in this matter, but that Laws 
they themselves were under a like regulation, and liable to onan 
laws of the same nature. For, as no clerk could remove from of bishops 
his own church without the license of his bishop, so neither ae 
might any bishop pretend to translate or move himself to an- other, how 
other see, without the consent and approbation of a provincial ed and un- 
council. Some few there were who thought it absolutely un- “tot 
lawful for a bishop to forsake his first see, and betake himself 
to any other; because they looked upon his consecration to be 
a sort of marriage to his church, from which he could not 
divorce himself, nor take another, without incurring the crime 
of spiritual adultery. To this purpose they wrested that pas- 
sage of St. Paul, “ A bishop must be the husband of one wife,” 
taking it in a mystical and figurative sense, as St. Jerom#? in- 
forms us. But this was but the private opinion of one or two 
authors, which never prevailed in the Catholic Church; whose 
prohibition of the translation of bishops was not founded upon 
any such reasons, but was only intended as a cautionary provi- 
sion to prevent the ambition of aspiring men: that they might 
not run from lesser bishoprics to greater, without the authority 
of a provincial Synod, which was the proper judge in such 
cases. Some canons indeed seem to forbid it absolutely and 
universally, as a thing not to be allowed in any case. The 
Councils of Nice ‘+ and Sardica‘5, and some others, prohibit it, 


43 Ep. 83. [al. 69.1 ad Ocean. 
t. 2. p. 321. (t. 1. p. 415 a.) Qui- 
dam coacte interpretantur uxores 


ecclesiis, viros pro episcopis de- 
accipi, &c. 
440. 15. (t. 2. p. 36d.) Διὰ τὸν 


πολὺν τάραχον καὶ τὰς στάσεις τὰς 
γινομένας, ἔδοξε παντάπασι περιαιρε- 


θῆναι τὴν συνήθειαν τὴν παρὰ τὸν κα- 
νόνα εὑρεθεῖσαν ἕν τισι μέρεσιν" ὥστε 
ἀπὸ πόλεως εἰς πόλιν μὴ μεταβαίνειν, 

ἦτε ἐπίσκοπον, μήτε πρεσβύτερον, 
μῆτε διάκονον" εἰ δέ τις μετὰ τὸν τῆς 
ἁγίας καὶ ἴλης συνόδου ὅρον, τοι- 
οὕτῳ τινὶ ἐπιχειρήσειεν, ἣ ἐπιδοίη 


ἑαυτὸν πράγματι τοιούτῳ, ἀκυρωθή- 


Q72 VI. iv. 
without any exception or limitation. But other canons restrain 
it to the case of a bishop’s intruding himself into another see 
by some sinister arts, without any legal authority from a pro- 
vincial synod. So those called the Apostolical Canons4¢ distin- 
guish upon the matter: ‘It shall not be lawful for a bishop to 
leave his diocese and invade another, though many of the peo- 
ple would compel him to it, unless there be a reasonable cause, 
as that he may the more advantage the Church by his preach- 
ing; and then he shall not do it of his own head, but by the 
judgment and entreaty of many bishops, that is, a provincial 
synod.’ The fourth Council of Carthage‘? distinguishes much 
after the same manner: ‘A bishop shall not remove himself 
from an obscure to a more honourable place out of ambition ; 
but, if the advantage of the Church require it, he may be 
translated by the order and decree of a provincial synod.’ 
Schelstrate 48 and some other learned persons think that these 
canons were a correction of the former ; the one allowing what 
the other had positively forbidden. But this is not at all pro- 
bable: it is more reasonable to think, that though in the Ni- 
cene and Sardican canons these exceptions are not expressed, 
yet they are to be understood; because the Council of Nice 
itself translated Eustathius, bishop of Bercea, to Antioch, as 
Mr. Pagi4? rightly observes out of Sozomen%°, and other his- 


> 


Special laws for 


σεται ἐξ ἅπαντος τὸ κατασκεύασμα, [8]. ποιεῖν], ὡς πλέον τι κέρδος Suva- 


καὶ ἀποκατασταθήσεται τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, 
7 ὁ ἐπίσκοπος ἢ ὁ πρεσβύτερος ἐχει- 
ροτονήθη. 

45 C. 1. (ibid. p. 628 d.)...."Iva 
μηδενὶ τῶν ἐπισκόπων ἐξῇ ἀπὸ πόλεως 
μικρᾶς εἰς ἑτέραν πόλιν μεθίστασθαι. 
—C. Antioch. c, 21. (ibid. p. 572 a.) 
᾿Ἐπίσκοπον ἀπὸ παροικίας ἑτέρας εἰς 
ἑτέραν μὴ μεθίστασθαι, μήτε αὐθαιρέ- 
Tas ἐπιρρίπτοντα ἑαυτὸν, μήτε ἀπὸ 
λαῶν ἐκβιαζόμενον, μήτε ὑπὸ ἐπισκό- 
mov ἀναγκαζόμενον, κ. τ. A.—Conf. 
C. Carth. 2. c. 38. (ibid. Ρ. 1172 ¢.) 
Non liceat fieri rebaptizationes et 
reordinationes vel translationes epi- 
scoporum. 

46 C. 14. [al. 13.] (Cotel. [c. 11.] 
Vv. 1. p. 438.) Ἐπίσκοπον μὴ ἐξεῖναι 
καταλείψαντα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παροικίαν 
ἑτέρᾳ ἐπιπηδᾷν, κἂν ὑπὸ πλειόνων 
ἀναγκάζηται" εἰ μή τις εὔλογος αἰτία 
ἦ ἡ τοῦτο βιαζομένη αὐτὸν ποιῆσαι 


μένου αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἐκεῖσε λόγῳ εὖσε- 
βείας συμβάλλεσθαι: καὶ τοῦτο δὲ 
οὐκ ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, ἀλλὰ κρίσει πολλῶν 
ἐπισκόπων καὶ παρακλήσει μεγίστῃ. 

47 C. 27. (t. 2. p. 1202 b.) Ut epi- 
scopus de loco ignobili ad nobilem 
per ambitionem non transeat. . Sane 
si id utilitas ecclesie fiendum po- 
poscerit, decreto pro eo clericorum 
et laicorum episcopis porrecto, per 
sententiam [al. in preesentia| synodi 
transferatur. 

48 C, Antioch. Restitut. dissert. 4. 
c. 19. ἢ. 2. de Canone 21. (p. 614.) 

49 Crit. in Baron. an. 324. n. 22. 
[al. 26.] (t. 1. p. 403.)... Kustathius, 
anno sequenti episcopus Antioche- 
nus dictus, cum Theophanes. de 
synodo Niczena loquens. dicat: Vi- 
dua pontifice Antiochensium eccle- 
sia synodus Eustathium confirmayit 


-Berceee in Syria episcopum,. quod 


§ 6, 7. the regulation of the clergy. 273 


torians of the Church. Which had been to break and affront 
their own rule at the very first, had it meant that it should 
not be lawful in any case to translate a bishop from one see to 
another. We must conclude, then, that the design of all these 
canons was the same, to prevent covetousness, ambition, and 
love of preeminence in aspiring men, who thrust themselves 
into other sees by irregular means, by a faction, or the mere 
favour of the people, without staying for the choice or consent 
of a synod; which was the common practice of the Arian party 
in the time of Constantine and Constantius, and occasioned so 
many laws to be made against it. But when a synod of bishops 
in their judgment and discretion thought it necessary to trans- 
late a bishop from a lesser to a greater see, for the benefit and 
advantage of the Church, there was no law to prohibit this, 
but there are a thousand instances of such promotions to be 
met with in ancient history; as Socrates>! has observed long 
ago, who has collected a great many instances to this purpose. 
Those that please may see more in Cotelerius*? and, bishop 
Beveridge®* ; for in so plain a case I do not think it necessary 
to be more particular in my account of them, but proceed with 
other laws of the Church which concerned the clergy. 

7. The next laws of this nature were such as concerned the Laws con- 
residence of the clergy; the design of which was the same as oe 
all the former, to bind them to constant attendance upon their he 
duty. And these laws equally concerned bishops and all the 
inferior clergy. The Council of Sardica has several canons re- 
lating to this matter. The seventh >‘ decrees, ‘ that no bishop 
should go εἰς στρατόπεδον, to the emperor's court, unless the 
emperor by letter called him thither.” The next canon®> pro- 


ante Theophanem Sozomenus, 1. 1. 


δὲ L. 7. c. 36. tot. (ibid. p. 385. 9.) 
c. 2. in literas miserat. 


᾿Επειδὴ δέ τινες, κι T,X. 


52 In Can. Apost. 14. (v. 1. p. 





50 L. 1. c. 2. (v. 2. p. 11. 25.) Τῆς 
δὲ [ἐκκλησίας] ᾿Αντιοχέων τῶν πρὸς 


ἐπετέτραπτο" τῶν ὧν, ὡς εἰκὸς, 
μὴ ω γενέσθαι τὴν χει- 
parerlee: οὐκ els δὲ οἱ εἰς Ni- 


καίαν συνελὴλ > ς 
τοῦ βίου καὶ τῶν λόγων Εὐστάθιον, 
ἄξιον ἐδοκίμασαν τοῦ ἀποστολικοῦ 
6, ἡγεῖσθαι" καὶ ἐπίσκοπον ὄντα 
τῆς γείτονος Βερροίας εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν 
μετέστησαν. 

BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


438. n.6.) Immensum esset, &c. 
63 In eund. Can. (ap. Cotel. ibid. 

p- 462.) Anno Domini 673, &c. 
54 C. 7. (t. 2. p. 633 b.) Μηδένα 
ἐπίσκοπον χρῆναι els τὸ στρατόπεδον 
ίνεσθαι, κτὸς τούτων, ods 


παραγ 
dy 6 εὐλαβέστατος βασιλεὺς τοῖς ἑαυ- 


τοῦ γράμμασι μετακαλοῖτο. 

ὅδ ©. 8. (ibid.) [According to 
Labbe, the latter part of c. 7. and 
ς. 8.] ᾿Επειδὰν πολλάκις συμβαίνει 


T 


274 


Special laws jor VI. iv. 


vides, ‘ that whereas there might be several cases which might 
require a bishop to make some application to the emperor in 
behalf of the poor, or widows, or such as fled for sanctuary to 
the church, and condemned criminals, and the like; im such 
cases the deacons or subdeacons of the church were to be 
employed to go in his name, that the bishop might fall under 
no censure at court, as neglecting the business of his church.’ 
Justinian has a law°® of the same import with these canons, 
‘that no bishop should appear at court upon any business of 
his church without the command of the prince; but if any pe- 
tition was to be preferred to the emperor relating to any civil 
contest, the bishop, should depute his apocrisiarius, or resident 
at court, to act for him, or send his wconomus, or some other 
of his clergy, to solicit the cause in his name; that the church 
might neither receive damage by his absence, nor be put to 
unnecessary expenses. Another canon’? of the Council of 
Sardica limits the absence of a bishop from his church to 
three weeks, unless it were upon some very weighty and ur- 


gent occasion. 


τινὰς οἴκτου δεομένους καταφυγεῖν ἐπὶ 
τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, διὰ τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἁμαρτή- 
ματα εἰς περιο ισμὸν ἢ νῆσον καταδι- 
κασθέντας, ἢ ἢ [δ᾽ αὖ πάλιν οἷᾳδηπο- 
τοῦν ἀποφάσει ἐκδεδομένους" τοῖς τοι- 
οὕτοις μὴ ἀρνητέαν εἶναι τὴν βοήθειαν, 
ἀλλὰ χωρὶς μελησμοῦ καὶ ἄνευ τοῦ 
διστάσαι τοῖς τοιούτοις αἰτεῖσθαι συγ- 
χώρησιν"..«.... καὶ τοῦτο ἡ ἀγχίνοια 
ὑμῶν κρινάτω, ἵν᾽ ἐπειδὴ ἔδοξε, διὰ τὸ 
μὴ πίπτειν ὑπὸ κατάγνωσίν τινα τῶν 
ἐπισκόπων ἀφικνούμενον εἰς τὸ στρα- 
τόπεδον, εἴ τινες αὐτῶν τοιαύτας ἔχοιεν 
δεήσεις, οἵων ἐπάνω ἐπεμνήσθημεν, 
διὰ ἰδίου διακόνου ἀποστέλλοιεν᾽ τοῦ- 
το γὰρ ὑπηρέτου τὸ πρόσωπον οὐκ 
ἐπίφθονον τυγχάνει, καὶ τὰ παρασχε- 
θησόμενα θᾶττον διακομισθῆναι δυνή- 
σεται. 

56 Novel. 6. c. 2. See before, b. 3. 
ch. 13. 8. 6. v. 1. p. 365. n. 84. 

57 C.1r, (t. 2. p. 637 ἃ. ) Μέμνησθε 
καὶ ἐν τῷ προάγοντι χρόνῳ τοὺς πα- 
τέρας ἡμῶν κεκρικέναι, ἵνα εἴ τις λαϊ- 
κὸς ἐν πόλει διάγων, τρεῖς κυριακὰς 
ἡμέρας ἐν τρισὶν ἑβδόμασι μὴ συνέρ- 
χοιτο, ἀποκινοῖτο τῆς κοινωνίας" εἰ 
τοίνυν περὶ τῶν λαϊκῶν τοῦτο τεθέσ- 
πισται, οὐ χρὴ, οὐδὲ πρέπει, ἀλλ᾽ 


And another canon 58 allows the same time for 


οὐδὲ συμφέρει, ἐπίσκοπον, εἰ μηδε- 
μίαν βαρυτέραν a ἀνάγκην ἔχοι, ἢ πρᾶγ- 
μα δυσχερὲς, ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀπολεί- 
πεσθαι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἐκκλησίας, καὶ λυ- 
πεῖν τὸν ἐμπεπιστευμένον. αὐτῷ λαόν. 

58 C, 12. (ibid. b.) Τινὲς τῶν ἀδελ- 
φῶν καὶ συνεπισκόπων ἐν ταῖς πόλε- 
σιν, ἐν αἷς ἐπίσκοποι καθίστανται, 
δοκοῦσι κεκτῆσθαι σφόδρα ὀλίγα 
ὑπάρχοντα ἴδια" ἐν ἑτέροις δὲ τόποις 
κτήσεις μεγάλας, ἐξ ὧν καὶ ἐπικουρεῖν 
δυνατοί εἶσι τοῖς πένησιν" οὕτως οὖν 
αὐτοῖς συγχωρητέον εἶναι κρίνω, ἵνα 
εἰ μέλλοιεν εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν παραγίνε- 
σθαι κτήσεις, καὶ τὴν συγκομιδὴν. τῶν 
καρπῶν ποιεῖσθαι, τρεῖς κυριακὰς ἡμέ- 
ρας, τοῦτ᾽ ἔστι, τρεῖς ἑβδομάδας ἐν 
τοῖς ἑαυτῶν κτήμασιν αὐτοὺς διάγειν, 
καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀγχιστευούσῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἐν 
7 πρεσβύτερος συνάγοι, ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ 
χωρὶς συνελεύσεως αὐτὸν δοκεῖ εἶναι, 
συνέρχεσθαι καὶ λειτουργεῖν, καὶ μὴ 
συνεχέστερον εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἐν 7 ἐστιν 
ἐπίσκοπος, παραγίγνοιτο. Τοῦτον γὰρ 
τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα αὐτοῦ πράγ- 
ματα “παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ ἀπουσίαν οὐδε- 
μίαν ὑπομενεῖ ζημίαν, καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀλα- 
ζονείας καὶ τοῦ τύφου ἐκκλίνειν δόξει 


ἔγκλημα. 


ΝΥΝ έν... kL 


8 γ. 


the regulation of the clergy. 275 


a bishop,who is possessed of an estate in another diocese, to go 
and collect his revenues, provided he celebrate divine service 
every Lord’s-day in the country-church where his estate lies: 
and by two other canons*? of that Council, presbyters and 
deacons are limited to the same term of absence, and tied to 
the forementioned rules in the same manner as bishops were. 
The Council of Agde® made the like order for the French 
Churches, decreeing ‘that a presbyter or deacon, who was 
absent from his church for three weeks, should be three years 
suspended from the communion.’ In the African Churches, 
upon the account of this residence, every bishop’s house was 
to be near the church by a rule of the fourth Council of Car- 
thage®. And in the fifth Council there is another rule®, 
‘that every bishop shall have his residence at his principal or 
cathedral church, which he shall not leave, to betake himself 
to any other church in his diocese; nor continue upon his pri- 
vate concerns, to the neglect of his cure, and hinderance of his 
frequenting the cathedral church.’ From this it appears that 
the city-church was to be the chief place of the bishop’s resi- 
dence and cure: and Cabassutius®, in his remarks upon this 
canon, reflects upon the French bishops, as transgressing the 
ancient rule, in spending the greatest part of the year upon 


59 C. τό. (ibid. p. 640 €.) ᾿Αέτιος 


60 C. 64. (t. 4. p. 1393 e.)... Tri- 
ἐπίσκοπος εἶπεν Οὐκ ἀγνοεῖτε ὁποία bas a 


ennio a communione suspendatur. 
Similiter diaconus vel presbyter, si 


καὶ πηλίκη τυγχάνει ἡ τῶν Θεσσαλο- 
νικέων μητρόπολις" πολλάκις τοιγαρ- 


᾿ οὖν εἰς αὐτὴν ἀπὸ ἑτέρων ἐπαρχιῶν 


πρεσβύτεροι καὶ διάκονοι παραγίνον- 
ται, καὶ οὐκ ἀρκούμενοι βραχέος δια- 
γωγῇ χρόνου, ἐναπομένουσι, καὶ ἅ- 
mavra τὸν χρόνον αὐτόθι ποιοῦντες 
διατελοῦσιν᾽ ἣ μόλις μετὰ πλεῖστον 
ν εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἐπανιέναι ἐκ- 

σίας ἀναγκάζονται" περὶ τούτων 
ὁριστέον. Ὅσιος ἐπίσκοπος εἶπεν᾽ 
Οὗτοι οἱ ὅροι, οἱ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐπισκό- 
Tov ὡρισμένοι, φυλαττέσθωσαν καὶ 
ἐπὶ τούτων τῶν mpoownev.—lbid. 
c. 17 (b.) [This canon contains no- 
thing directly to the purpose, but 
permits a necessary absence, in case 
of a violent expulsion or in seeking 
:- Εἴ ris ἐπίσκοπος βίαν ὑπο- 


μείνας ἀδίκως ἐκβληθῆ, κι τ.λ. Ἐπ.} 


[per] tres hebdomadas ab ecclesia 
sua defuerint, huic damnationi suc- 
cumbant. 

61 C. 14. (t. 2. p. 1201 Ὁ.) Ut 
episcopus non longe ab ecclesia 
hospitiolom habeat. 

C. 5. (ibid. p. 1216 b.) Placuit 
ut nemini sit facultas, relicta princi- 
pali cathedra, ad aliquam ecclesiam 
in dicecesi constitutam se conferre : 
vel in re propria diutius quam opor- 
tet constitutum, curam vel frequen- 
tationem proprie cathedre negli- 


ere. 
. 63 Notit. Concil. c. 44. [See. 4. 
an. 308.} (p. 178.) Huic canoni epi- 
scopi contraveniunt ....qui magna 
parte anni ruri versantur et delici- 
antur. 


T2 


276 Special laws for VI. iv. 


their pleasure in the country. Yet there is one thing that 
seems a difficulty in this matter; for Justinian® says, ‘ No 
bishop shall be absent from his church above a whole year, 
unless he has the emperor’s command for it.’ Which implies, 
that a bishop might be absent from his bishopric a year in 
ordinary cases, and more in extraordinary. But I conceive 
the meaning of this is, that he might be absent a year during 
his whole life, not year after year; for that would amount to 
a perpetual absence, which it was not the intent of the law to 
grant, but to tie them up to the direct contrary, except the 
prince upon some extraordinary affair thought fit to grant 
them a particular dispensation. | 

Of plurali- 8. Another rule, grounded upon the same reasons with the 

ties, and "he former, was the inhibition of pluralities; which concerned both 

aboutthem. bishops and the inferior clergy. As to bishops, it appears 
plainly from St. Ambrose that it was not thought lawful for a 
bishop to have two churches. For, speaking of those words 
of the Apostle, “‘a bishop must be the husband of one wife,” 
he says® ; ‘If we look only to the superficies of the letter, it 
forbids a digamist to be ordained bishop; but if we penetrate - 
a little deeper to the profounder sense, it prohibits a bishop to 
have two churches.’ That is; wherever there were two dio- 
ceses before, it was not lawful for one bishop to usurp them 
both, except where the wisdom of the Church and State 
thought it most convenient to join them into one. And it is 
remarkable, that though there be many instances of bishops 
removing from lesser sees to greater; yet there is no example 
in all ancient history, that 1 remember, of any such bishops 
holding both together ; no, not among the Arians themselves, 
who were the least concerned in observing rules of any other. 
As to the case of the inferior clergy, we must distinguish be- 
twixt diocesan and parochial churches, and between the office 
and the benefit in parochial churches. The circumstances and 


64 Novel. 6. c. 2. (t. 5. p. 54.) append. p. 360d.) Si ad superficiem 
Et illud etiam definimus, ut nemo tantum litere respiciamus, prohibet . 
Deo amabilium episcoporum foris bigamum episcopum ordinari: si 
a sua ecclesia plusquam per totum vero ad altiorem sensum conscendi- 
annum abesse audeat, nisi hoc per mus, inhibet episcopum duas usur~ 
imperialem fiat jussionem. pare ecclesias. 

65 De Dignit. Sacerd. c. 4. (t. 2. 


“ Δ... Δ... 





the regulation of the clergy. 277 


necessities of the Church might sometimes require a presbyter 
or deacon to officiate in more than one parochial church, when 
there was a scarcity of ministers; but the*revenues of such 
churches did not thereupon belong to him, because they were 
paid into the. common stock of the city or cathedral church, 
from whence he had his monthly or yearly portion in the divi- 
sion of the whole, as has been noted before. And this makes 
it further evident, that in those early ages there could be no 


. such thing as plurality of benefices, but only a plurality of 


offices in the same diocese, within such a district as that a man 
might personally attend and officiate in two parochial churches. 
But then as to different dioceses, it being ordinarily impossible 
that a man should attend a cure in two dioceses, the canons 
are very express in prohibiting any one from having a name 
in two churches, or partaking of the revenues of both. The 
Council of Chalcedon has a peremptory canon® to this purpose: 
“ΤῈ shall not be lawful for any clergyman to have his name in 
the church-roll or catalogue of two cities at the same time, that 
is, in the church where he was first ordained, and any other 
to which he flies out of ambition as to a greater church; but 
all such shall be returned to their own church, where they 
were first ordained, and only minister there. But if any one 
is regularly removed from one church to another, he shall not 
partake of the revenues of the former church, or of any ora- 
tory, hospital, or almshouse belonging to it. And such as shall 
presume, after this definition of this great and cecumenical 
Council, to transgress in this matter, are condemned to be 
degraded by the holy synod.’ And, that none might pretend 
under any other notion to evade this law, the same rule was 
made for monasteries, that one abbot should not preside over 
two monasteries at the same time. Which provision is made by 
the Councils of Agde and Epone®’, and confirmed by the im- 


66 C. το. (t. ta p- oat d.) ὙΦ Ὰ ἄλλης εἰς ἄλλην ἐκκλησίαν, μηδὲν τοῖς 


εἶναι ρον αν ηρικῷ] ἐν 


σθαι ἐκκλησίαις ma 

τὸ αὐτὸ, ae Te τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐχειροτο- 
καὶ ἐν mpocé » ὡς μείζονι 

ὃ - διὰ δόξης κενῆς ἐπιθυμίαν" τοὺς 
τοῦτο ποιοῦντας: ἀποκαθίστασθαι 

τ Bs ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἐν ἡ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐχει- 
» καὶ ἐκεῖ μόνον λειτουρ- 


γεῖν᾽ εἰ μέντοι ἤδη τις μετετέθη ἐξ 


τῆς προτέρας ἐκκλησίας ἤτοι τῶν ὑπ᾽ 
αὐτὴν μαρτυρίων, i) πτωχείων, ἣ ξενο- 
sexcum, ¢ ἐπικοινωνεῖν πράγμασι" τοὺς 
δέ γε τολμῶντας μετὰ τὸν ὅρον τῆς 
μεγάλης καὶ οἰκουμενικῆς ταύτης συν- 
όδου πράττειν τι τῶν νῦν ἀπηγορευο- 
μένων, ὥρισεν ἡ ἁγία σύνοδος, ἐκπί- 
mre τοῦ οἰκείου βαθμοῦ. 
57 Agathens. c. 57. (ib. Ρ. 1392 ¢.) 


VI. iv. 
perial laws of Justinian, who inserted it into his Code®. Now 

the design of all these laws was to oblige the clergy to constant 
attendance upon their duty in the church where they were 

first ordained ; from which if they once removed, whether with 
license or without, to any other diocese, they were no longer 

to enjoy any dividend in the church or diocese to which they 

first belonged. And this rule continued for several ages after 

the Council of Chalcedon, being renewed in the second Council 

of Nice®9, and other later Councils. 


278 Special laws for 


Laws pro- 9, In pursuance of the same design, to keep the clergy strict 
hibiting the : ἐόν 
clergy to and constant to their duty, laws were also made to prohibit 
re them from following any secular employment, which might 
νὸν τα divert them too much from their proper business and calling. 
ana onices. 


Among those called the Apostolical Canons, there are three to 
this purpose. One7° of which says, ‘ No bishop, presbyter, or 
deacon, shall take upon him any worldly cares, under pain of 
degradation.’ Another’! says, ‘No bishop or presbyter shall 
concern himself in any secular offices or administrations, that 
he may have more time to attend the needs and business of 
the Church; and this under the same penalty of degradation.’. 
The last7? says, ‘ A bishop, presbyter, or deacon, that busies 


Unum abbatum duobus monasteriis 
interdicimus presidere. — Epaun. 
c. 9. (ibid. p. 1577 5.) where the 
same words occur. 

68 L. 1. tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 39. 
(t. 4. p. 110.).. OU γίνεται δὲ ἡγού- 
μενος δύο μοναστηρίων. 

69 C. 15. (t.. 4. p. 609 a.) Κληρικὸς 
ἀπὸ τοῦ παρόντος μὴ κατατασσέσθω 
ἐν δυσὶν ἐκκλησίαις" ἐμπορίας γὰρ καὶ 
αἰσχροκερδείας ἴδιον τοῦτο, καὶ ἀλλό- 
τριον ἐκκλησιαστικῆς συνηθείας" ἠκού- 
σαμεν γὰρ ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς Κυριακῆς φω- 
vans’ ὅτι οὐ δύναταί τις δυσὶ κυρίοις 
δουλεύειν' ἢ γὰρ τὸν ἕνα μισήσει, καὶ 
τὸν ἕτερον ἀγαπήσει" ἢ τοῦ ἑνὸς ἀν- 
θέξεται, καὶ τοῦ ἑτέρου καταφρονήσει" 
ἕκαστος οὖν κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αποστολικὴν 
φωνὴν, ἐν ᾧ ἐκλήθη, ἐν τούτῳ ὀφείλει 
μένειν, καὶ προσεδρεύειν ἐν μιᾷ ἐκ- 
kAnoia’ τὰ γὰρ δι’ αἰσχροκέρδειαν 
γινόμενα ἐπὶ σῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν 
πραγμάτων, ἀλλότρια τοῦ Θεοῦ καθε- 
στήκασι' πρὸς δὲ τὴν τοῦ βίου τού- 
του χρείαν ἐπιτηδεύματά εἰσι διάφορα" 
ἐξ αὐτῶν εἴ τις βούλοιτο, τὰ χειρώδη 


τοῦ σώματος ποριζέσθω" ἔφη γὰρ ὁ 
᾿Απόστολος" ταῖς χρείαις μου καὶ τοῖς 
οὖσι μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ ὑπηρέτησαν αἱ χεῖρες 
αὗται" καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ θεο- 
φυλάκτῳ πόλει" ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἔξω χωρί- 
os, διὰ τὴν ἔλλειψιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων, 
δον ὡρείσθω. 

ο ὦ. 7 . [al. 6.1 (Cotel. [c. 4.] ν.τ. 
htt Ν ᾿Επίσκοπος, ἢ ἢ πρεσβύτερος, 
ἢ διάκονος κοσμικὰς φροντίδας μὴ 
ἀναλαμβανέσθω fal. ἀναλαμβανέτω"} 
εἰ δὲ μήγε καθαιρείσθω. 

71 Ο, 81. [8]. 80. ] (Cotel. [c. 72.} 
ibid. p. 441.) Εἴπομεν, ὅτι οὐ χρὴ 
ἐπίσκοπον, ἢ πρεσβύτερον εἰς δημο- 
σίας διοικήσεις καθιέναι ἑαυτὸν, ἀλλὰ 
προσευκαιρεῖν ταῖς ἐκκλησιαστικαῖς 
χρείαις" ἢ πειθέσθω οὖν τοῦτο μὴ 
ποιεῖν, ἢ καθαιρείσθω" οὐδεὶς γὰρ δύ- 
ναται δυσὶ κυρίοις δουλεύειν, κατὰ τὴν 
Κυριακὴν παρακέλευσιν. 

72 C. 83. [8]. 82.) (Cotel. [c. 74:1 
ibid. Ρ. 447-) ᾿Επίσκοπος, ἢ πρεσβύ- 
τερος, ἢ διάκονος στρατείᾳ σχολάζων, 
καὶ βουλόμενος ἀμφότερα κατέχειν, 
“Ῥωμαϊκὴν ἀρχὴν, καὶ ἱερατικὴν διοί 


“Ὁ 


ὃ 9. 


the regulation of the clergy. 279 


himself in any secular office, and is minded to hold both a place 
in the Roman government and an office in the Church, shall 
be deposed. For the things of Cesar belong to Cesar, and the 
things of God to God.’ Balsamon and Zonaras take this canon 
to mean only the prohibition of holding military offices, because 
it uses the word στρατεία: but I have shewed before, out of 
Gothofred and others, that the words στρατεία and militia are 
used by the Romans in a larger signification, to denote all 
kinds of secular offices, as well civil as military ; and therefore 
they more rightly interpret this canon7*, who understand it as 
a prohibition of holding any secular office, civil as well as mili- 
tary, with an ecclesiastical one, as things incompatible and in- 
consistent with one another. Eusebius informs us, from the 
Epistle of the Council of Antioch7*, which deposed Paulus Sa- 
mosatensis, ‘ that, among other crimes alleged against him, this 
was one, that he took upon him secular places, and preferred 
the title of ducenarius before that of bishop. The ducenarit 
among the Romans were a sort of civil officers, so called from 
their receiving a salary of two hundred sestertia from the em- 
peror, as Valesius?> observes out of Dio. And this makes it 
plain, that the intent of the canons was to prohibit the clergy 
from meddling with civil offices, as well as military. Only in 
some extraordinary cases, where the matter was a business of 
great necessity or charity, we meet with an instance or two of 
a bishop’s joining an ecclesiastical and civil office together with- 
out any censure. As Theodoret7® notes of the famous Jacobus 
Nisibensis, that he was both bishop and prince, or governor, of 


κησιν, καθαιρείσθω" τὰ yap τοῦ Kai- ... Κοσμικὰ ἀξιώματα ὑποδυόμενος, 


σαρος pe’ καὶ τὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ δουκηνάριος μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπίσκοπος 
a θέλων καλεῖσθαι. 
Bevereg. in Can. cit. (αρ. ὅο- 78 In loc. cit. (ibid. n. 5.) De pro- 


curatoribus ducenariis vide, quz 


ereg 

tel. ibid. p. 476.).... Nobis autem 
civilem quamlibet administrationem, 

istratum, aut dignitatem hic 
indigitare videtur ; propterea quod 
per Ῥωμαϊκὴν ἀρχὴν proximis verbis 
explicatur, et τῇ ἱερατικῇ διοικήσει 
opponitur: unde et in Epitome tam 
Logothete quam Aristeni pro orpa- 
reia ολάζων nihil substituitur 
seutér Ap ey, vis enim canonis in 
ea his solis verbis exhibetur, ἱερεὺς 


ἄρχων ἀνΐερος. 
4L. 7. c. 30. (v. 1. p. 361. 7.).. 


scripsit Salmasius in Notis ad His- 
toriam Augustam. Sic dicebantur 
procuratores, qui ducenta sestertia 
annui salarii nomine accipiebant a 
principe, ut clare docet Dio in lib. 
53. Ρ. 506. 

76 L, 2. c. 30. (v. 3. Ρ. 116. 15.) 
Νίσιβις, ἣν ᾿Αντιόχειαν Μυγδονίας 
τινὲς ὀνομάζουσιν, ἐν μεθορίῳ κεῖται 
τῆς Περσῶν καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας" 
ταύτης ἐπίσκοπος ἦν καὶ πολιοῦχος 
καὶ στρατηγὸς ᾿Ιάκωβος. 


280 Special laws for VI. iv, 


Nisibis, or Antioch in Mygdonia, a city in the confines of the 
Persian and Roman empires. Theodoret represents him as a 
man of great fame in his country for his miracles, by which he 
sometimes relieved the city when besieged by the Persians ; 
and it is probable, in regard to this, the emperors Constantine 
and Constantius pitched upon him as the properest person to 
take the government of the city upon him, bemg a place in 
_ great danger, and very much exposed to the incursions of the 
Persians. But such instances are rarely met with in ancient 
history. 
Laws pro- 10. In some times and places the laws of the Church. were 
vowing Me so strict about this matter, that they would not suffer a bishop 


clergy to be ἢ 
tutors and oy presbyter to be left trustee to any man’s will, or a tutor or 


espn guardian in pursuance of it; because it was thought this would 
tended. —_ he too great an avocation from his other business. There is a 
famous case in Cyprian relating to this matter. He tells us, it 
had been determined by an African synod that no one should 
appoint any of God’s ministers a curator or guardian by his 
will, because they were to give themselves to supplications and 
prayer, and to attend only upon the sacrifice and service of the 
altar. And therefore77, when one Geminius Victor had made 
Geminius Faustinus, a presbyter of the Church of Furni, guar- 
dian or trustee by his last will and testament, contrary to the 
decree of the foresaid Council, Cyprian wrote to the Church 
of Furni, that they should execute the sentence of the Council 
against Victor, which was, that no annual commemoration 
should be made of him in the church, nor any prayer be 
offered in his name, according to the custom of the Church in 
those times, in the sacrifice of the altar. This was a sort of 
excommunication after death, by denying to receive such a 
person’s oblations, and refusing to name him at the altar 
among others that made their offerings, and neither honouring 
him with the common prayers or praises that were then put up 
to God for all the faithful that were dead in the Lord. This 
was the punishment of such as transgressed this rule in the 


77 Ep. 66. [al. 1.] ad Cler. Fur- sus sit tutorem constituere, non est 
nitan. p. 3. (p. 170.) Et ideo Victor quod pro dormitione ejus apud vos 
cum, contra formam nuper in Con- fiat oblatio, aut. deprecatio  aliqua 
cilio a sacerdotibus datam, Gemi- nomine ejus in ecclesia frequen- 
nium Faustinum, presbyterum, au- tetur. 


§ 10, 11,12. the regulation of the clergy. 281 


days of Cyprian. And in the following ages the canon was 
renewed, but with a little difference. For though bishops were 
absolutely-and universally forbidden to take this office upon 
them, both by the ecclesiastical and civil law7*; yet presbyters 
and deacons, and all the inferior clergy, were allowed to be 
tutors and guardians to such persons, as by right of kindred 
might claim this as a duty from them. But still the prohibition 
stood in force against their being concerned in that office for 
any other that were not of their relations; as appears from one 
of Justinian’s Novels79, which was made to settle this matter in 
the Church. 
11. By other laws they were prohibited from taking upon Laws a- 


them the office of pleaders at the bar in any civil contest, arora 
though it were in their own case, or the concerns of the = Face 
pleading 


Church. Neither might they be bondsmen or sureties for any causes st 
other man’s appearance in such causes ; because it was thought jhe he in 
that such sort of encumbrances might bring detriment to the themselves, 
Church, in distracting her ministers from constant attendance δ ἐμοῖς 
upon divine ‘service, as appears both from the foresaid Novel 
of Justinian 50, and some ancient canons, which forbid a clergy- 
man to become a sponsor in any such cause, under the penalty 
of deprivation. 

12. Now as all these offices and employments were forbidden Laws a- 
the clergy upon the account of being consumers of their time, cae 


and hindrances of divine service; so there were some others ee - 
prohibited, not only upon this account, but also upon the notion merchan- 


of their being generally attended with covetousness and filthy 4126. 


78 Vid. C. Carth. 4. c. 18. (t. 2. 
Ῥ. 1201 c.) Ut episcopus tuitionem 
testamentorum non suscipiat. 

79 Novel. 123. c. 5. (t. 5. Ρ. 542.) 
Deo autem episcopos et 
monachos ex nulla lege paca aut 
curatores 2 agg Sa e persone fieri 

Presbyteros autem et 

os et subdiaconos, jure et 

ΩΝ cognationis, tutelam aut curam 
ial hereditatis permittimus, 


80 Thid. c. 6. (p. 542. ad calc. et p 
$43.) 4 Alium autem [al. Sed neque] 
. aut procuratorem litis, aut 


fidejussorem pro talibus causis epi- 
scopum, aut ceconomum, aut alium 
clericum cujuslibet gradus, aut mo- 
nachum proprio nomine, aut eccle- 
siz aut monasterii, subire non sini- 
mus; ut non per "hanc occasionem 
et sanctis domibus damnum fiat, 
et sacra ministeria impediantur.— 
Conf. C. Apost. 20. [al. ἐν (Cotel. 
[c. 16.] v. I. (ἢ 438.) Κληρικὸς ἐγ- 
γύας διδοὺς, καθαιρείσθω. —Constit. 
Apost. 1. 2. 6. “6 (Cote. ib. Ρ- 216.) 
"Ἔστω δὲ ὁ éricxoros .... μὴ ἐγγυώ- 
μενός τινα, ἢ συνηγορῶν ᾿ δίκαις χρη- 
ματικαῖς. 


282 Special laws for VI. iv. 


lucre. Thus, in the first Council of Carthage 51, we find several 
prohibitions of clergymen’s becoming stewards or accountants 
to laymen. The third Council®? forbids both that, and also 
their taking any houses or lands to farm, and generally all 
business that was disreputable and unbecoming their calling. 
The second Council of Arles*? likewise forbids their farming 
other men’s estates, or following any trade or merchandize for 
filthy lucre’s sake, under the penalty of deprivation. The ge- 
neral Council of Chalcedon has a canon * to the same purpose, 
‘that no monk or clergyman shall rent any estate, or take 
upon him the management of any secular business, except the 
law called him to be guardian to orphans, in the case that has 
been spoken of before, as being their next relation, or else the 
bishop made him steward of the church-revenues, or overseer 
of the widows, orphans, and such others as stood in need of the 
Church’s care and assistance.’ And here the reason given for 
making this canon is, that some of the clergy were found to 
neglect the service of God, and live in laymen’s houses as their 
stewards, for covetousness and filthy lucre’s sake. Which was 
an old complaint made by Cyprian®*, in that sharp invective 
of his against some of the bishops of his own age, who were so 


81-C, 6. (t. 2. p. 715 e.—Conf. ib. 
Ρ. 1824 ἃ.) Qui serviunt Deo, et 
annexi sunt clero, non accedant ad 
actus seu administrationem vel pro- 
curationem domorum.—lIbid. c. 9. 
(p. 716 d.)... Et ipsis [laicis] non 
liceat clericos nostros eligere apo- 
thecarios vel ratiocinatores. 

82 C. 15. (ibid. p. 1169 e.)..... 
Clerici non sint conductores, neque 
procuratores, neque ullo turpi vel 
inhonesto negotio victum querant. 

83 Arelatens. 1. al. 2. c. 14. (t. 4. 
p- 1013 a.) Siquis clericus ... con- 
ductor alienz rei voluerit esse aut 
turpis lucri gratia aliquod [genus] 
negotiationis exercuerit, depositus 
[ἃ clero,] a communione alienus 
habeatur [al. fiat]. 

84 C. 3. (ibid. p. 755 4.) Ἦλθεν 
eis THY ἁγίαν σύνοδον, ὅτι τῶν ἐν τῷ 
κλήρῳ κατειλεγμένων τινὲς δι᾿ οἰκείαν 
αἰσχροκέρδειαν ἀλλοτρίων κτημάτων 
γίνονται μισθωταὶ, καὶ πράγματα κο- 


σμικὰ ἐργολαβοῦσι, τῆς μὲν τοῦ Θεοῦ 
λειτουργίας καταρρᾳθυμοῦντες, τοὺς 
δὲ τῶν κοσμικῶν ὑποτρέχοντες οἴκους, 
καὶ οὐσιῶν χειρισμοὺς ἀναδεχόμενοι 
διὰ φιλαργυρίαν" ὥρισε τοίνυν ἡ ἁγία 
σύνοδος, μηδένα τοῦ λοιποῦ, μὴ ἐπί- 
σκοπον, μὴ κληρικὸν, μὴ μονάζοντα, ἢ 
μισθοῦσθαι κτήματα, ἢ πράγματα, ἢ 
ἐπεισάγειν ἑαυτὸν κοσμικαῖς διοική- 
σεσι πλὴν εἰ μή που ἐκ νόμων κα- 
λοῖτο εἰς ἀφηλίκων ἀπαραίτητον ἐπι- 
τροπὴν, ἢ ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἐπίσκοπος 
ἐκκλησιαστικῶν ἐπιτρέψοι φροντίζειν 
πραγμάτων, ἢ ὀρφανῶν καὶ χηρῶν 
ἀπρονοήτων, καὶ τῶν προσώπων τῶν 
μάλιστα τῆς ἐκκλησιαστικῆς δεομένων 
βοηθείας. 

δῦ De Lapsis, p. 123. (p. 80.) 
Episcopi plurimi, divina procuratio- 
ne contempta, procuratores rerum 
seecularium fieri, derelicta cathedra, 
plebe deserta, per alienas provincias 
oberrantes, negotiationis questuosz 
nundinas aucupari, &c. 


ξ 12, 13. the regulation of the clergy. 283 


far gone in this vice of covetousness as to neglect the service of 
God to follow worldly business; leaving their sees, and desert- 
ing their people, to ramble about in quest of gainful trades in 
other countries, to the provocation of the Divine vengeance, 
and flagrant scandal of the Church. So that, these being the 
reasons of making such laws, we are to judge of the nature of 
the laws themselves by the intent and design of them; which 
was to correct such manifest abuses, as covetousness and ne- 
glect of divine service, which, either as cause or effect, too 
often attended the clergy’s engagement of themselves in se- 
cular business. 

13. But in some cases it was reasonable to presume that What limi- 
their engagements of this nature were separate from these pe on 
vices. For in some times and places, where the revenues of these laws 
the Church were very small, and not a competent maintenance mammesonset 
for all the clergy, some of them, especially among the inferior 
orders, were obliged to divide themselves between the service 
of the Church and some secular calling. Others, who found 
they had time enough to spare, negotiated out of charity to 
bestow their gains in the relief of the poor, and other pious 
uses. And some, who, before their entrance into orders, had 
been brought up to an ascetic and philosophic life, wherein 
they wrought at some honest manual calling with their own 
hands, continued to work in the same manner, though not in 
the same measure, even after they were made presbyters and 
bishops in the Church; for the exercise of their humility, or 
to answer some other end of a Christian life. Now in all these 
cases, the vices complained of in the forementioned laws as the 
reasons of the prohibition, had no share or concern; for such 
men’s negotiations were neither the effects of covetousness, 
nor attended properly with any neglect of divine service ; 
and consequently not within the prohibition and censure of 
the laws. 

For, first, both the laws of Church and State allowed the in- 
ferior clergy to work at an honest calling, in cases of necessity, 
to provide themselves of a liberal maintenance, when the reye- 
nues of the Church could not do it. In the fourth Council of 
Carthage there are three canons 56, immediately following one 


86 C. 51. (t. 2. p. 1204 b.) Cleri- tus, artificio victum querat.—C. 52 
cus, quantumlibet verbo Dei erudi- (ibid. c.) Clericus victum et vesti- 


284 Special laws for VI. iv. 


another, to this purpose; ‘that they should provide themselves 
of food and raiment at some honest trade or husbandry, with- 
out hindering the duties of their office in the Church; and 
such of them as were able to labour should be taught some 
trade and letters together.’ And the laws of the State were 
so far from hindering this, that they encouraged such of the 
clergy to follow an honest calling, by granting them a special 
immunity from the chrysargyrum, or lustral tax, which was 
exacted of all other tradesmen, as I have shewed more at large 
in another place 87, 

Secondly. It was lawful also to spend their leisure hours 
upon any manual trade or calling, when it was to answer some 
good end of charity thereby ; as that they might not be over- 
burdensome to the Church, or might have some superfluities to 
bestow upon the indigent and needy; or even that they might 
set the laity a provoking example of industry and diligence in 
their callings: which were those worthy ends which the holy 
Apostle St. Paul proposed to himself in labouring with his own 
hands at the trade of tent-making ; after whose example many 
eminent bishops of the ancient Church were not ashamed to 
employ their spare hours in some honest labour, to promote 
the same ends of charity which the Apostle so frequently in- 
culcates. Thus Sozomen®$ observes of Zeno, bishop of Maiuma 
in Palestine, ‘that he lived to be an hundred years old, all 
which time he constantly attended both morning and evening 
the service of the Church, and yet found time to work at the 
trade of a linen-weaver, by which he not only subsisted him- 
self, but relieved others, though he lived in a rich and wealthy 
Church.’ Epiphanius8? makes a more general observation 


mentum sibi, artificiolo vel agricul- 
tura, absque officii sui [duntaxat | 
detrimento, przeparet [al. paret].— 
C. 53. (ibid. c.) Omnes clerici, qui 
ad operandum validi [al. validiores ] 
sunt, et artificiola et literas discant. 
87 B. 5. ch. 3. 8. 6. v. 2. Ρ. 138. 
8 L. 7. c. 28. (v. 2. p. 321. 27.) 
Φασὶ γοῦν αὐτὸν, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς 
τεθεάμεθα, ἐπισκοποῦντα τὴν ἐν τῷ 
Μαϊουμᾶ ἐκκλησίαν, ἤδη γηραλέον καὶ 
ἀμφὶ τὰ ἑκατὸν ἔτη ὄντα, μηδεπώποτε 
ἑωθινῶν ἢ ἑσπερινῶν ὕμνων, ἢ ἄλλης 
λειτουργίας τοῦ Θεοῦ κατόπιν γενό- 
μενον, εἰ μήγε νόσος αὐτὸν ἐπέσχεν" 


ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ δὲ μοναχικῇ τὸν βίον 
ἄγων λινὴν ἐσθῆτα ὕφαινεν ἐπὶ μονή- 
ρους ἱστοῦ, ἐντεῦθεν τὲ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια 
3 Ν > , ὁ > ΄ 
εἶχε, καὶ ἄλλοις ἐχορήγει" καὶ οὐ διέ- 
λιπεν ἄχρι τελευτῆς τὸ αὐτὸ διέπων 
ἔργον, καίπερ ἀρχαιότητι τῶν ἀνὰ τὸ 
ἔθνος ἱερέων πρωτεύων, καὶ λαῷ καὶ 
χρήμασι μεγίστης ἐκκλησίας προε- 
στώς. 

89 Her. 80. Massalian. n. 6. (t. 1. 
p-1072 c.) Καὶ yap ἐξ αὐτῶν τοῦ Θεοῦ 
ἱερέων, καὶ αὐτοὶ μετὰ τοῦ κηρύγματος 
τοῦ λόγου μιμούμενοι τὸν ἅγιον μετὰ 
τὸν Θεὸν ἐν Χριστῷ πατέρα, φημὶ δὲ 
Παῦλον τὸν ἅγιον Ἀπόστολον, καὶ αὐ- 


13. 


the regulation of the clergy. 285 


against the Massalian heretics, who were great encouragers of 
idleness, ‘that not only all those of a monastic life, but also 
many of the priests of-God, imitating their holy father in 
Christ, St. Paul, wrought with their own hands at some honest 
trade that was no dishonour to their dignity, and consistent 
with their constant attendance upon their ecclesiastical duties ; 
by which means they had both what was necessary for their 
own subsistence, and to give to others that stood in need of 
their relief.’ The author of the Apostolical Constitutions” 
brings in the Apostles recommending industry in every man’s 
calling, from their own example, that they might have where- 
with to sustain themselves, and supply the needs of others. 
Which, though it be not an exact representation of the Apo- 
stles’ practice, for we do not read of any other Apostle’s labour- 
ing with his own hands, except St. Paul, whilst he preached 
the Gospel, yet it serves to shew what sense that author had 
of this matter; that he did not think it simply unlawful for a 
clergyman to labour at some secular employment when the 
end was charity, and not filthy lucre. And it is observable, 
that the imperial laws for some time granted the same immu- 
nity from the lustral tax to the inferior clergy, that traded 
with a charitable design to relieve others, as to those that 
traded out of necessity for their own maintenance; of both 
which I have given an account in another place. 

Thirdly. We have some instances of very eminent bishops, 
who, out of humility and love of a philosophical and laborious 
life, spent their vacant hours in some honest business, to which 


τοὶ, κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν, εἰ καὶ μὴ πάντες, 
ἀλλ᾽ οἱ πλείους, ταῖς ἰδίαις χερσὶν ἐρ- 
γαζόμενοι, οἵαν δ᾽ ἀναλόγως συμπρέ- 
πουσαν τῷ ἀξιώματι, καὶ τῆς ἐκκὰλ 
ῆς ios ἐνδελεχείᾳ εὖὕ- 
ροιεν τέχνην, ὅπως μετὰ τοῦ ἃ 
καὶ τοῦ κηρύ ἡ συνείδησις χαί- 
pn, καὶ διὰ χειρῶν ἰδίων ῦ 
σα, καὶ ἑαυτῇ 


εἰιρῶ δ ὑπε ν 
διαθέσεως rel Θιὰ oe 


ἑκουσίως peradidovca’ καὶ τοί ye μὴ 


΄ 


ἀναγκαζομένων αὐτῶν, μήτε κατακρι- 
ἶ ἀλλὰ Jos 


Sth δικαιοσύνης πόνους 
καὶ ἐργασίαν ἐκκλησιαστικὴν ἐχόντων, 


καὶ κατὰ δικαιοσύνην σιτουμένων, be 
ὑπερβολὴν δὲ προαιρέσεως τοῦτο αὐὖ- 
τῶν ποιούντων. 

901,. 2. c. 63. (Cotel. v. 1. p. 271.) 
Οἱ δὲ νεώτεροι τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἐν πά- 
σαις ταῖς χρείαις ἀόκνως λειτουργεῖν 
σπουδάζετε' μετὰ πάσης σε ς 
τοῖς ἔργοις ὑμῶν σχολάζετε, ὅπως ἐν 
παντὶ τῷ χρόνῳ ὑμῶν ἦτε ἐπαρκοῦντες 
καὶ ἑαυτοῖς ωἦἾὟ τοῖς πενομένοις, πρὸς 


τὸ μὴ ἐπιβαρεῖν τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐκκλη- 


ta σίαν" καὶ γὰρ ἡμεῖς σχολάζοντες τῷ 


λόγῳ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, ὅμως καὶ τῶν 
ἐπεργιῶν οὐκ ἀμελοῦμεν᾽ οἱ μὲν γάρ 
εἰσιν ἐξ ἡμῶν ἁλιεῖς" οἱ δὲ, σκηνο- 
ποιοί. οἱ δὲ, γῆς ἐργάται" πρὸς τὸ 
μηδέποτε ἡμᾶς ἀργοὺς εἶναι. 


286 Special laws for VI. iv. 


they had been accustomed in their former days. Thus Ruffin 9, 
and Socrates 92, and Sozomen®, tell us of Spiridion, bishop of 
Trimithus in Cyprus, one of the most eminent bishops in the 
Council of Nice, a man famous for the gift of prophecy and 
miracles, ‘ that, having been a shepherd before, he continued 
to employ himself in that calling, out of his great humility, all 
his life.’ But then he made his actions and the whole tenor 
of his life demonstrate that he did it not out of covetousness. 
For Sozomen particularly notes, ‘ that, whatever his product 
was, he either distributed it among the poor, or lent it without 
usury to such as needed to borrow, whom he trusted to take 
out of his storehouse what they pleased, and return what they 
pleased, without éver examining or taking any account of 
them.’ 

Fourthly, I observe, that those laws which were most severe 
against the superior clergy’s negotiating in any secular busi- 
ness, in cases of necessity allowed them a privilege, which was 
equivalent to it; that is, that they might employ others to fac- 
tor for them, so long as they were not concerned in their own 
persons. For so the Council of Eliberis% words it: ‘ Bishops 
presbyters and deacons shall not leave their station to follow 
a secular calling, nor rove into other provinces after fairs and 
markets. But yet, to provide themselves a livelihood, they may 
employ a son, or a freeman, or an hired servant, or a friend, or 
any other: and, if they negotiate, let them negotiate within 
their own province.’ So that all these laws were justly tem- 
pered with great wisdom and prudence; that as, on the one 
hand, the service of God and the needs of his ministers and 
servants might be supplied together; so, on the other, no en- 


91 Τὸ, 1. [8]. 10.] c. 5. (p. 220. a. 6.) 
Hic pastor ovium etiam in episco- 
patu positus permansit. 

Mo Ae Teoh, τς, {ν.:2. Ρ- 39. 82.) 
Διὰ δὲ ἀτυφίαν πολλὴν, ἐχόμενος τῆς 
ἐπισκοπῆς ἐποίμαινε καὶ τὰ πρόβατα. 

8 L. 1. ¢, τι. (ibid. p. 23.) Ἔθος 
ἦν τούτῳ τῷ Σπυρίδωνι, τῶν γινομέ- 
νων αὐτῷ καρπῶν, τοὺς μὴν πτωχοῖς 
διανέμειν, τοὺς δὲ προῖκα δανίζειν τοῖς 
ἐθέλουσιν" οὔτε δὲ διδοὺς, οὔτε ἀπο- 
λαμβάνων, δι’ ἑαυτοῦ παρεῖχεν ἢ ὑπε- 
δέχετο᾽ μόνον δὲ τὸ ταμεῖον ἐπιδει- 
κνὺς ἐπέτρεπε τοῖς προσιοῦσιν, ὅσον 


δέονται κομίζεσθαι, καὶ πάλιν ἀποδι- 
δόναι ὅσον ἤδεσαν κομισάμενοι. 

94 C. το. [4]. 18.] (t. 1. p. 972 e.) 
Episcopi, presbyteri, et diaconi, de 
locis suis negotiandi causa non dis- 
cedant, nec circumeuntes provin- 
cias questuosas nundinas secten- 
tur. Sane ad victum sibi conqui- 
rendum, aut filium, aut libertum, 
aut mercenarium, aut amicum, aut 
quemlibet mittant: et si voluerint 
negotiari, intra provinciam negoti- 
entur. 


13,14. the regulation of the clergy. 287 


couragement should be given to covetousness in the clergy, nor 
any one be countenanced in the neglect of his proper business, 
by a license to lead a wandering, busy, distracted life, which 
did not become those that were dedicated to the sacred func- 
tion. It is against these only that all the severe invectives of 
St. Jerom%, and others of the Ancients%, are levelled, which 
the reader must interpret with the same limitations and dis- 
tinction of cases as we have done the public laws; the design 
of both being only to censure the vices of the rich, who, with- 
out any just reason or necessity, immersed themselves in the 
cares of a secular life, contrary to the rules and tenor of their 
profession. 

14. Another sort of laws were made respecting their outward Laws lagers 
behaviour, to guard them equally against scandal in their cha- ‘P&"PS _ 
racter, and danger in their conversation. Such were the laws ward con- 
against corresponding and conversing too familiarly with Jews sam 
and Gentile philosophers. The Council of Eliberis% forbids 
them to eat with the Jews, under pain of suspension. The 
Council of Agde 95 has a canon to the same purpose, forbidding 
them to give as well as receive an entertainment from the 
Jews. And those called the Apostolical Canons not only 
prohibit them ‘to fast or feast with the Jews, but to receive 
τῆς ἑορτῆς ξένια, any of those portions or presents, which 
they were used to send to one another upon their festivals.’ 

And the laws against conversing with Gentile philosophers 


% Ep. 2. [al. 52.] ad Nepotian. 
(t. 1. p. 257 (.) sys cena cleri- 
cum, et ex inope divitem, ex igno- 


bili ook, τρόμον quasi quamdam pes- 


tem fuge. 

96 ee Sever. Hist. 1. 1. p. 30. 
(p. (p: 120) δὴ anta hoc tempore animas 
bendi cupido veluti tabes, 
“πώ ἔς inhiant possessionibus ; 
preedia excolunt; auro incubant; 
emunt venduntque; queestui per om- 
nia student. At si qui melioris pro- 
positi videntur, neque identes 
neque negotiantes, quod est multo 
turpius, sedentes munera exspectant, 
atque omne vite decus mercede cor- 
ruptum habent, dum quasi venalem 

preferunt sanctitatem. 
7 C.1. (t.1. p.976b.) Si vero 


quis clericus vel fidelis cum Judezis 
cibum sumpserit, placuit eum a com- 
munione a stinere, ut debeat emen- 
dari. 

98. C. 40. (t. 4. p. 1390 a.) Omnes 
deinceps clerici, sive laici, Judeo- 
rum sonra, Recdcagpe nec eos ad 


convivium uam excipiat. 
99 C. 70. 9.) (Cot [e. 62.) 
v. I. p. pr Ne ἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος, ἣ ad 


λος κληρικὸς, ‘Tal ἢ πρεσβύτερος, 4 
διάκονος, ἢ ὅλως τοῦ καταλόγου τῶν 
κληρικῶν, νηστεύοι μετὰ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαί- 
ων, ij ἑορτάζει [4]. συνεορτάζει] μετ᾽ 
αὐτῶν, δέχεται αὐτῶν ἊΝ δέχοιτο 
παρ᾽ αὐτῶν τὰ τῆς ἑορτῆς ξένια, οἷον 
ἄζυμα, ἣ μὴ τοιοῦτον, K sab εἶ ιν ὧν εἰ 
δὲ λαϊκὸς, ἀφοριζέσθω. 


288 VI. iv. 


were much of the same nature. For Sozomen! says, Theodo- 
tus, bishop of Laodicea in Syria, excommunicated the two 
Apollinarii, father and son, because they went to hear Epipha- 
nius, the sophist, speak his hymn in the praise of Bacchus: 
which was not so agreeable to their character, the one being a 
presbyter, the other a deacon in the Christian Church. It was 
in regard to their character, likewise, that other canons re- 
strained them from eating or drinking in a tavern, except they 
were upon a journey, or some such necessary occasions required 
them to do it. For among those called the Apostolical Ca- 
nons?, and the decrees of the Councils of Laodicea? and Car- 
thage+, there are several rules to this purpose; the strictness 
of which is not much to be wondered at, since Julian required 
the same caution in his heathen priests, that ‘ they should nei- 
ther appear at the public theatres, nor in any taverns, under 
pain of deposition from their office of priesthood,’ as may be 
seen in his letter to Arsacius, high-priest of Galatia, which So- 
zomen® records, and other fragments of his writings. 


Special laws for 


Rk tn. 15. To this sort of laws we may reduce those ancient rules 
tating 9. Which concerned the garb and habit of the ancient clergy; in 


which such a decent mean was to be observed, as might keep 
them from obloquy and censure on both hands, either as too 
nice and critical, or too slovenly and careless in their dress: 
their habit being generally to be such as might express the 


' L. 6. ὁ, 25. (ibid. Pp. 251. 15.) 


8 Ὁ. 24. (t. I, p. 1501 a.) Ὅτι οὐ 
Ἔτι γὰρ Θεοδότου. «τὴν Λαοδικέων 


δεῖ i ἱερατικοὺς ἀπὸ πρεσβυτέρων ἕως 


ἶ πῶς ἤνεγκε. 


ἐκκλησίαν ἰθύνοντος, κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο και- 
ροῦ διαπρέπων ᾿Επιφάνιος, ὁ σοφι- 
στὴς, ὕμνον εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον παρήει" 
διδασκάλῳ δὲ αὐτῷ , χρώμενος ᾿Αποὰ- 
λινάριος, ἔ ἔτι γὰρ νέος ἦν, παρεγένετο 
τῇ ἀκροάσει σὺν τῷ πατρί" ὁμώνυμος δὲ 
αὐτῷ, γραμματικὸς οὐκ ἄσημος". . pa- 
θὼν ταῦτα Θεόδοτος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, χαλε- 
-᾿Απολλιναρίω ἄμφω, τὴν 
ἁμαρτίαν δημοσίᾳ ἐλέγξας, τῆς ἐκκλη- 
σίας ἀφώρισεν' ἤστην γὰρ κληρικὼ, 6 ὁ 
μὴν πατὴρ, πρεσβύτερος" ὁ δὲ παῖς, 
ἀναγνώστης ἔτι τῶν ἱερῶν γρα 
50. 55. [8]. 53-] (Cotel. ἐν 461 
P- 445.) Εἴ τις κληρικὸς ἐν καπη- 
λείῳ Soi (al. φωραθείη) ἐσθίων, 
ἀ ὁριζέσθ ω, παρὲξ τοῦ ἐν πανδοχείῳ 
ἐν ὁδῷ δι’ ἀνάγκην καταλύσαντος. 


διακόνων, καὶ ἑξῆς τῆς ᾿ἐκκλησιαστι- 
κῆς τάξεως ἕως ὑπηρετῶν, ἢ ᾿ ἀναγνω- 
στῶν, ἢ ψαλτῶν, ἢ ἢ ἐπορκιστῶν, ἢ θυ- 
ρωρῶν, ἢ τοῦ τάγματος τῶν ἀσκητῶν, 
εἰς καπηλεῖον εἰσιέναι. 

4 Carth. 3. c. 27. (t. 2. p. 1171 Ὁ.) 
Ut clerici, edendi vel bibendi causa, 
tabernas non ingrediantur, nisi pe- 
“or necessitate compulsi. 

ae A c. τό. (v. 2. p. 203. 48.) 
Ἔπειτα παραίνεσον ἱερέα, μήτε θεά- 
τρῷ πα αβάλλειν, μήτε, ἐν καπηλείῳ 
πίνειν, ἢ τέχνης τινὸς καὶ ἐργασίας αἷ- 
σχρᾶς καὶ ἐπονειδίστου προΐστασθαι. 
καὶ τοὺς μὴν πειθομένους τίμα" τοὺς 


δὲ ἀπειθοῦντας ἐξώθει.----τὰ, Julian. 
Fragment. Ep. (Ρ. 547.) 


the regulation of the clergy. 289 


gravity of their minds without any superstitious singularities, 
and their modesty and humility without affectation. In this 
matter, therefore, their rules were formed according to the 
eustoms and opinions of the age, which are commonly the 
standard and measure of decency and indecency in things of 
this nature. Thus, for instance, long hair, and baldness by 
shaving the head or beard, being then generally reputed inde- 
cencies in contrary extremes, the clergy were obliged to ob- 
serve a becoming mediocrity between them. This is the mean- 
ing of that controverted canon of the fourth Council of Car- 
thage, according to its true reading δ, ‘ that a clergyman shall 
neither indulge long hair, nor shave his beard,—clericus nec 
comam nutriat, nec barbam radat. The contrary custom 
being now in yogue in the Church of Rome, Bellarmin? and 
many other writers of that side, who will have all their ceremo- 
nies to be apostolical, and to contain some great mystery in 
them, pretend that the word radat should be left out of that 
ancient canon, to make it agreeable to the present practice. 
But the learned Savaro® proves the other to be the true read- 
ing, as well from the Vatican as many other MSS. And even 


sit, malo exemplo. Nam sive illud 
ex Concilio Carthaginiensi sumptum 
sit, in illo legitur, Neque barbam ra- 


© C. 44. (t. 2. p.1203 6.) [Vid. 
Not. in loc. Alias barbam t : 
ita in Libro Gemblacensi. Alias bar- 


bam radat additur in Libro Gan- 
densi S. Bavonis, titulo Statuta Ec- 
clesiz antiqua. Pleraque autem ex- 
emplaria non habent, radat vel ton- 
deat, ut sit sensus, clerico nec co- 
mam nec barbam nutriendam. Ep. | 
7 De Monachis, 1. 2. c. 40. (t.2. p. 
495 a.) Concilium Carthag. 4. c. 43. 
hibet clericos alere comam aut 


8 Not. in Sidon. 1. 4. Ep. 24. (p. 
306.) Sicut clerici comam tondebant, 
ita promittebant. Concil. 
Carthag. 4. c.44. Clericus neque co- 
mam nutriat, neque barbam radat. 
Sic manuscripta Vaticane Biblio- 
thecee, 8. Victoris Gandensis ; meus 
et Isidori liber, Parisiis impressus, 
recte; quod radat erasum est ex De- 
ereto Burchardi, 1. 2. c.174., [vonis 
= 6. c. 265., et ex c. 5. Extrav. de 
Vita et Honest. Clericorum,aquodam 
malegeniato et feriato homine, qui 
una litura maximas altercationes ex- 
citavit, barbamque sacerdotibus era- 


BINGHAM, VOL. I. 


dat : si ex Decretis Aniceti Pape, in 
illis nulla barbe mentio est. Dist. 
23., Can. Clericis. Usuard. 15. Kal. 

aii, Pontific. c.12. Innocent. III. 
Ep. 2. ad Tardisinum, et Marianus 
Scotus in Chronico; qui omnes auc~ 
tores inter sanctiones Aniceti barbe 
rasionem non numerant. Martinus 
quidem Polonus in Chronico, et Pe- 
trus de Natalibus, 1. 4. c. 57.» consti- 
tutionem, qua coma et barba simul 
clericis prohibetur, Aniceto tribuunt, 
sed quo auctore nescio. Scio qui- 
dem et liquido -scio, ex traditione 
Apostolorum esse barbam alere. S. 
Clemens, Constit. Apostolic. 1. 1. c. 
5 Clemens Alex., Peedag. 1. 3. c. 3. 

. Cyprianus, 1. 3. ad Quirinum, c. 
85. et Epiphanius, 1. 3. t. 2. Heres, 
80. Praterquam quod Apostolorum 
icones omnem dubitationem abster- 
gunt. Vide Levit. 19. [v. 27. Ye 
shall not round the corners of your 
heads, neither shalt thou mar the 
corners of thy beard, Ed.] ; 


U 


290 Special laws for VL iv. 


Spondanus himself? confesses as much, and thereupon takes oc- 
casion to correct Baronius, for asserting that, in the time of Si- 
donius Apollinaris, it was the custom of the French bishops to 
shave their beards; whereas the contrary appears from one of 
Sidonius’s Epistles, that their custom then was to wear short 
hair and long beards, as he describes his friend Maximus Pala- 
tinus, who of a secular was become a clergyman: he says!°, 
‘his habit, his gait, his modesty, his countenance, his discourse, 
were all religious; and, agreeably to these, his hair was short 
and his beard long.’ Custom, it seems, had then made it de- 
cent and becoming; and upon that ground the Ancients are 
sometimes pretty severe against such of the clergy as trans- 
gressed in this point, as guilty of an indecency in going con- 
trary to the rules and customs of the Church, which were to be 
observed, though the thing was otherwise in itself of an indif- 
ferent nature. 


The ton- 16. The Romanists are generally as much to blame in their 
sure οὐ ft’ accounts of the ancient tonsure of the clergy; which they de- 
ΤΩΣ ον scribe in such a manner, as to make parallel to that shaving of 
that of the the crown of the head by way of mystical rite, which is now 
Romish the modern custom. Whereas this was so far from being re- 


quired as a matter of decency among the Ancients, that it was 
condemned and prohibited by them. Which may appear from 
that question which Optatus puts to the Donatists!!, when he 
asks them, ‘ Where they had a command to shave the heads 
of the priests?’ as they had done by the Catholic clergy, in 
order to bring them to do public penance in the church. In 
which case, as Albaspinzeus rightly notes!2, ‘it was customary 


9 Epit. Baron. an. 58. ἢ. 58. (t.1. ligiosus: tum coma λέω: barba 


p. 132 summ.) Nam sacerdotes Gal- 
liarum Sidonius [Ep. 13. 1. 4.1 do- 
cet corona decoros et barba rasos 
fuisse: servare autem in his loco- 
rum consuetudinem, ut secundum 
cujusque provincie mores vel bar- 
bati vel attonsi incederent, velut lege 
quadam fuisse preescriptum, ex eo 
saltem facile potest perspici, quod 
cum szpissime occidentales cum 
orientalibus ad concilia convenis- 
sent, nulla umquam exorta hujus 
rei gratia controversia‘reperitur, &c. 

10 L. 4. Ep. 24. (p. 302.) Habitus 


_ viro, gradus, pudor, color, sermo re- 


prolixa, ὅζο. . 

11 Cont. Parmen. 1. 2. Ρ. 58. (p. 
54.) Docete, ubi vobis mandatum 
est radere capita sacerdotum, cum 
e contrario sint tot exempla propo- 
sita, fieri non debere. ..... Qui pa- 
rare debebas aures ad audiendum, 
parasti novaculam ad delinquen- 
dum. 

12 In loc. p. 141. (ibid. ad cale. 
not. τη.) Poenitentium capita rade- 
bantur, et cinere aspergebantur: ita- 
que cum sacerdotibus pcenitentiam 
imponerent Donatiste, eis hace ra- 
debant. 


δ τό, 17. the regulation of the clergy. 291 


to use shaving to baldness, and sprinkling the head with 
ashes, as signs of sorrow and repentance. But the priests of 
God were not to be thus treated.’ Which shews that the An- 
cients then knew nothing of this, as a ceremony belonging to 
the ordination or life of the clergy. Which is still more evi- 
dent from what St. Jerom says upon those words of Ezekiel, 
44, 20, “ Neither shall they shave their heads, nor suffer their 
locks to grow long; they shall only poll their heads.” ‘ This, 
says he’, ‘evidently demonstrates, that we ought neither to 
have our heads shaved, as the priests and votaries of Isis and 
Serapis, nor yet to suffer our hair to grow long, after the luxu- 
rious manner of barbarians and soldiers, but that priests should 
appear with a venerable and grave countenance; neither are 
they to make themselves bald with a razor, nor poll their 
heads so close that they may look as if they were shaven; but 
they are to let their hair grow so long that it may cover their 
skin.’ It is impossible now for any rational man to imagine, 
that Christian priests had shaven crowns in the time of St. Je- 
rom, when he so expressly says they had not, and that none 
but the priests of Isis and Serapis had. But the custom was to 
poll their heads, and cut their hair to a moderate degree: not 
for any mystery that was in it, but for the sake of decency 
and gravity; that they might neither affect the manners of 
the luxurious part of the world, which prided itself in long 
hair, nor fall under contempt and obloquy by an indecent bald- 
ness; but express a sort of venerable modesty in their looks 
and aspects ; which is the reason that St. Jerom assigns for the 
ancient tonsure. 

17. From hence we may further conclude, that the ancient Of the co- 
clergy were not called coronati from their shaven crowns, as a ak 
some would have it, since it is evident there was no such thing why the 


lergy call- 
among them. But it seems rather a name given them, as sd seaman 


13 L. 13. in Ezek. c. 44. p. 668. 
(t. 5. ts ἀρὰ 547 Ὁ» b.) Quod pans ui- 
autem suum non r 


— eeote, » nec ra- 
Hi “capitibus sicut sacerdotes cul- 


est, barbarorumque et militantium ; 
sed ut honestus habitus sacerdotum 
facie demonstretur; nec calvitium 
novacula esse faciendum, nec ita ad 
pressum tondendum caput, ut ra- 


egg τὰ Isidis atque Serapidis, nos 
bere ; nec rursum comam de- 
mittere, quod proprie luxuriosorum 


sorum similes esse videamur; sed 
in tantum capillos esse demittendos, 
ut operta sit cutis, 


‘U2 


292 Special laws for VI. iv. 


Gothofred!4 and Savaro!> conjecture, from the form of the an- 
cient tonsure; which was made in a circular figure, by cutting 
away the hair a little from the crown of the head, and leaving 
a round or circle hanging downwards. This in some Councils !® 
is called cireuli corona, and ordered to be used in opposition 
to some heretics, who, it seems, prided themselves in long 
hair and the contrary custom. But I am not confident that 
this was the reason of the name coronati. It might be given 
the clergy in general, out of respect to their office and cha- 
racter, which was always of great honour and esteem: for co- 
-rona signifies honour and dignity in a figurative sense, and it 
is not improbable but that the word was sometimes so used in 
this case, as has been noted before!? in speaking of the form of 
saluting bishops per coronam. 


sai coronad 18. As to the kind or fashion of their apparel, it does not 
us tea appear for several ages that there was any other distinction 


a observed therein between them and the laity, save that they 
1 Ἢ . Φ 
parel from Were more confined to wear that which was modest and orayve, 


laymen. and becoming their profession, without being tied to any cer- 


14 In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de 
Episc. et Cler. leg. 38. (t. 6. p. 77. 
col. dextr.) Cur autem coronato- 
rum, appellatione clerici designen- 
tur, proclive dictu. Nempe ob év- 
ptopa γυροειδές. Corona scilicet 
jam hoc tempore insigne clericorum ; 
et exinde clericalis reverentiz per 
Africam saltem, mox alibi nomen 
fuit: sic quidem ut quemadmodum 
purpuram, que principis παράσημον 
insigne erat, interdum pro principe 
et principali reverentia sumebant, 
ita et coronam pro clero et reve- 
rentia clericali acciperent. 

15 Not. in Sidon. 1. 6. Ep. 3. ad 
verba, Auctoritas corone tue; (p. 
386.) Id est, Dignitas episcopatus 
tui. D. Hieronymus Augustino, Ep. 
81. tot., Precor coronam tuam. En- 
nodius Marcellino episcopo: Quia 
fiducie mee coronam vestram non 
ambigo responsuram. Idem Aureli- 
ano: Sed dormiunt apud coronam 
tuam propinguitatis privilegia, pri- 
usquam pater esse meruisti. Idem 
Symmacho Pape: Dum sedem apo- 
stolicam corone vestre cura modere- 


tur. Corona episcopalis, Valenti- 
niano Augustin. Novella de Episcop. 
Ordinatione, 1. 7., De minimis vide- 
licet rebus coronam tuam maximis- 
que consulerem, ubi plura. Interim 
observabis papas exinde dictos, id 
est, coronatos, si quibusdam fides 
habeatur. Remigius Antissiodoren- 
sis de Celebratione Misse: Papa 
autem secundum quosdam dicitur ad- 
mirabilis vel coronatus, δ. Et ton- 
sura clerica et episcopalis corona, 
Balsamoni, Sexte Synodi in Trullo 
6. 21. Παπαλήτρα dicitur corona cle- 
ricatus in Pragmatico Constantini 
ad Sylvest. Papam. 

16 C, Tolet. 4. c. 41. (t.5. p. 1716 
d.) Omnes clerici, vel lectores, sicut 
Levitz et sacerdotes, detonso supe- 
rius toto capite, inferius solam cir- 


-culi coronam relinquant: non sicut 


huc usque in Galliz partibus facere 
lectores videntur, qui prolixis, ut 
laici, comis, in solo capitis apice 
modicum circulum tondent. Ritus 
enim iste in Hispania huc usque 
hereticorum fuit, &c. 

17 B. 2. ch.g. 8.5. V. 1. p. 117. 


293 


tain garb or form of clothing. Several Councils require the 
clergy to wear apparel suitable to their profession ; but they do 
not express-any kind, or describe it otherwise than that it 
should not border upon luxury or any affected neatness, but 
rather keep a medium between finery and slovenliness. This 
was St. Jerom’s direction to Nepotian'’: ‘that he should nei- 
ther wear black nor white clothing: for gaiety and slovenliness 
were equally to be avoided ; the one savouring of niceness and 
delicacy, and the other of vainglory.’ Yet in different places 
different customs seem to have prevailed, as to the colour of 
their clothing. For at Constantinople, in the time of Chry- 
sostom and Arsacius, the clergy commonly went in black, as the 
Novatians did in white. Which appears from the dispute which 
Socrates speaks of between Sisinnius, the Novatian bishop, and 
one of Arsacius’s clergy: for he says?9, ‘ Sisinnius going one 
day to visit Arsacius, the clergyman asked him, why he wore 
a garment which did not become a bishop? and where it was 
written that a priest ought to be clothed in white? To whom 
he replied, You first show me where it is written that a bishop 
ought to be clothed in black.’ From this it is easy to collect, 
that by this time it was become the custom at Constantinople 
for the clergy to wear black; and that perhaps to distinguish 
themselves from the Novatians, who affected, it seems, to appear 
in white. But we do not find these matters as yet so particu- 
larly determined or prescribed in any Councils, For the fourth 
Council of Carthage° requires the clergy to wear such apparel 
as was suitable to their profession, but does not particularize 
any further about it, save that they should not affect any finery 
or gaiety in their shoes or clothing. And the Council of 
Agde*' gives the very same direction. Baronius?2, indeed, is 


δ 18. the regulation of the clergy. 


18 Ep. 2. [4]. 52.] ad Nepotian. c.9. 
tot. (t. r. p. 262 a.) Vestes pullas e- 


ἔφη, εἰπὲ, ποῦ γέγραπται μέλαιναν 
> ΄“΄ ’ 
ἐσθῆτα φορεῖν τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ; 


que devita, ut candidas. Ornatus 
ut sordes pari modo fugiende sunt; 
quia alterum delicias, alterum glo- 
riam redolet, &c. 

19 L. 6. c. 22. (ν. 2. p. 340. 23.) 
“Adore δὲ ᾿Αρσάκιον τὸν ἐπίσκοπον 
κατὰ τιμὴν ὁρῶν Γ[Σισίννιος} ἠρωτήθη 
ὑπό τινος τῶν περὶ ᾿Αρσάκιον, διὰ τί 
ἀνοίκειον ἐπισκόπῳ ἐσθῆτα φοροίη, 
καὶ ποῦ γέγραπται λευκὰ τὸν ἱερωμέ- 
νον ἀμφιέννυσθαι; ὁ δὲ, σὺ πρότερον, 


20 Ὁ, 45. (t. 2. p. 1204 a.) Clericus 
professionem suam et in habitu et in 
incessu probet ; et ideo nec vestibus 
nec calceamentis decorem quzrat. 

21 C. 20, (t. 4. Ρ. 1386 d.). . . Vesti- 
menta vel calceamenta etiam eis, 
nisi que religionem deceant, uti aut 
{al. vel] habere non liceat. 

22 An. 261. nn. 43, 44. (t. 2. p. 
pS b.) Cum Acta Cypriani Passionis 

cor ipsum lacernum birrum 


294 Special laws for 


very earnest to persuade his reader, that bishops in the time of 
Cyprian wore the same habit that is now worn by cardinals in 
the Church of Rome, and such bishops as are advanced from a 
monastery to the episcopal throne. As if Cyprian had been 
a monk or a cardinal of the Church of Rome. But, as the 
learned editor 9 of Cyprian’s works observes, there is scarce 
any thing so absurd that a man, who is engaged in a party- 
cause, cannot persuade himself to believe, and hope to persuade 
others also. For is it likely that bishops and presbyters should 
make their appearance in public in a distinct habit, at a time 
when tyrants and persecutors made a most diligent search after 
them to put them to death? Do the clergy of the present 
Church of Rome use to appear so in countries where they live 
in danger of being discovered and taken? But what shall we 
say to the writer of Cyprian’s Passion, who mentions Cy- 
prian’s2* lacerna or birrus, and after that his tunica or dal- 
matica, and last of all his linea, in which he suffered? Of 
which Baronius makes the linea to be the bishop’s rochet; and 
the dalmatica or tunica, that which they now call the loose 
tunicle; and the lacerna or birrus, the red silken vestment 
that covers the shoulders. Why, to all this it may be said, that 
these are only old names for new things. For besides the ab- 
surdity of thinking that Cyprian should go to his martyrdom 
in his sacred and pontifical robes, which were not to be worn 
out of the church, it is evident that these were but the names 
of those common garments which many Christians then used 
without distinction, [F. Simon?’ speaking of the canons of the 


VL. iv. 


complicuisse, et ad genua posuisse, 
illud fuisse perbreve, ac parvi nego- 
tii operam egisse demonstrant: nam 
non sic de tunica eum fecisse, sed 
diaconis dedisse tradunt. Ex his 
itaque jam exploratum haberi vide- 
tur, episcoporum fuisse antiquum 
habitum, ut post vestem superindu- 
erent lineam, et desuper eam solu- 
tam tunicam, ac denique humeros 
tantum tegens et brachia lacernum 
birrum: quo genere indumenti ho- 
die videmus uti sanctze Romane ec- 
clesie cardinales atque episcopos 
illos, qui ex regularibus ad eam 
dignitatem provecti sunt: Roma- 
num vero pontificem birro absque 
tunica super lineam, sed serico at-~ 


que rufo, interdum vero albo pro 
temporis ratione. 

23 Bp. Fell, Not. in Vit. Cypr. p. 
13. (p.14. n. 7.) Nihil certe est, Xe 
quo partium studio addicti sibi non 
possunt persuadere et etiam sperare 
ut aliis persuadeant. 

24 Pass. Cypr. p. 13. (p. 14.)...+ 
Cyprianus in agrum Sexti produc- 
tus est, et ibi se lacerna birri [al. 
birro] exspoliavit ... Et cum se dal- 
matica [al. tunica] exspoliasset, et 
diaconibus tradidisset, in linea ste- 
tit, et coepit spiculatorem sustinere. 

25 (Bibl. Critique, v. 3. ἢ. 31.» 
cited by Mr. Lia Roche, Memoirs of 
Literature, v. 2. p. 3. (Lond. 1722. 
v.1. p.3.) Ed.] 


ee ον τ ὐὰ Νεμμν- 


§ 18, 19. the regulation of the clergy. 295 


Synods of Poictiers and Langree, anno 1396 and 1404, says 
the clergy did not then wear clothes of a particular colour ; 
they were only forbidden to wear red, green, or any other such 
colour. In former times there was no distinction of clothes 
between the clergy and the laity: all men of any note wore 
long clothes, as one may see in old pictures. None but the 
common people wore short ones; which occasioned the word 
courtant de boutique. None were then called gownmen; but 
because short clothes appeared by degrees to be very conve- 
nient, they grew fashionable. However, the magistrates and 
the clergy continued to wear long clothes: an ecclesiastic could 
not wear a short gown, reaching no lower than his knee, with- 
out acting against his character. ] 

19. As to the birrus, it is evident that it was no peculiar A particu- 
habit of bishops, no, nor yet of the clergy. That it was not 7 jcoum 
peculiar to bishops, appears from what St. Austin®© says of it, rus and 
that it was the common garment which all his clergy wore as is 
well as himself. And therefore if any one presented him with 
a richer birrus than ordinary, he would not wear it. ‘For, 
though it might become another bishop, it would not become 
him, who was a poor man, and born of poor parents. He must 
have such an one as a presbyter could have, or a deacon, or a 
subdeacon. If any one gave him a better, he was used to sell 
it; that, since the garment itself could not be used in common, 
the price of it at least might be common.’ This shews plainly 
that the birrus was not the bishop’s peculiar habit, but the 
common garment of all St. Austin’s clergy. And that this was 
no more than the common tunica, or coat, worn generally by 
Christians in Afric and other places, may appear from a canon 
of the Council of Gangra?’, made against Kustathius the he- 


26 Serm. 50. deDivers.t.10. p.523. dare. Qualem potest habere pres- 
—— a6. ] (t.5. p. 1389 e ὙΣΨΩΣ ... byter; qualem potest habere decen- 
erat i, verbi gratia, b ter diaconus et subdiaconus, talem 


pretiosum ; forte decet μυρίοι, 
quamvis non deceat Augustinum, 
id est, hominem pauperem et de 

ibus natum. Modo dicturi 
sunt homines, quia inveni pretiosas 
vestes, quas non potuissem habere 
vel in domo patris mei, vel in illa 
seculari professione mea. Non de- 
cet. Talem debeo habere, qualem 
possim, si non habuerit, fratri meo 


aio accipere. Si quis meliorem de- 
derit, vendo, quod et facere soleo: 
ut quando non potest vestis esse 
communis, pretium vestis sit com- 
mune. 

27 In Preefat. (t. 2. Ρ. 413 6.) .. 
Ξένα ἀμφιάσματα ἐπὶ 


296 Special laws for VI. iv. 


retic, and his followers, who condemned the common habit, 
and brought in the use of a strange habit in its room. Now 
this common habit was the birrus, or βῆρος, as they call it in 
the canon made against them, which runs in these words?§: 
‘If any man uses the pallium, or cloak, upon the account of 
an ascetic life, and, as if there were some holiness in that, con- 
demns those that with reverence use the birrus and other gar- 
ments that are commonly worn, let him be anathema.’ The 
birrus then was the common and ordinary coat which the 
Christians of Paphlagonia and those parts generally wore; and 
though the ascetics used the περιβόλαιον, the philosophic pal- 
lium, or cloak, yet the clergy of that country used the com- 
mon birrus, or coat. For Sozomen29, in relating the same 
history, instead of βῆρος uses the word χίτων, which is a more 
known name for the Latin tunica, or coat; and he also adds, 
‘that Eustathius himself, after the synod had condemned him, 
changed his philosophic habit, and used the same garb that 
the secular presbyters wore.’ Which plainly evinces that as 
yet the clergy in those parts did not distinguish themselves by 
their habit from other Christians, though the ascetics generally 
did. In the French Churches, several years after this, we find 
the clergy still using the same secular habit with other Christ- 
ians. And when some endeavoured to alter it, and introduce 
the ascetic or philosophic habit among them, Celestine, bishop 
of Rome, wrote a reprimanding letter to them, asking ®°, ‘ why 
that habit, the cloak, was used in the French Churches, when 
it had been the custom of so many bishops, for so many years, 
to use the common habit of the people? from whom the clergy 
were to be distinguished by their doctrine, and not by their 


28 Id. C. 12. (ibid. p. 419 d.) Εἴ 
τις ἀνδρῶν διὰ νομιζομένην ἄσκησιν 
περιβολαίῳ χρῆται, καὶ, ὡς ἂν ἐκ τού- 
του τὴν δικαιοσύνην ἔ ἔχων, καταψηφί- 
σοιτο τῶν μετ᾽ εὐλαβείας τοὺς βήρους 
φορούντων, καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ κοινῇ καὶ ἐν 
συνηθείᾳ οὔσῃ ἐσθῆτι κεχρημένων, 

τ ἡ ae ἔστω. 
᾿ς 59 L, 8. 6. 14. (Vv, 2. P. 115. 35.) 

. Χιτῶνας μὴν συνήθεις καὶ στολὰς 
μὴ ἀνε ομένους ἀμφιέννυσθαι.----1 1α. 
(p. 116. 4.) ᾿Εντεῦθεν δὲ «λόγος, Εὐ- 
οὐδεν. ἐπιδεικνύμενον, ὡς οὐκ av- 
θαδείας ἕνεκα, ἀλλὰ THs κατὰ Θεὸν 


ἀσκήσεως εἰσηγεῖτο ταῦτα καὶ ἐπιτη- 
δεύοι, ἀμεῖψαι τὴν στολὴν, καὶ παρα- 
πλησίως τοῖς ἄλλοις ἱερεῦσι τὰς προ- 
όδους ποιήσασθαι. 

30 Ep. 2. ad Episc. Gall. c. 1. 
(CC. a 2. p.1619 c.) Unde hic ha- 
bitus in ecclesiis Gallicanis, ut tot 
annorum tantorumque pontificum 
in alterum habitum consuetudo ver- 
tatur? Discernendi a plebe vel cz- 
teris sumus doctrina, non veste; 
conversatione, non habitu: mentis 
puritate, non cultu. 


§19,20. ᾿ the regulation of the clergy. 297 


garb; by their conversation, not their habit; by the purity of 
their souls, rather than their dress.’ But yet I must observe, 
that in some places the ascetics, when they were taken into the 
ministry of the Church, were allowed to retain their ancient 
philosophic habit without any censure. Thus St. Jerom*! ob- 
serves of his friend Nepotian, that he kept to his philosophic habit, 
the pallium, after he was ordained presbyter, and wore it to 
the day of his death. He says the same of Heraclas*?, pres- 
byter of Alexandria, that he. continued to use his philosophic 
habit when he was presbyter. Which is noted also by Euse- 
bius, out of Origen, who says*®, ‘ that when Heraclas entered 
himself in the school of philosophy, under Ammonius, he then 
laid aside the common garb, and took the philosophic habit, 
with which he sat in the presbytery of Alexandria.’ Upon 
which Valesius** very rightly observes, ‘that there was then 
no peculiar habit of the clergy, forasmuch as Heraclas always 
retained his philosophic pal/ium;’ which was the known habit 
of the ascetics, but as yet was very rarely used among the 
clergy, who wore generally the common habit, except when 
some such philosophers and ascetics came among them. For 
here we see it was noted as something rare and singular in 
Heraclas: but in after ages, when the clergy were chiefly 
chosen out of the monks and ascetics, the philosophic habit 
eame in by degrees with them, and was encouraged, till at last 
it became the most usual habit of the clergy of all sorts. But 
this was not till the fifth or sixth century, as may be collected 
from what has been said before on this subject. 
20. But some perhaps may think the clergy had always a Of the co- 

distinct habit, because some ancient authors take notice of the %™ 4” 


matica, 
colobium as a garment worn by bishops and presbyters in the racalla,  he- 


ium, 


primitive ages. For Epiphanius, speaking of Arius, while he 777 nea. 
was presbyter of Alexandria, says*> he always wore the colo- 


31 E 651 ἡ ἢ h. Nepotian. Ep. 3. [al. Πρότερον κοινῇ ἐσθῆτι χρώμενος, 
eliodor. (t. 1. p. 339 Ὁ.) ἀποδυσάμενος καὶ φιλόσοφον ἀναλα- 

Projicere pallium, manus extendere, Bay » σχῆμα μεχρὶ τοῦ δεῦρο τηρεῖ. 
videre quod alii non videbant ..... $4 In loc. (ibid. n. 2.) Ex his ap- 
Intelligere illum non emori, sed — nullum etiam tum peculiarem 
a et mutare amicos, non i vestitum clericorum, quan- 
doquidem Heraclas .. . . philosophi- 

is Seino, Eccles. c. 54. ‘t. 2. oun lium semper retinuit. 


p. "819.) dives Heraclam, presbyte- er. Hbdp rom n. 3. (t. 1. p. 
rum, qui sub habitu philoeophi per- ie “ a.) ‘ ὁ τοιοῦτος 
severabat, &c. cies ἐνδιδυσκόμενος, 


88 1, 6. c. 19. (v. 1. p. 282. 4.).. 


298 Special laws for VI. iv. 


bium or hemiphorium. And Pius, bishop of Rome, in his 
Epistle to Justus, bishop of Vienna, which by many is reck- 
oned genuine, speaks®> of Justus as wearing a colobium also. 
But this was no more than the tunica, of which there were 
two sorts, the dalmatica and colobium, which differed only 
in this respect, that the colobtwm was the short coat without 
long sleeves, so called from κολοβὸς 86, curtus; but the dalmatica 
was the tunica manicata et talaris, the long coat with sleeves. 
Both which were used by the Romans, though the colobiwm 
was the more common, ancient, and honourable garment. As 
appears from Tully?7, who derides Catiline’s soldiers, because 
they had their tunice manicate et talares; whereas the an- 
cient Romans were used to wear the colobia, or short coats 
without long sleeves; as Servius*® and St. Jerom?? after him 
observe from this place of Tully. So that a bishop’s or a pres- 
byter’s wearing a colobiwm means no more, when the hard 
name is explained, but their wearing a common Roman gar- 
ment. Which is evident from one of the laws of Theodosius the 
Great, made about the habits which senators were allowed to 
use within the walls of Constantinople, where they are forbid- 
den’° to wear the soldier’s coat, the chlamys, but allowed to 
use the colobium and penula, because these were civil habits, 
and vestments of peace. 

The dalmatica, or as it was otherwise called yeupdderos, or 
tunica manicata, because it had sleeves down to the hands, 


35 Ep. 2. ad Just. Vienn. (CC. Allobr. 1620. p. 583.) Et tunice 


t.I. p.577 a.) Tu vero apud sena- 
toriam urbem Viennensem ejus loco 
a fratribus constitutus et colobio 
episcoporum vestitus, vide, ut mini- 
sterium quod accepisti, in Domino 
impleas. 

86 [Hence colobium is the more 
correct term, and I have adopted it 
accordingly, though the Author wrote 
collobium. Ed.]| 

37 Orat. 2. in Catilin. n. 22. [al. 
10.] (v. 5. p- 1953.) Postremum au- 
tem genus est, non solum numero, 
verum etiam genere ipso atque vita, 

uod proprium est Catilinze, de ejus 
didadtts imme vero de complexu 
ejus ac sinu: quos pexo capillo ni- 
tidos, aut imberbes, aut bene bar- 
batos videtis,‘manicatis et talaribus 
tunicis, velis amictos, non togis. . 
38 In Virg. Ain. g. v. 616. (Col. 


manicas, et habent redimicula mitre. 
Tunicz vestre habent manicas, quod 
etiam Cicero vituperat, dicens, ma- 
nicatis et talaribus tunicis. Nam 
colobiis utebantur antiqui. 

39 Quest. Hebr. in Gen. 37, 32. 
t. 3. p. 222. (t. 3."p. 363 6) Pro 
varia tunica .... Symmachus inter- 
pretatus est tunicam manicatam ; 
sive quod ad talos usque descende- 
ret, .... sive quod haberet manicas; 
antiqui enim magis colobiis ute- 
bantur. 

40 Cod. 1. 14. tit. 10. de Habitu 
quo uti oportet intra Urbem, leg. 1. 
(t. 5. p. 207.) Nullus senatorum 
habitum sibi vindicet militarem, sed, 
chlamydis terrore deposito, quieta 
colobiorum ac penularum induat 
vestimenta, &c. 


the regulation of the clergy. 299 


was seldom used among the Romans; for Lampridius notes 
16 11 as a singular thing in the life of Commodus, the emperor, 
that he wore a dalmatica in public; which he also censures in 
Heliogabalus*2, as Tully had done before in Catiline. And 
that is a good argument to prove that the clergy of this age 
did not wear the dalmatica in public, since it was not then 
the common garment of the Romans. And the conjecture of a 
learned man*? is well grounded, who thinks ‘that in the life 
of St. Cyprian, where the ancient copies have tunicam tulit, 
some officious modern transcribers changed the word tunica 
into dalmatica, as being more agreeable to the language and 
custom of their own time, when the dalmatica was reckoned 
among the sacred vestments of the church, though we never 
find it mentioned as such in any ancient author.’ 

The caracalla, which some now call the cassock, was ori- 
ginally a Gallic habit, which Antonius Bassianus, who was born 
at Lyons in France, first brought into use among the Roman 
people, whence he had the name of Caracalla, as Aurelius Vic- 
tor** informs us. It was a long garment, reaching down to 
the heels, which Victor says the Roman people put on when 
they went to salute the emperor. But whether it was also a 
clerical habit in those days may be questioned, since no ancient 
author speaks of it as such: but if it was, it was not any pe- 
culiar habit of the clergy; since Spartian‘4>, who lived in the 
time of Constantine, says they were then used by the common 
people of Rome, who called them caracalle Antoniniane from 
their author. 

The ἡμιφόριον, which Epiphanius joins with the colobium, 


- 4i Vit. Commod. [c. 8.1 p. 139. 
~ August. Hist. Scriptor. p. 277.) 
»- ape in ὭΡΗ ge 

it. τὴν . [e. 26.7 p. 317. 
(ibid. p. 495.) Dalmaticatus in a 
lico post ccenam szepe visus est. 

43 Bp. Fell, Not. in Vit. Cypr. 
Ρ. 13. (p. 14. n. 7. sub fin.) Obese 
us est naris, qui in his, que 
sequuntur, librariorum interpolatio- 
nes, seculis et ingeniis suis dignas, 


non deprehenderit. [li quidem cum ἢ 


tunicam —e episcopali non sa- 
tis respondere iderant, officio- 
sissimi homines dalmaticam submi- 
nistrabant. 


44 Epitom. Vit. Caracall. (p. 34.) 
Cum 6 Gallia vestem plurimam de- 
vexisset, talaresque caracallas fecis- 
set, coegissetque plebem ad se salu- 
tandum indutam talibus introire, de 
nomine hujus vestis Caracalla cog- 
nominatus est. 

45 Vit. Caracall. [c. 9.] p. 251.] 
᾿- August. Hist. Scriptor. p. 416.) 

pse Caracalle [al. Caracalli] no- 
men accepit a vestimento, quod po- 
lo dederat, demisso usque ad ta- 
os, quod ante non fuerat; unde 
hodieque Antoniniane dicuntur ca- 
racallz hujusmodi, in usu maxime 
Romane plebis frequentate. 


300. Special laws for VI. iv. 


was either but another name for the same garment, or one 
like it; for it signifies a short cloak or coat, as Petavius*® 
and other critics explain it, ἥμισυ ἱματείας [ἱματίου], or dimi- 
dium [dimidiatum] pallium, which answers to the description 
of the colobium, given before. 

As for the linea, mentioned in the Life of Cyprian, which 
Baronius calls the bishop’s rochet, it seems to have been no 
more than some common garment made of linen, though we 
know not what other name to give it. Baronius‘/ says, plea- 
santly, ‘it was not his shirt,’ and therefore concludes it must 
be his rochet; which is an argument to make a reader smile, 


but carries no great conviction in it. 


46 Animadvers. in Epiphan. Heer. 
69. n. 3. (284.) ἩΗμιφόριον idem est 
quod Hesychio ac Suidze ἡμιφάριον, 
hoc est, ἥμισυ ivariov.  Palladius 
in Historia Lausiaca, quem citat 
Meursius : Πάντα αὐτῆς [ de Melania 
Juniore| τὰ σηρικὰ ἡμιφόρια καλύμ- 
ματα τοῖς θυσιαστηρίοις ἐδωρήσαντο. 
Utraque voce dimidiata vestis expri- 
mitur. Colobium curtam tunicam 
interpretari possis : proprie quidem 
que manicis careat, ac decurtata sit. 
De qua non nihil ad Themistium 
diximus. Sed non minus apte sic 
appellari videtur, quid [quod] non 
ultra pectus atque humeros pateret, 
quasi dimidiatum esset pallium. Si- 
quidem κολοβιῶνα latum clavum 
nominari censet Acro; cui respon- 
dere dicit indumentum illud ex pur- 
pura, quod a cervice ad pectus ex- 
tentum gestabant principes. Ergo 
propterea κολόβιον et ἡμιφόριον vo- 
catum est, quia juste vestis more 
nequaquam extendebatur. Aliud 
est ὠμοφόριον episcoporum, de quo 
Germanus Constantinopolitanus.— 
Conf. Suicer. Thes. Eccles. (t. 1. p. 
1334.) “Hyiddprov significat dimidi- 
atam vestem: nam φόρεμα Grecis 
recentioribus, ut ex Ulachi Thesauro 
constat, vestem notat. Epiphanius 
contra Ariomanitas, seu Heresi 69. 
Ἡμιφόριον yap 6 τοιοῦτος ἀεὶ καὶ 
κολοβίωνα ἐνδιδυσκόμενος γλυκὺς ἦν 
τῇ mpoonyopia. Palladius, Hist. 
Lausiac. in Melania Juniore, p. 148. 
Πάντα αὐτῆς τὰ onpika ἡμιφόρια Ka- 
λύμματα τοῖς θυσιαστηρίοις ἐδωρή- 


And yet it is as good as 


σατο. Hesychius et Suidas scribunt 
ἡμιφάριον, et interpretantur, ἥμισυ 
ἱματίου, dimidium vestis, dimidiata 
vestis. Cl. Meursius hance quoque 
lectionem probat, quia @dpos vestem 
significet. Hesychius φάρη, ἱμάτια" 
vestimenta. Item, φάρος, ἱμάτιον, 
περιβόλαιον, vestis, amiculum. Ita 
etiam Suidas et Etymolog. M. 

47 An. 261. n. 40. (t. 2. p. 558 b.) 
Etenim ex iis adeo certis antiquita- 
tis ecclesiasticee monumentis, qualis 
esse soleret episcoporum habitus, 
probe possumus intelligere. Sed 
ilud primum de tunica linea, qua, 
ceteris vestibus exspoliatus, ictum 
gladii excepturus remansit indutus, 
exacte considerandum. Ex iis enim, 
que ex dictis Actis sunt superius 
notata, neminem certe puto adeo 
obtusum ingenio, ut cum ipsa di- 
cant, Cyprianum exutum birro at- 
que tunica remansisse in linea, ex- 
istimet de linea interula intelligen- 
dum, que super nudum indui con- 
suevit: non enim decebat sacerdo- 
talem decorem, Cyprianum ad in- 
terulam usque denudari, cum pre- 
sertim ad hoc non cogeret magis- 
tratus, nec carnificina functio pos- 
tularet: quid enim opus erat ad ca- 
pitis obtruncationem ad subuculam 
usque exui, cum presertim nullum 
ea de re exstet exemplum? Sic igi- 
tur nihil aliud est, quod dici possit, 
nisi lineam illam Cypriani commune 
illud omnibus episcopis lineum in- 
dumentum fuisse, quod ephod alii 
dicunt, Italice vero rochetto. 


- 
ϑ 


820. v.1. the regulation of the clergy. 301 


any that he produces to prove that bishops in Cyprian’s time 
appeared in public differently habited from other men. 
That the clergy had their particular habits for ministering 
} in divine service, at least in the beginning of the fourth cen- 
Γ tury, is not denied, but will be proved and evidenced in its 
proper place; but that any such distinction was generally ob- 
served extra sacra in their other habits in that age, is what 
does not appear, but the contrary, from what has been dis- 
: coursed. It was necessary for me to give the reader this cau- 
: tion, because some unwarily confound these things together, 
and allege the proofs or disproofs of the one for the other, 
which yet are of very different consideration. 


CHAP. V. 
Some reflections upon the foregoing discourse, concluding with 
| an address to the clergy of the present Church. 


1. Havine thus far gone over, and as it were brought into fy ye 
one view, the chief of those ancient laws and rules which con- aa ΡΝ 
cerned the elections, qualifications, duties, and general offices εν Bavigicd 
of the primitive clergy; reserving the consideration of parti- necessary 
cular offices to their proper places, I shall close this part of the won a 
discourse with a few necessary reflections upon it, in reference the present 
to the practice of the clergy of the present Church. And here, ae Ἢ 
first of all, it will be proper to observe, that all the laws and 
rules of the primitive Church are not obligatory to the present 
clergy, save only so far as they either contain matters neces- 
sary in themselves, or are adopted into the body of rules and 
eanons which are authorized and received by the present 
Church. For some laws were made upon particular reasons, 
peculiar to the state and circumstances of the Church in those 
times; and it would neither be reasonable nor possible to re- 
duce men to the observance of all such laws, when the reasons 
of them are ceased, and the state of affairs and circumstances 
of the Church are so much altered. Other laws were made by 
particular Churches for themselves only, and these never could 
oblige other Churches till they were received by their own con- 
sent, or bound upon them by the authority of a general Coun- 
cil, where they themselves were represented, and their consent 
virtually taken. Much less can they oblige absolute and inde- 


pendent Churches at the distance of so many ages; since every 





302 Reflections on the VI. v. 


such Church has power to make laws and rules about things of 
an alterable nature for herself, and is not tied to the laws of 
any other. Nor consequently are any of the members of such 
a Church bound to observe those rules, unless they be revived 
and put in force by the Church whereof they are members. As 
this is agreeable to the sense and practice of the Catholic 
Church ; so it was necessary here to be observed, that no one 
might mistake the design of this discourse, as if it tended to 
make every rule that has been mentioned therein become ne- 
cessary and obligatory; or designed to reflect upon the present 
Church, because in all things she does not conform to the pri- 
mitive practice ; which it is not possible to do, without making 
all cases and circumstances exactly the same in all ages. 
Reflection 2, But, secondly, notwithstanding this, I may, I presume, 
oo without offence, take leave to observe, in the next place, that 
ἀρ ΜΝ some ancient rules would be of excellent use, if they were re- 
lent use, if Vived by just authority in the present Church. What if we had 
ae a law agreeable to that of Justinian’s in the Civil Law, that 
thority. | every patron or elector, who presents a clerk, should depose 
upon oath, that he chose him neither for any gift, or promise, 
or friendship, or any other cause, but because he knew him to 
be a man of the true Catholic Faith, and good life, and good 
learning? Might not this be a good addition to the present 
laws against simoniacal contracts? What if the order of the 
ancient chorepiscopi were reduced and settled in large dio- 
ceses? and coadjutors in case of infirmity and old age? Might 
not these be of great use, as for many other ends, so particu- 
larly for the exercise of discipline, and the easier and constant 
discharge of that most excellent office of Confirmation? The ju- 
dicious reader will be able to carry this reflection through 
abundance of other instances, which I need not here suggest. 
And I forbear the rather, because I am only acting the part of 
an historian for the ancient Church; leaving others, whose pro- 
vince it is, to make laws for the present Church; if any things 
are here suggested, which their wisdom and prudence may 
think fit to make the matter of laws for the greater benefit and 
advantage of it. 
Reflection 0. Lhirdly, it may be observed further, that there were some 
3- Some Jaws in the ancient Church, which, though they be not esta- 


ancient 


laws may lished laws of the present Church, may yet innocently be com- 


, § 2, 3,4. Soregoing discourse. 303 
. 


plied with; and perhaps it would be for the honour and ad- be — 
vantage of the clergy voluntarily to comply with them, since though not 
there is no law to prohibit that. I will instance in one case of !@ws of the 
this nature. It was a law in the ancient Church, as I have pier d 

Ἵ shewed**, that the clergy should end all their civil controver- 

sies, which they had one with another, among themselves, and 

not go to law in a secular court, unless they had a controversy 

with a layman. Now, though there be no such law in the pre- 

sent Church, yet there is nothing to hinder clergymen from 
choosing bishops to be their arbitrators, and voluntarily re- 

ferring all their causes to them, or any other judges whom 

they shall agree upon among themselves; which must be owned 

to be the most Christian way of ending controversies. Whence, 

as I have shewed, it was many times practised by the laity in 

the primitive Church, who took bishops for their arbitrators by 
voluntary compromise, obliging themselves to stand to their 
arbitration. And what was so commendable in the laity, must 

needs be more reputable in the clergy, and more becoming 

their gravity and character ; not to mention other advantages 

that might arise from this way of ending disputes, rather than 

any other. From this one instance it will be easy to judge, 

how far it may be both lawful and honourable for the clergy to 

imitate the practic eof the Ancients in other cases of the like 

+ nature. 

4, Fourthly. The last observation I have to make upon the Reflection 
foregoing discourse, is in reference to such laws of the ancient = alien hay 
Chureh as must be owned to be of necessary and eternal obli- of great 


examples, 


| gation. Such are most of those that have been mentioned in and laws of 
| 








_ the second and third chapters of this book, relating to the life Perpetual 


obligation. 





and duties of the clergy; in which the clergy of all Churches 
t will for ever be concerned, the matter of those laws being in 
: itself of absolute and indispensable obligation. The practice of 
the Ancients, therefore, in compliance with such laws, will be a 
continual admonition, and their examples a noble provocation 
to the clergy of all ages. There is nothing that commonly 
moves or affects us more than great and good examples; they 
at once both pleasantly instruct, and powerfully excite us to 
the practice of our duty; they shew us that rules are prac- 
ticable, as having already been observed by men of like passions 


48 B.5. ch. Τ᾿ 8.1. v. 2. p. 104. 





904 Reflections on the VI. 


with ourselves ; they are apt to inflame our courage by an holy. 
contagion, and raise us to noble acts by provoking our emula- 
tion; they, as it were, shame us into laudable works, by up- 
braiding and reproaching our defects in falling short of the 
patterns set before us; they work upon our modesty, and turn 
it into zeal; they raise our several useful passions, and set us 
to work by exciting those inbred sparks of emulation, and 
principles of activity, that are lodged within us. And for this 
reason, whilst others have done good service by writing of the 
pastoral office and care, in plain rules and directions, I have 
added the examples of the Ancients to their rules; the better to 
excite us to tread those paths which are chalked out to us, by 
the encouragement of such instructive and provoking exam- 
ples. Who can read that brave defence and answer?? which 
St. Basil made to the Arian prefect, without being warmed with 
something of his zeal for truth upon any the like occasion? 
How resolute and courageous will it make a man, even against 
the calumnies of spite and malice, to contend for the Faith, 
when he reads*° what base slanders and reproaches were cast 
upon the greatest luminaries of the Church, and the best of 
men, Athanasius and Basil, for standing up in the cause of re- 
ligion against the Arian heresy? Again, how peaceable, how 
candid, how ingenuous and prudent will it make a man, in 
composing unnecessary disputes, that arise among Catholics in 
the Church, always to have before his eyes that great example 
of candour and peaceableness, which Nazianzen describes in the 
person of Athanasius*!, who, by his prudence, reconciled two 
contending parties, that for a few syllables and a dispute about 
mere words had like to have torn the Church in pieces? To | 
instance but once more ;—who, that reads that great example of 
charity and self-denial in the African fathers at the Collation 
of Carthage 53, and considers with what a brave and public 
spirit they despised their own private interest for the good and 
peace and unity of the Church, will not be inspired with some- 
thing of the same noble temper, and ardent love of Christ; 
which will make him willing to do or suffer any thing for the 
benefit of his Church, and sacrifice his own private interest to 
the advantage of the public; whilst he persuades himself, with 


49 See b.6. ch. 3. 8.10. V. 2. p. 252. 51 See Ὁ. 6. ch.3. 8. 9. V. 2. p. 251. 
50 See the same. | _ 52 Tbid. ch. 4. s. 2. v. 2. p. 265. 


§ 4, 5. 305 


those holy fathers, that he was made for the Church of Christ, 

and not the Church for him? As it is of the utmost conse- 

quence to the welfare of the Church, to have these and the 

like virtues and graces planted in the hearts of her clergy; so 

among other means that may be used for the promoting this 

end, there is none perhaps more likely to take effect than the 
recommending such virtues by the powerful provocation of such 

noble examples. And he, that offers such images of virtue to 

public view, may at least be allowed to make the apology 

which Sulpicius Severus? makes for his writing the Life of 

St. Martin :—Ztsi ipsi non viximus, ut aliis exemplo esse 
possimus ; dedimus tamen operam, ne illi laterent, qui essent 
imitandi. 

_ 5. But, whilst I am so earnest in recommending the exam- Some me ee 
ples of the ancients, I must not forget to inculcate some of © ben at 
their excellent rules; such as their laws about training up aor 
young men for the ministry, under the magister discipline, tion. First, 
whose business was to form their morals, and inure them to πέσω. Be 
such studies, exercises, and practices as would best qualify method of 
them for higher offices and services in the-Church. This me- ins "P 
thod of education being now changed into that of universities for the 
and schools of learning, it highly concerns them, on whom this 

care is devolved, to see that the same ends however be an- 

swered; that is, that all young men who aspire to the sacred 
profession be rightly formed, both in their studies and morals, 

to qualify them for their great work and the several duties of 

their calling. And they are the more concerned to be careful 

in this matter, because bishops now cannot have that personal 
knowledge of the morals of such persons as they had formerly, 

when they were trained up under their eye, and liable to their 
inspection ; but now, as to this part of their qualification, they 

must depend first upon the care, and then upon the testimony, 

of those who are intrusted with their education. Besides, a 

late eminent writer **, who inquires into the causes of the pre- 


Soregoing discourse. 


* [De Vit. B. Martin., in Prolog. 
Horne’s edition, ( ce ον "Bat. Fad 
p- 460.) from which-I have verified 
the citations of this author, reads— 
ne is lateret, qui esset imitandus. 
Bs) 

Ostervald’s Causes of the Cor- 


BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


ruption of Christians, part 2. ch. 3. 
P-333- (p-345-) For, first, as to man- 
ners, &c. According - the original, 
(Amsterdam, 17 εἶν . 127.) Car 
remiérement a |’é es mceurs, 
jeunesse y vit a le dérégle- 
ment; elle y est abandonnée ἃ sa 


x 


306 Reflections on the 


sent corruption of Christians, where he has occasion to speak 
of the pastoral office, and the ordinary methods now used for 
training up persons to it, makes a double complaint of the way 
of education in several of the universities of Europe. As to 


manners, he complains ‘that young people live there licen- 


tiously, and are left to their own conduct, and make public 
profession of dissoluteness; nay, that they not only live there 
irregularly, but have privileges which give them a right to 
commit with impunity all manner of insolencies, brutalities, and 
scandals, and which exempt them from the magistrate’s juris- 
diction.’ Now such universities as are concerned in this accu- 
sation, which by the blessing of God those of our land are not, 
have great reason to consider how far they are fallen from the 
primitive standard, and what a difference there is between the 
ancient way of educating under the inspection of a bishop, and 
the conduct of a master of discipline in every Church, and the 
way of such academies ; where, if that learned person say true, 
‘the care of masters and professors does not extend to the re- 
gulating of the manners of their disciples.’ The other com- 
plaint he makes is in reference to the studies which are pur- 
sued at universities; in which he observes two faults, one in re- 


propre conduite; les soins des mai- 
tres et des professeurs ne s’entendent 
pas jusqu’a régler les mceurs de 
leurs disciples. Ce désordre va si 
loin que dans plusieurs universités 
de I’Europe les écoliers et les étu- 
dians font une ouverte profession de 
libertinage. Non seulement ils y 
vivent dans la licence, mais ont des 
priviléges, qui leur donne le droit de 
commettre impunément toutes sortes 
d’insolences, de brutalitez et de 
scandales, et qui les exemptent de 
la jurisdiction de magistrat, &c.— 
Ibid. (p. 128.) La théologie y est 
traitée, et l’Ecriture Sainte y est 
expliquée, d’une 'maniére_ scholas- 
tique, et toute speculative. On y 
lit des lieux communs, remplis des 
termes d’école, et de questions peu 
nécessaires. On y apprend propre- 
ment a disputer sur tout, et a reduire 
la religion en controverses. Cette 
méthode perd les jeunes gens; elle 
leur donne des idées embarassées et 
méme fausses de la théologie, &c. 


—Ibid. (p. 129.) L’autre défaut est 
plus essentiel. On n’a pas soin 
dans des académies d’apprendre aux 
jeunes gens, qui se consacrent aut 
service de l’Eglise, diverses choses 
dont la connoissance leur seroit 
tout-a-fait nécessaire. L’étude de 
Vhistoire et de V’antiquité ecclésias- 
tique y est négligée. ..... On n’en- 
seigne pas morale dans les écoles de 
théologie, si ce n’est d’une maniére 
superficielle et scholastique; et en 
plusieurs académies on ne len- 
seigne point du tout. On y parle 
rarement de la discipline. On n’y 
donne que peu ou point d’instruc- 
tions sur la maniére d’exercer la 


charge de pasteur et de gouverner 


Véglise. Tellement que le plus grand 
nombre de ceux, qui sont admis a 
cette charge, y entrent sans savoir 
en quoi elle consiste, et n’en ont 
point d’autre idée, que comme d’une 
profession, qui oblige ἃ précher et 
a expliquer des textes. 


~~ μον. ως... - - 


§ 5,6. 7ονοσοΐη discourse. 307 


ference to the method of teaching: ‘ Divinity is treated there, 
and the holy Scripture explained altogether, in a scholastical 
and speculative manner. Common places are read, which are 
full of school-terms, and of questions not very material. This 
makes young men resolve all religion into controversies, and 
gives them intricate and false notions of divinity.’ The other 
fault, he thinks, is more essential: ‘ Little or no care is taken 
to teach those, who dedicate themselves to the service of the 
Church, several things, the knowledge of which would be very 
necessary to them. The study of history and of Church-anti- 
quity is neglected, morality is not taught in divinity-schools, 
but in a superficial and scholastic manner ; and in many acade- 
mies it is not taught at all. They seldom speak there of disci- 
pline, they give few or no instructions concerning the manner 
of exercising the pastoral care, or of governing the Church. So 
that the greater part of those who are admitted into this office 
enter into it without knowing wherein it consists; all the no- 
tion they have of it is, that it is a profession which obliges 
them to preach and to explain texts.’ I cannot think all univer- 
sities are equally concerned in this charge, nor shall I inquire 
how far any are, but only say, that the faults here complained 
of were rarely to be met with in the methods of education in 
the primitive Church; where, as I have shewed, the chief stu- 
dies of men deyoted to the service of the Church, both before 
and after their ordinations, were such as directly tended to in- 
struct them in the necessary duties and offices of their function. 
The great care then was to oblige men carefully to study the 
Scriptures in a practical way, and to acquaint themselves with 
the history, and laws, and discipline of the Church, by the 
knowledge and exercise of which they became expert in all the 
arts of curing souls, and making pious and holy men, which is 
the business of spiritual physicians, and the whole of the pas- 
toral office; in which, therefore, their rules and examples are 
proper to be proposed to all Churches for their imitation. 

6. Another sort of rules, worthy our most serious thoughts Secondly. 
and consideration, were those which concerned the examination hoger τοὶ 
of the candidates for the ministry. For by these such methods ing the 
were prescribed, and such caution used, that it was scarce pos- angry 
sible for an unfit or immoral man to be admitted to an ecclesi- ogg 
astical office, unless a bishop and the whole Church combined, ministry. 

x2 


808. Reflections on the Vi. v. 


as it were, to choose unworthy men, which was a case that very 
rarely happened. It was a peculiar advantage in the primitive 
Church, that by her laws ordinarily none were to be ordained 
but in the church where they were personally known, so that 
their manners and way of living might be most strictly can- 
vassed and examined; and a vicious man could not be ordained 
if either the bishop or the Church had the courage to reject 
him. Now though this rule cannot be practised in the present 
state of the Church, yet the main intent of it is of absolute ne- 
cessity to be answered, and provided for some other way; else 
the Church must needs suffer greatly, and infinitely fall short 
of the purity of the primitive Church, by conferring the most 
sacred of all characters upon immoral and unworthy men. The 
only way which our present circumstances will admit of, to 
answer the caution that was used in former days, is to certify 
the bishop concerning the candidates’ known probity and in- 
tegrity of life, by such testimonials as he may safely depend 
upon. Here, therefore, every one sees, without my observing 
it to him, that to advance the present Church to the purity and 
excellency of the primitive Church, there is need of the utmost 
caution in this matter; that testimonials in so weighty an affair 
be not promiscuously granted unto all; nor to any but upon 
reasonable evidence and assurance of the things testified therein: 
otherwise we partake in other men’s sins, and are far from 
consulting truly the glory of God and the good of his Church, 
whilst we deviate so much from the exactness and caution that 
is shewed us in the primitive pattern. 

The other part of the examination of candidates, which re- 
lated to their abilities and talents, was made with no less dili- 
gence and exactness. The chief inquiry was, whether they 
were well versed in the sense and knowledge of the Holy 
Scriptures ; whether they rightly understood the fundamentals 
of religion, the necessary doctrines of the Gospel, and the rules 
of morality, as delivered in the law of God; whether they had 
been conversant in the history of the Church, and understood 
her laws and discipline ; and were men of prudence to govern 
as well as of ability to teach the people committed to their 
charge. ‘These were things of great importance, because most 
of them were of daily use in the exercise of the ministry and 
pastoral care, and therefore proper to be insisted on in exami- 


§ 6,7. 


Foregoing discourse. 309 


nations of this nature. These were the qualifications which, 
joined with the burning and shining light of a pious life, raised 
the primitive Church and clergy to that height of glory which 
we all profess to admire in them. And the very naming that 
is a sufficient provocation to such as are concerned in this mat- 
ter, to express their zeal for the welfare and glory of the pre- 
sent Church, by keeping strictly to the measures which were 
so successfully observed in the ancient Church, and without 
which the ends of the ministry cannot be fully attained in any 
Church, whilst persons are ordained that want proper qualifica- 
tions. 


ἡ 7. Ishall not now stand to inculcate any other rules about Thirdly. 


acre duties, studying, preaching, or the like, but only 


Their rules 


about pri- 


beg leave to recommend the primitive pattern in two things vate ad- 


more. ‘The one concerns private pastors, 


offered to the governors of the Church. That which concerns οὗ 


private pastors is, the duty of private address and the exercise 
of private discipline toward the people committed to their charge. 
Some eminent persons>*°, who have lately considered the duties 
of the pastoral office, reckon this one of the principal and most 
necessary functions of it, which consists in inspecting the lives 
ef private persons, in visiting families, in exhortations, warn- 
ings, reproofs, instructions, reconciliations, and in all those other 
eares, which a pastor ought to take of those over whom he is 
constituted. ‘ For,’ as they rightly observe, ‘ neither general 
exhortations, nor public discipline can answer all the occasions 
of the Church. There are certain disorders, which pastors 
neither can nor ought to repress openly, and which yet ought 
to be remedied by them. In such cases, private admonitions 
are to be used. The concern of men’s salvation requires this, 


ὅδ Ostervald’s Causes of the Cor- 
Pam He can) Foe? γος 2. ch. 3. 
p- 318. (p. 331.) For neither general 
exhortations, ὅς. According to the 
original, (Amsterdam, 1709+, vol. 2. 
τὴς ταὶ ‘last line,) Car, ni les ex- 
ik a générales, ni .dlecipline 
blique ne rae pourvoir a tous 
fs besoins de |’Eglise. Il y a de 
certains désordres qe les we ρος 
ne peuvent ni ne doivent 
ouvertement, et aux quels ils wowed 
pourtant apporter du reméde. Dans 


ces cas la, il en faut venir ἃ des a- 
vertissements particuliers. L’interét 
du salut des ames le demande, et il 
est de la sollicitude pastorale d’aller 
chercher la brebis qui s’égare, et de 
ne laisser pas périr le méchant faute 
d’avertissement.——See also Bisho op 
᾿ς ior eyed Care, ch. era 9 
nd. 1692 192, seqq 
have broke in upon the third head 
of his duty, his private labours in 
his TP &e. 


ss, and 


the other is humbly the exercise 
private 
discipline. 


910 Reflections on the γεν 


and it becomes the pastoral carefulness to seek the straying 
sheep, and not to let the wicked perish for want of warning.’ 
But now because this is a nice and difficult work, and requires 
not only great diligence and application, but also great art and 
prudence, with a proportionable share of meekness, moderation 
and temper, to perform it aright; it is often either wholly ne- 
glected or very ill performed, whilst some think it enough to 
admonish sinners from the pulpit, and others admonish them 
indiscreetly, which tends more to provoke than reclaim them. 
To remedy both these evils it will be useful to reflect upon that 
excellent discourse of Gregory Nazianzen, which has been sug- 
gested in the third chapter of this book, where he considers 
that great variety of tempers which is in men, and the nicety 
of all matters and occasions that a skilful pastor ought to con- 
sider, in order to supply suitable remedies to every distemper. 
And there the reader will also find some other excellent cau- 
tions and directions given by Chrysostom and others upon this 
head, with examples proper to excite him to the performance 
of this necessary duty. 3 
Fourthly. 8, The other thing I would humbly offer to the consideration 
> sonal arog of our superiors, who are the guardians of public discipline, 
νά ἀσρρᾷ and inspectors of the behaviour of private pastors, is the ex- 
upon delin- ercise of discipline in the ancient Church. By which I do not 
sss now mean that general discipline which was exercised toward 
were con- all offenders in the Church, but the particular discipline that 
vice Sean was used among the clergy; by virtue of which every clerk 
offences. convicted of immorality, or other scandalous offence, was lable 
to be deposed, and punished with other ecclesiastical censures; 
of which, both crimes and punishments, I have given a parti- 
cular account in the three foregoing chapters of this book. It 
is a thing generally acknowledged by all, that the glory of the 
ancient Church was her discipline; and it is as general a com- 
plaint of the misfortune of the present Church, that corruptions 
abound for want of reviving and restoring the ancient discipline. 
Now, if there be any truth in either of these observations, it 
ought to be a quickening argument to all that sit at the helm 
of government in the Church, to bestir themselves with their 
utmost zeal, that discipline, where it is wanting, may at least 


56 See 5, 8. vol. 2. p. 245. [See ibid. nn. 87 and 88. Ep.] 


§8, 9. Soregoing discourse. $11 


be restored among the clergy; that no scandals or offences 
may be tolerated among them, whose lives and practices ought 
to be a light and a ‘guide to others. As there is nothing to 
hinder the free exercise of it here, so it is but fitting it should 
be exemplified in them; as for many other reasons, so particu- 
larly for this, that the laity may not think they are to be tied 
to any discipline which the clergy have not first exercised upon 
themselves with greater severity of ecclesiastical censures. And 
if either rules or examples can encourage this, those of the 
primitive Church are most provoking; her rules of discipline 
were most excellent and exact in themselves, and for the most 
part, as exactly managed by persons intrusted with the execu- 
tion of them. 

9. After these reflections, made upon the laws and practice J δόμων de: 
of the primitive clergy, it will be needless to make any long 92°97" 
address to any orders of the clergy of the present age. I will heathen 
therefore only observe one thing more, that Julian’s design to epee ge 
bring the laws of the primitive clergy into use among the the primi- 


tive clergy, 
heathen priests, in order to reform them, as it was then a plain ps pc 


testimony of their excellency, so it is now a proper argument cl Oh: 
to provoke the zeal of the present clergy, to be more forward zeal in the 
and ambitious in their imitation. I have already*7 in part spear 
recited Julian’s testimony and design, out of his Letter to Ar- 
sacius, high priest of Galatia; I shall here subjoin a more 
ample testimony from a Fragment of one of his Epistles*’ printed 
among his Works, where speaking of the gentile priests, he 
says, ‘ It was reasonable they should be honoured, as the minis- 
ters and seryants of the gods, by whose mediation many bless- 
ings were derived from heaven upon the world; and 580 "9 long 
as they retained this character, they were to be honoured and 
respected by all, but if wicked and vicious, they should be 
deposed from their office, as unworthy their function. Their 
lives® were to be so regulated, as that they might be a copy 


oe ge ch. 3. 8. 13. v. 2. δ9 Thid. (p. 543. 15.) ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἕως ἂν 


p- or n. ἱερεύς τις ὀνομάζηται, τιμᾷν αὐτὸν 
a. pst. tise, ἃ 542. 15. ἀγὸς χρὴ καὶ θεραπεύειν" εἰ δὲ εἴη πονηρὸς, 
Εὔλογον ρέας τιμᾷν, ὡς ἀφαιρεθέντα τὴν ἱερωσύνην, ὡς ἀνά- 


cmd "διῶ καὶ ὑπηρέτας, καὶ voy ar ἔντα, περιορᾷν. 

es ἡμῖν τὰ πρὸς τοὺς θεούς" 60 Thid. (547. 6. ) Ὧν ς τὰ = 
ς τῇ ἐκ θεῶν εἰς ἡμᾶς χρὴ λέγειν, δεῖγμα τῶν ἑαυτῶν ἐκφέ- 

ἐῶν ὁ ὧν δόσει. τς βόντας βίον" ἀρκτέον δὲ ἡμῖν τῆς πρὸς 


VI. ¥. 


and pattern of what they were to preach to men. To this 
purpose they should be careful in all their addresses to the 
gods, to express all imaginable reverence and piety, as being 
in their presence, and under their inspection. They®! should 
neither speak a filthy word, nor hear one; but abstain as well 
from all impure discourse, as vile and wicked actions, and not 
let a scurrilous or abusive jest come from their mouths. They 
should read no books tending this way, such as Archilochus 
and Hipponax, and the writers of loose wanton comedies; but 
apply themselves to the study of such philosophers as Pytha- 
goras, Plato, Aristotle, Chrysippus, and Zeno, whose writings 
were most likely to create piety in men’s minds. For all sorts 
of books were not fit to be read by the priests. Even among 
philosophers, those of Pyrrho® and Epicurus were wholly 
to be rejected by them; and instead of these they should learn 
such divine hymns, ® as were to be sung in honour of the gods, 
to whom they should make their supplications publicly and 
privately thrice a day, if it might be; however twice at least, 
morning and evening. In the course of their public ministra- 
tions in the temples,® which, at Rome, commonly held for 


312 Reflections on the 


τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσεβείας" οὕτω γὰρ ἡμᾶς 


πρέπει τοῖς θεοῖς λειτουργεῖν, ἁ ὡς πα- 
ρεστη κόσιν αὐτοῖς, καὶ ὁρῶσιν μὲν ἡμᾶς, 
οὖχ ὁρωμένοις ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν. 

1 Ibid. (p. 549. 4:). - - Αἰσχρὸν δὲ 
μήτε λέγοντας, μήτε ἀκούοντας" ay- 
νεύειν δὲ χρὴ τοὺς ἱερέας οὐκ ἔργων 
μόνον ἀκαθάρτων οὐδὲ ἀσελγῶν πρά- 
ἕξεων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ῥημάτων καὶ ἀκροαμά- 
τῶν τοιούτων. ᾿Ἐξελατέα τοίνυν ἐστὶ 
ἡμῖν πάντα τὰ ἐπαχθῆ σκώμματα" 
πᾶσα δὲ ἀσελγὴς ὁμιλία" καὶ ὅπως 
εἰδέναι ἔ ἔχῃς ὃ βούλομαι φράζειν' ἱερω- 
μένος τίς (bare ᾿Αρχίλοχον. ἀναγινω- 
σκέτω" μήτε Ἱππώνακτα᾽ μήτε ἄλλον 
τινὰ τῶν τοιαῦτα γραφόντων᾽ ἀποκλι- 
νέτω καὶ τῆς παλαιᾶς κωμῳδίας, ὅ ὅσα 
τῆς τοιαύτης ἰδέας. "Ἄμεινον μὲν γὰρ, 
καὶ πάντως πρέποι δ᾽ ἃ ἂν ἡμῖν, ἡ φιλο- 
σοφία μόνη" καὶ τούτων, ἡ θεοὺς ἡγε- 
μόνας προστησαμένη τῆς ἑαυτῶν παι- 
δείας" ὅπερ Πυθαγόρας, καὶ Πλάτων, 
καὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλης, οἵ τε ἀμφὶ Χρύσιπ- 
πον καὶ Ζήνωνα. Προσεκτέον μὲν γὰρ 
οὔτε πᾶσιν, οὔτε τοῖς πάντων δόγμασι, 
ἀλλὰ ἐκείνοις “μόνον καὶ ἐκείνων, ὅσα 
εὐσεβείας ἐστὶ ποιητικά. 


62 Ibid. (p. 553. I.) Οὐδὲ ἀνά- 


γνωσμα πᾶν ἱερωμένῳ πρέπει.. -- Mire 
᾿Επικούρειος εἰσιέτω λόγος, μῆνε Πυῤ- 
ῥώνειος. 

63 Ibid. (p. 551. 16.) ᾿Ἐκμανθάνειν 
χρὴ τοὺς ὕμνους τῶν bear’ εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι 
πολλοὶ μὲν καὶ καλοὶ πεποιημένοι πα- 
λαιοῖς καὶ νέοις" οὐ μὲν ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνους 
πειρατέον ἐπίστασθαι, τοὺς ἐν τοῖς 
ἱεροῖς ἀδομένους" οἱ πλεῖστοι γὰρ ὑφ᾽ 
αὐτῶν θεῶν ἱκετευθέντων ἐδάθησαν" 
ὀλίγοι δέ τινες καὶ παρὰ ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ 
πνεύματος ἐνθέου, καὶ ψυχῆς ἀβάτου 
τοῖς κακοῖς ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν θεῶν τιμῇ συγ- 
κείμενοι. Ταῦτά γε ἄξιον. ἐπιτηδεύειν" 
καὶ εὔχεσθαι πολλάκις τοῖς θεοῖς ἰδίᾳ 
καὶ δημοσίᾳ" μάλιστα μὲν τρὶς τῆς 
ἡμέρας" εἰ δὲ μὴ, πάντως ὄρθρου τε 
καὶ δείλης. 

64 Thid. (p. 553- 1:) Οἶμαι δὲ χρῆ- 
ναι τὸν ἱερέα πάντων ἁγνεύσαντα νύκ- 
τωρ καὶ ἡμέραν" εἶτα | ἄλλην ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ 
νύκτα καθηράμενον, οἷς διαγορεύουσιν 
οἱ θεσμοὶ καθαρμοῖς, οὕτως εἴσω φοι- 
τῶντα τοῦ ἱεροῦ μένειν, ὅσας ἂν ἡ ἡμέρας 
ὁ νόμος κελεύῃ" τριάκοντα μὲν γὰρ παρ᾽ 
ἡμῖν εἰσιν ἐν Ῥώμῃ" παρ᾽ ἄλλοις δὲ 
ἄλλως. Εὔλογον οὖν οἶμαι μένειν 
ἁπάσας ταύτας τὰς ἡμέρας ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς 


$9. 


Soregoing discourse. 313 


thirty days, they were to reside all the time in the temples, 
and give themselves to philosophic thoughts, and neither go to 
their own houses, nor into the forum, nor see any magistrate 
but in the temple. When their term of waiting was expired, 
and they were returned home, they might not converse or feast 
promiscuously with all, but only with their friends and the best 
of men ; they were but rarely then to appear in the forum, and 
not to visit the magistrates and rulers, except it were in order 
to be helpful to some that needed their assistance. While they 
ministered in the temple, they were to be arrayed with a mag- 
nificent garment; but out of it they must wear common ap- 
parel, and that not very costly, or in the least savouring of 
pride and vain glory. They were in no case® to go to see 
the obscene and wanton shows of the public theatres, nor to 
bring them into their own houses, nor to converse familiarly 
with any charioteer, or player, or dancer, belonging to the 
theatre.’ After this he signifies out of what sort of men the 
priests should be chosen. ‘They should be the best that 
66 Ibid. (p. 556. 27.) ᾿Εγώ φημι 


dyra’ καὶ μήτε eis οἰκίαν 
τοὺς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι βελτίστους καὶ 


φιλοσοφοῦ; ἶ 
᾿ βαδίζειν, μήτε εἰς ἀγορὰν, μηδὲ ἄρχοντα 


πλὴν ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἐφορᾷν᾽ ἐπιμελεῖ- 
σθαι δὲ τῆς ra τὸ θεῖον θεραπείας 
αὐτὸν, ῶ πάντα καὶ διατάτ- 
πε πληρώσαντα δὲ τὰς ἡμέρας, 
Ta ἑτέρῳ παραχωροῦντα τῆς λειτουρ- 
γίας. "Ἐπὶ δὲ “i ἀνθρώπινον τρεπο- 
nee Boe ἐξέστω καὶ βαδίζειν εἰς 
φίλων, καὶ εἰς ἑστίασιν ἀπαντᾷν 
παρακληθέντα, μὴ πάντων, ἀλλὰ τῶν 
βελτίστων" ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ εἰς ἀγορὰν 
παρελθεῖν οὐκ ἄτοπον ὀλιγάκις" ἡγε- 
μόνα τε προσειπεῖν,καὶ ἔθνους ἄρχοντα" 
καὶ τοῖς εὐλόγως δεομένοις ὅσα ἐνδέ- 
χεται σαι. Πρέποι δὲ οἶμαι τοῖς 
ἱερεῦσιν ἔνδον μὲν, ὅτε λειτουργοῦσιν, 
ἐσθῆτι χρῆσθαι μεγαλοπρεπεστάτῃ" 
τῶν ἱερῶν δὲ ἔξω, τῇ συνήθει, δίχα 
πολυτελείας"... ἀφεκτέον ἡμῖν ἐσ- 
θῆτος πολυτελεστέρας ἐν ἀγορᾷ, καὶ 
aaa ἣ καὶ πάσης ἁπλῶς ἀλαζο- 


νείας. 
65 Ibid. (p. 555. 21.) Τοῖς ἀσελ- 
wes τούτοις θεάτροις τῶν ἱερέων μη- 
is μηδαμοῦ παραβαλλέτω" μήτε εἰς 
οἰκίαν εἰσαγέτω τὴν ἑαυτοῦ. 
Ibid. (556. 10.) Μηδὲ [leg? Μηδεὶς] 
ποιείτω φίλον θυμελικόν᾽ μηδὲ appa- 
τηλάτην' μηδὲ ὀρχηστὴς, μηδὲ μῖμος, 
αὐτῶν τῇ θύρᾳ προσίτω. 





μάλιστα μὲν φιλοθεωτάτους, ἔπειτα 
ἰλανθρωποτάτους" ἐάν τε πένητες 
ιν, ἐάν τε πλούσιοι" διάκρισις ἔστω 
πρὸς τοῦτο μηδέ τις οὖν ἀφανοῦς καὶ 
ἐπιφανοῦς. “O γὰρ διὰ πρᾳότητα λε- 
ληθὼς, οὐ διὰ τὴν τοῦ ἀξιώματος ἀφά- 
νειαν, δίκαιός ἐστι κωλύεσθαι' κἂν 
πένης οὖν ἦ τις, κἂν δημότης, ἔχων ἐν 
ἑαυτῷ δύο ταῦτα, τό τε φιλόθεον καὶ 
τὸ φιλάνθρωπον, ἱερεὺς ἀποδεικνύσθω. 
Δεῖγμα δὲ τοῦ φιλοθέου μὲν, εἰ τοὺς 
οἰκείους ἅπαντας εἰς τὴν περὶ τοὺς 
θεοὺς εὐσέβειαν εἰσαγάγοι᾽ τοῦ φι- 
λανθρώπου δὲ, εἰ καὶ ἐξ ὀλίγων εὐκό- 
λως κοινωνεῖ τοῖς δεομένοις, καὶ μετα- 
δίδωσι προθύμως, εὖ ποιεῖν ἐπιχειρῶν 
ὅσους ἂν οἷός τε hv’ προσεκτέον γὰρ 
μάλιστα τῷ μέρει τούτῳ, καὶ τὴν 
ἰατρείαν ὅθεν ποιητέον. ᾿Ἐπειδὴ γὰρ 
οἶμαι συνέβη, τοὺς πένητας ἀμελεῖσθαι 
παρορωμένους ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων, οἱ δυσ- 
σεβεῖς Ταλιλαῖοι κατανοήσαντες, ἐπέ- 
θεντο ταύτῃ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ" καὶ, τὸ 
χείριστον τῶν ἔργων, διὰ τοῦ δοκοῦν- 
Tos τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων, ἐκράτυναν" 
ὥσπερ οἱ τὰ παιδία διὰ τοῦ πλακοῦντος 
ἐξαπατῶντες, τῷ καὶ δὶς καὶ τρὶς προ- 
έσθαι, πείθουσιν ἀκουλουθεῖν ἑαυτοῖς" 
εἶθ᾽ ὅταν ἀποστήσωσι πόρρω τῶν ol- 


814 Reflections on the VI. ν. 
could ‘be”found in every city, persons that had true love for 
god and man, and then it mattered not whether they were rich 
or poor; there being no difference to be made between noble 
and ignoble in this case. No one was to be rejected upon other 
accounts, who was endued with those two qualities, piety to 
god, and humanity to men. Whereof the former might be evi- 
denced by their care to make all their domestics as devout as 
themselves; and the latter, by their readiness to distribute 
liberally to the poor, out of that little they had, and extending 
their charity to as many as was possible. And there was the 
more reason to be careful in this matter, because it was mani- 
festly the neglect of this humanity in the priests, which had 
given occasion to the impious Galileans,’ by whom he means the 
Christians, ‘to strengthen their party by the practice of that 
humanity, which the others neglected. For as kidnappers 
steal away children, whom they first allure with a cake; so 
these begin first to work upon honest-hearted Gentiles with 
their love-feasts, and entertainments, and ministering of tables, 
as they call them, till at last they pervert them to atheism, 
and impiety against the gods.’ 

Now, from this discourse of Julian, I think it is very evident 
that he had observed what laws and practices had chiefly con- 
tributed to the advancement of the character and credit of the 
Christian clergy, and of the Christian religion by their means ; 
and therefore he laboured to introduce the like rules and dis- 
cipline among. the idol -priests, and intended to haye made 
many other alterations in the heathen customs, in compliance 
with the envied rites and usages of the Christian religion, as is 
observed both by Gregory Nazianzen® and Sozomen,®’ who 


ῥυθμίζουσι, καὶ ὅσαι τῆς ἐπικρύψεως" 
εὐχῶν τε τύπον ἐν μέρει, καὶ τῆς τῶν 


κιῶν, ἐμβάλλοντες εἰς ναῦν ἀπέδοντο" 
καὶ γέγονεν εἰς ἅπαντα τὸν ἑξῆς βίον 


πικρὸν τὸ δόξαν πρὸς ὀλίγον γλυκύ. 
Τὸν αὐτὸν καὶ αὐτοὶ τρόπον ἀρξάμενοι 
διὰ τῆς λεγομένης παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀγάπης 
καὶ ὑποδοχῆς καὶ διακονίας τραπεζῶν" 
ἔστι γὰρ ὥσπερ τὸ ἔργον, οὕτω δὲ καὶ 
ὄνομα, παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς πολύ" πιστοὺς ἐνή- 
γαγον εἰς τὴν ἀθεότητα. 

7 Orat. 3. Invect. 1. in Julian. 
(t. x. p. ror. ἢ.) Διδασκαλεῖα μὲν 
ἱδρύσασθαι κατὰ πᾶσαν πόλιν ἕ ἕτοιμος 
ἦν, βήματά τε καὶ προεδρίας καὶ ὑφε- 
δρίας. “Ἑλληνικῶν τε δογμάτων ἀ ἀνα- 
γνώσεις καὶ ἀναπτύξεις, ὅσαί τε ἦθος 


ἁμαρτανόντων κατὰ μέτρον ἐπιτιμή- 
σεως" προτελείων δὲ καὶ τελειώσεως, 
καὶ ὅσα τῆς ἡμετέρας capes ἐστιν 
εὐταξίας" ἔτι δὲ καταγώγια πήξασθαι 
καὶ ξενῶνας" ἁγνευτήριά τε καὶ παρθε- 
νῶνας, καὶ φροντιστήρια, καὶ τὴν εἰς 
τοὺς δεομένους φιλανθρωπίαν, τήν τε 
ἄλλην ὁπόση. καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιστο- 
λιμαίοις συνθήμασιν, οἷς ἡμεῖς ἐξ ἔθ- 
νους εἰς ἔθνος τοὺς χρήζοντας παρα- 
πέμπομεν" ἃ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα τῶν ἡμε- 
δον εἶχε θαυμάσας. 


68 L, 5. c. 16 (v. 2. p. 203. 3.) 


§ 9, 10. 


give usa particular account of his intended emendations; the 
very mentioning which, if I mistake not, is a loud call to 
us to be at least as zealous as Julian was in copying out such 
excellencies of the primitive clergy as are proper for our imi- 
tation. It is the argument which the Apostle makes use 
of in a like case :—“ I will provoke you to jealousy by them 
that are no people, by a foolish nation will I anger you.” 
Rom. 10, 19. I must needs say, it will be but a melancholy 
consideration for any man to find hereafter, that the zeal of an 
apostate heathen shall rise up in judgment against him and 
condemn him. 

10. We all profess, as it is our duty to do, a great zeal for The con- 
the honour and welfare of the present Church. Now, if indeed (15000 
we have that zeal which we profess, we shall be careful to de- dress to the 
monstrate it in all our actions; observing those necessary rules oe ent 
and measures, which raised the primitive Church to its glory. Chur. 
We are obliged, in this respect, first, to be strict and exem- 
plary in our lives; to set others a pattern of sobriety, humility, 
meekness, charity, self-denial, and contempt of the world, and 
all such common graces as are required of Christians in 
general to adorn their profession; and then to add to these 
the peculiar graces and ornaments of our function, diligence, 
prudence, fidelity, and piety in the whole course of our minis- 
try; imitating those excellencies of the Ancients, which have 
been described ; confining ourselves to the proper business of 
our calling, and not intermeddling or distracting ourselves 
with other cares; employing our thoughts and time in useful 
studies, and directing them to their proper end, the edification 
of the Church; performing all divine offices with assiduity and 


foregoing discourse. 315 


Oe 


“Ὑπολαβὼν δὲ τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν τὴν 
σύστασιν ἔχειν ἐκ τοῦ βίου καὶ τῆς 
πολιτείας τῶν αὐτὸν μετιόντων, διε- 
νοεῖτο πανταχῇ τοὺς Ἑλληνικοὺς ναοὺς, 
τῇ παρασκευῇ καὶ τῇ τάξει τῆς Χρισ- 
τιανῶν θρησκείας διακοσμεῖν" By 
τε, καὶ προεδρίαις, καὶ Ἑλληνικῶν δογ- 
μάτων καὶ παραινέσεων διδασκάλοις τε 
καὶ ἀναγνώσταις, ὁρῶν τε πὰ καὶ 
ἡμερῶν τεταγμέναις εὐχαῖς, φροντισ- 
τηρίοις τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν 

σοφεῖν ἐγνωκότων, καὶ καταγωγίοις 
ξένων καὶ πτωχῶν, καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ τῇ περὶ 
τοὺς δεομένους φιλανθρωπίᾳ τὸ Ἑλλη- 


βήμασί 


νικὸν δόγμα σεμνύναι. “Exovaiwy τὲ καὶ 
ἀκουσίων ἁμαρτημάτων κατὰ τὴν τῶν 
Χριστιανῶν παράδοσιν ἐκ μεταμελείας 
σύμμετρον τάξαι σωφρωνισμόν. Οὐχ 
ἥκιστα δὲ ζηλῶσαι λέγεται τὰ συνθῆή- 
ματα τῶν ἐπισκοπικῶν γραμμάτων, οἷς 
ἔθος ἀμοιβαδὸν τοὺς ξένους ὅποι δή- 
πότε διϊόντας, καὶ παρ᾽ οἷς ἀφίκωνται, 
πάντως κατάγεσθαι καὶ θεραπείας ἀξι- 

ῦσθαι, οἷά γε γνωρίμους καὶ φιλτά- 
τους, διὰ τὴν τοῦ συμβόλου μαρτυρίαν" 
ταῦτα διανοούμενος ἐσπούδαζε τοὺς 
“Ἑλληνιστὰς προσεθίζειν τοῖς τῶνΧρισ- 
τιανῶν ἐπιτηδεύμασιν. 


316 Reflections on the VI. ν. 


constancy, and in that rational, decent, and becoming way, as 
suits the nature of the action; making our addresses to God 
with a serious reverence, and an affecting fervency of devo- 
tion; and in our discourses to men, speaking always, as the 
oracles of God, with Scripture-eloquence, which is the most 
persuasive ; in our doctrine shewing uncorruptness, gravity, 
sincerity, sound speech that cannot be condemned; in our 
reproofs, and the exercise of public and private discipline, 
using great wisdom and prudence, both to discern the tempers 
of men, and to time the application to its proper season, mixing 
charity and compassion with a just severity, and endeavouring 
to restore fallen brethren in the spirit of meekness; shewing 
gentleness and patience to them that are in error, and giving 
them good arguments with good usage, in order to regain 
them; avoiding all bitter and contumelious language, and 
never bringing against any man a railing accusation ; treating 
those of our own order, whether superiors, inferiors, or equals, 
with all the decency and respect that is due to them, since 
nothing is more scandalous among clergymen than the abuses 
and contempt of one another; endeavouring here, as well as 
in all other cases, “to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond 
of peace ;” shewing ourselves candid and ingenuous in mode- 
rating disputes among good Catholics, as well as resolute and 
prudent in opposing the malicious designs of the professed 
enemies of truth; briefly, employing our thoughts day and 
night upon these things, turning our designs this way, and 
always acting with a pure intention for the benefit and edifica- 
tion of the Church; even neglecting our own honours, and de- 
spising our own interest, when it is needful for the advantage 
of the public. 

Such actions will proclaim our zeal indeed, and draw every 
eye to take notice of it. Such qualities, joined with probity 
and integrity of life, will equal our character to that of the 
primitive saints; and either give happy success to our labours, 
or at least crown our endeavours with the comfort and satis- 
faction of having discharged a good conscience in the sight of 
God. The best designs indeed may be frustrated, and the 
most pious and zealous endeavours be disappointed. It was so 
with our Lord and Master himself, and no one of his house- 
hold then is. to think it strange, if it happen to be his own 


} 
j 


§.10. 


Ps 





Soregoing discourse. 317 


ease. For, “though he spake as never man spake;” though 
he had done so many miracles among the Jews, yet they be- 
lieved not on him. This seems to be written for our comfort, 
that we should not be wholly dejected, though our endeavours 
fail of success, since our Lord himself was first pleased to take 
his share in the disappointment. It will still be our comfort, 
that we can be able to say with the Prophet in this case, 
“ Though we have laboured in vain, and spent our strength 
for nought, yet surely our judgment is with the Lord, and our 
work with our God.” And then “though Israel be not gathered, 
yet shall we be glorious in the eyes of the Lord, and our God 
shall be our strength.” Isai. 49, 4 and 5. 





- [PS. For the law of Justinian, referred to in the second section of this 

_chapter, p. 302, requiring of patrons and electors a declaration upon oath, 
that they were not influenced in their choice by favour, friendship, or any 
other selfish motive, see Novels 123. ch. 1., and 137. ch. 2., as cited before, 
Ὁ. 4. ch. 2. 8. 18. v. 2. Ρ. 31. ἢ. 4. Ep.] 


918 The difference between VIL. i. 


BOOK VIL. 





OF THE ASCETICS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 





CHAP. 1. 


Of the difference between the first ascetics and monks, and of 
the first original of the monastic life. 


Aidcetics 1. ‘THEY, who are conversant in the writings of the An- 
always in 


cients, will very often meet with the name ἀσκηταὶ, ascetics, 

the Church; ὶ ἜΝ ἜΤΙ 

monks πος @pplied to some Christians by way of distinction from others. 

ae The generality of writers in the Romish Church, wherever 
they meet with this word, lay hold of it as an argument to 
prove the antiquity of monks in the Church; whereas indeed 
there was a very wide difference between them. For though 
in the writers of the fourth and fifth ages, when the monastic 
life was fully established, ascetics and monks often signify the 
same persons; yet for the greatest part of the three first 
centuries it was otherwise; for there were always ascetics in 
the Church, but not always monks retiring to the deserts and 
mountains, or living in monasteries and cells, as in after-ages. 


This differ. 2% This difference is freely confessed by some of the more 
enceac- frank and ingenuous writers of the Romish Church; as Vale- 
knowledged , 


by some in- Sius®? and Mr. Pagi7°, who correct the mistake of Baronius, 


69 Not. in Euseb. 1. 2. c. 17. (v. 1. 
p- 66. π. 1.) Τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀσκητῶν. 


Arrianum, in 1. 3. Dissertationum, 
caput Περὶ ᾿Ασκήσεως. Sic apud 


Musculus et Christophorsonus mon- 
achos his verbis significari existima- 
runt: aquibus magnopere dissentio: 
ἀσκητὰς enim priscis illis temporibus 
vocabant eos, qui inter Christianos 
strictius quoddam ac durius vite 
genus profitebantur. Quam vocem 
a philosophis mutuati erant, qui ex- 
ercitationem virtutis atque abstinen- 
tiz ἄσκησιν vocabant. Est apud 


Artemidorum, in 1]. 4. 6. 35. Alex- 
ander quidam philosophus ἀσκητὴς 
vocatur. Et Philo in illud, Excita- 
tus est Noé, p. 280, ἀσκητὴν, pieta- 
tis exercitiis deditum, vocat. Recte 
igitur Rufinus hec Eusebii verba 
tam de clericis quam de monachis 
interpretatus est: Sed et abstinen- 
tium vitas, eorum duntaxat, qui nunc 
in ecclesiis vel monastertis degunt, 


| §1, 2, 3. ascetics and monks. 319 


Christophorson, and others in this matter. Eusebius speaking genuous 
of Philo Judus’s description of the Egyptian therapeute, age oder αϑε 
says7, ‘he therein exactly described the life of the Christian Church. 
ascetics, that lived in those times.’ Where, by ascetics, Chris- 
tophorson and Baronius understand monks and religious, as 

they speak in the modern style ; but Valesius rightly observes, 

that there were no monks in the time of Philo, but both the 

name and institution of them was of much later date. Ascetic 

was a more general name than that of monk ; for though every 

monk was an ascetic, yet every ascetic was not a monk: but 
anciently every Christian, that made profession of a more 

strict and austere life, was dignified with the name of ascetic; 

which is a name borrowed by the Christians from the ancient 
philosophers, as Valesius shews out of Arrian, Artemidorus, and 
Philo; and signifies, as the word imports, any one that exer- 

cises himself by the severe rules of abstinence and virtue; of 
which kind there were always ascetics, without being monks, 

from the first foundation of the Church by the Apostles. 

3. Such were all those, that inured themselves to greater What the 
degrees of abstinence and fasting than other men. As those Pmt” 
mentioned by Origen??, who abstained from flesh and living were. 
creatures as well as the Pythagoreans, but upon very different 
principles and designs. The Pythagoreans ‘abstained upon the 
fond imagination of the transmigration of souls, lest a father 


should kill and eat his own son in the body of a living creature ; 


describit ad liquidum. Ἦφος si ani- 
madvertisset Scaliger, non tam facile 

hendisset Eusebium. Neque 
enim Eusebius monachos a Marco 
institutos esse dicit Alexandria, sed 


Τὸν βίον τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀσκητῶν ὡς én 
μάλιστα ἀκριβέστατα ἱστορῶν, x. τ. Δ. 
72 Cont. Cels. 1. 5. p. 264. (t. 1. 


p- 615 6.) “Opa δὲ καὶ τὴν διαφορὰν 





ascetas. Hi autem multum distant 
a monachis, ut genus distat a specie. 
Et ascetz quidem in ecclesia fuerunt 
semper: monachorum vero nomen 
et institutum serius ceepit. Scio 
Cassianum, in 1. 2. Institutionum, c. 
5.» Sozomenum, et alios hunc Eu- 
sebii locum de monachis accepisse. 
Verum hi ab Eusebii mente, meo 
uidem judicio, longe aberrarunt. 
See also n. ὅδ, following. Ep.] 
70 Crit. in Baron. an. 62. n. 4. 
ο 1. p. 48.) Eusebius, lib. 2. c. 17.» 
6 Philone loquens, ait, &c. 
ΤῈ Ἐν 2. c.17. (v.11. p. 66. 2.):.. 


τοῦ αἰτίου τῆς τῶν ἐμψύχων ἀποχῆς, 
τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ Tvbaydpou καὶ rio’ ἐν 
ἡμῖν ἀσκητῶν" ἐκεῖνοι μὲν, διὰ τὴν 
περὶ Ψυχῆς μετενσωματουμένης μῦθον, 
ἐμψύχων ἀπέχονται" 


καί τις, φίλον υἱὸν ἀείρας, 

Σφάξει ἐπευχόμενος μέγα νήπιος ;-- 
ἡμεῖς δὲ, κἂν τὸ τοιοῦτο πράττωμεν, 
ποιοῦμεν αὐτὸ, ἐπεὶ ὑπωπιάζομεν τὸ 
σῶμα καὶ SovAaywyovpev’ καὶ βουλό- 
μεθα νεκροῦν τὰ μέλη τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, 
πορνείαν, ἀκαθαρσίαν, ἀσέλγειαν, πά- 
θος, ἐπιθυμίαν κακήν καὶ πάντα 
πράττομεν, ἵνα τὰς πράξεις τοῦ σώ- 
ματος θανατώσωμεν. 





920 The dijjerence between 


VIL. i 


but the ascetics,’ says he, ‘among us do it only to keep under 
the body, and bring it into subjection; to mortify their mem- 
bers upon earth, fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness, and 
all inordinate passions and affections.’ Such abstinence the 
Apostolical Canons call73 ἄσκησις, the exercise of an ascetic 
life, saying, ‘If any bishop, presbyter, or deacon, or any other 
of the clergy, abstain from marriage, flesh, or wine, οὐ διὰ 
ἄσκησιν, ἀλλὰ διὰ βδελυρίαν, not for exercise sake, but as 
abominating the good creatures of God, §c., let him either 
reform himself, or be deposed and cast out of the Church.’ 
So that all, who exercised themselves with abstinence from 
flesh, only for mortification, and not out of an opinion of its 
uncleanness, as some heretics did, were reckoned ascetics, 
whether they were of the laity or clergy. Some of these not 
only abstained from flesh, but often continued their fasts for 
two or three days together without taking any food at all; of 
which there are frequent instances in Irenzeus’*, and Dionysius 
of Alexandria?®, and Epiphanius’7®, and others. .And such 
again were called ascetics?’ from the severe exercise of fasting, 
to which they accustomed themselves. 

Secondly, in like manner, they who were more than ordinary 
intent upon the exercise of prayer, and spent their time in de- 
votion, were justly thought to deserve the name of ascetics. 
Whence Cyril of Jerusalem’, speaking of Anna, the prophet- 


780, 51: [8]. 50. ‘| (Cotel. εἶς. 43.]ν.1. 
Ρ.445. ) Εἴτις ἐπίσκοπος, ἢ πρεσβύτε- 
ρος, ἢ διάκονος, ἢ ἢ ὅλως τοῦ καταλόγου 
τοῦ ἱερατικοῦ, γάμου, [al. γάμων, καὶ 
κρεῶν, καὶ οἴνου, οὐ δι ἄσκησιν, ἀλλὰ 
διὰ βδελυρίαν ἀπέχεται, ἐπιλανθανό- 
μενος [8]. ἐπιλαθόμενος] ὅτι πάντα 
καλὰ λίαν, καὶ ὅτι ἄρρεν [8]. ἄρσεν 
καὶ θῆλυ ἐποίησεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν ἄνθρω- 
πον, ἀλλὰ βλασφημῶν διαβάλλει τὴν 
δημιουργίαν, ἢ ἢ ᾿διορθούσθω, ἢ ἢ καθαι- 
ρείσθω, καὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀποβαλ- 
λέσθω. 

74 Ap. Euseb. 1. 5: ὃ. 24. (v. 1. Ρ- 
246. 2.) Of μὲν γὰρ οἴονται μίαν 
ἡμέραν δεῖν αὐτοὺς νηστεύειν" οἱ δὲ 
καὶ πλείονας" οἱ δὲ τεσσαράκοντα ὥρας 
ἡμερινάς. τε καὶ νυκτερινὰς συμμε- 
τροῦσι τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτῶν. 

75 Ep. Canon. ap. Bevereg. Pand. 
(t. 2. part 1. p. 3 8.) "Emel μηδὲ ras 


ἐξ τῶν νηστειῶν ἡμέρας ἴσως oe 
ὁμοίως. πάντες διαμένουσιν" ἀλλ᾽ 
μὲν καὶ πάσας ,ὑπερτιθέασιν, δώ 
διατελοῦντες, οἱ δὲ δύο, οἱ δὲ τρεῖς, 
οἱ δὲ τέσσαρας, οἱ δὲ οὐδεμίαν. 

76 Expos. Fid. ἢ. 22. (t. 1. p. 
1105 c.) ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ of σπουδαῖοι 
διπλᾶς, καὶ τριπλᾶς, καὶ τετραπλᾶς 
ὑπερτίθενται, καὶ ὅλην τὴν ἑβδομάδα 
τινὲς ἄχρι ἀλεκτρυόνων κλαγγῆς, τῆς 
Κυριακῆς ἐπιφωσκούσης. 

77 Vid. Antioch. Hom. 7. ap. 
Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. s. Auctar. Du- 
cean. (t. I. p. 1037 b. 7.) Νηστεία 
οὖν ἐστὶν οὐ “μόνον τὸ βραδυφαγῆσαι, 
ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ βραχυφαγῆσαι, καὶ οὐ 
διὰ δύο ἐσθίειν' τοῦτο ἄσκησίς ἐστιν᾽ 
ἀλλὰ τὸ μὴ πολυφαγῆσαι ἄσκησις 
γάρ ἐστιν ἐν μονοειδεῖ! τροφῇ συνε- 
σταλμένη τράπεζα. 

78 Catech. 10. ἢ. 9. [4]. 19] (p. 


§ 3. ascetics and monks. 321 


ess, who departed not from the temple, but served God with 
fasting and prayer night and day, styles her ἀσκήτρια εὐλα- 
βεστάτη. the religious ascetic, which the common translations, 
not so correctly, render monialis, as if she had been confined 
to a monastery or a cloister; of which we read nothing in those 
times in Jerusalem. 

Thirdly, The exercise of charity, and contempt of the world, 
| in any extraordinary degree, as when men gave up their whole 
| estate to the service of God or use of the poor, was another 
thing that gave men the denomination and title of ascetics. In 
this respect St. Jerom79 calls Pierius a wonderful ascetic, be- 
cause, among other things, he embraced a voluntary poverty, 
and lived an austere and philosophic life. And perhaps for the 
same reason, he gives Serapion, bishop of Antioch, the same 
title 8°, as having freely given up his whole estate to the service 
of the Church upon his ordination ; which was a practice very 
common in those days, as appears from the examples of Cyprian, 
| Paulinus, Gregory Nazianzen, and many others. 
| Fourthly, The widows and virgins of the Church, and all such 
as confined themselves to a single life, and made themselves 
eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven’s sake, were reckoned into 
the number of ascetics, though there was then neither cloister 
nor vow to keep them under this obligation. Thus Epiphanius*! 
observes of Marcion, that before he fell into his heresy he lived 
an ascetic life, professing celibacy under his father, who was 
bishop of Sinope in Pontus, by whom he was excommunicated 
for corrupting the virgins of the Church. Origen*, in like 
manner, alludes to this name when he says, the number of 
those who exercised themselves in perpetual virginity among 
the Christians, was great in comparison of those few who did 
it among the Gentiles. And hence, in after-ages, the word 


, ἃ Οὐ ν 
—— ΣΝ 





se 8 ee os 


Y 
P 


146 b.) .... Καὶ ἴΑννα π 


gris €y- 5] Ηκι. 42. n. 1. (t. 1. 302 b.) 
κρατὴς, εὐλαβεστάτη, κα 


ἀσκήτρια, Τὸν δὲ πρῶτον αὐτοῦ βίον παρθενίαν 





κ. TA. 

79 De Scriptor. Eccles. c. 76. (t. 2. 
p- 901.) Constat hune mire ἀσκή- 
σεως et appetitorem voluntarie pau- 


pertatis 
80 Ibid. c. 41. (p. 869.) Leguntur 
et sparsim ejus breves epistole, auc- 
toris sui ἀσκήσει et vite congruentes. 


BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


δῆθεν ἤσκει. μονάζων γὰρ ὑπῆρχε, καὶ 
υἱὸς ἐπισκόπου τῆς ἡμετέρας ἁγίας 
ικῆς ἐκκλησίας. 

82 Cont. Cels. 1. 7. Ρ. 365. (t. I. 
P. 729 6.) Ἔν δὲ Χριστιανοῖς οὐ διὰ 
τὰς παρὰ stage ine ope οὐ διὰ μι- 
σθοὺς καὶ ἀργύρια, οὐδὲ διὰ δαῤύρηνι 


ἀσκοῦσι τὴν παντελῆ παρθενίαν. 


Υ 


322 The original of 


ascetrie, in the Civil Law%®, is commonly put to signify the 
widows and virgins of the Church. 

Lastly, All such as exercised themselves with uncommon 
hardships or austerities for the greater promotion of piety and 
religion, as in frequent watchings, humicubations, and the hike, 
had the name of ascetics also. In allusion to which, Athanasius, 
or whoever is the author of the Synopsis Scripture among his 
works, styles Lucian the martyr®* μέγαν ἀσκητὴν, the great 
ascetic, because of the hardships he endured in prison, being 
forced to lodge on sharp potsherds for twelve days together, 
with his feet and hands so bound in the stocks that he could 
not move, and being denied all sustenance, except he would 
eat things sacrificed to idols; rather than pollute himself with 
which he chose to die with famine, as the Acts of his Martyrdom 
relate the story. 

Now, from this account that has been given of the primitive 
ascetics it plainly appears, that originally they were not monks, 
but men of all orders, that freely chose such a way of living as 
engaged them upon some austerities, without deserting their 
station or business in the world, whether it were ecclesiastical 
or secular, that they were otherwise engaged in; and therefore, 
wherever we read of ascetics in the writers of the three first 
ages,we must not, with Baronius, dream of monks and regulars, 
but take them for persons of another character, agreeable to 
this description. Valesius®* makes this observation upon se- 
veral passages in Eusebius’s Book of the Martyrs of Palestine, 
who suffered in the beginning of the fourth century, in the 
Diocletian persecution. There he terms one of them* ‘ Peter 
the ascetic ;’ and another, called Seleucus 87, ‘ a follower of the 


ὙΠ]. 1. 


83 Justin. Novel. 123. c. 43. (t. 5. 
p. 562.) Si quis rapuerit, aut soli- 
ae aut corruperit ascetriam,&c. 

84 Synops. t. 2. p. 157. (t. 2. ὦν 
Τ 156 b. ) Ἑβδόμη πάλιν καὶ τελευταία 
ἑρμηνεία, ἣ τοῦ ἁγίου Δουκιανοῦ, τοῦ 
μεγάλου ἀσκητοῦ καὶ μάρτυρος, k.T.A. 

85 In Euseb. de Mart. Palestin. 
c. Xl. (v. I. p. 432. n.1.) Male 
Christophorsonus monachos intel- 
lexit. Neque enim tunc temporis 
ulli adhuc erant monachi. Aut si 
qui erant, longe ab illis distabant 
ascete. Nam monachi, ut nomen 


ipsum indicat, solitudinem sectaban- 
tur; ascetez vero in mediis versaban- 
tur urbibus. Quicumque igitur ex 
Evangeliipreeceptis severiorem vitam 
instituerant, et cuncta propter Deum 
reliquerant, ascete dicebantur. Sic 
Petrus quidam asceta, et virgo asce- 
tria, nominatur supra in hoc Eusebii 
libro: quos si quis monachos nomi- 
nare vellet, is procul dubio falleretur. 

86 Euseb. ipse, ibid. 6.10. (P- 426. 
τ6.).... Πέτρος ἀσκητὴς 6 καὶ ᾿Αψέ- 
λαμος. 


87 Ibid. c. 11. (p. 432.13.) Μετὰ 


a 


ἂν ὁ ἃ ὦ υν  ~ 


§ 3, 4. 


religious ascetics, whose chief exercise was to take care of the 
fatherless and widows, and minister to the sick and the poor.’ 

These were no-monks, as Valesius rightly observes; for St. Jerom 

says there were no monks in Palestine before Hilarion, who 
brought the monastic life into use in that country, nor till 

about fifty years after the death of those martyrs. Cotelerius** 

makes the like remark upon the author of the Apostolical Con- 
stitutions®®, who speaks of ascetics among other orders of 
Christians, but never of monks; whence he concludes, not 
without some probability, ‘ that that author wrote before the 
monastic life was settled in the Church ; else it is hardly to be 
imagined that he should not somewhere in his Collections have 

taken notice of monks as well as others.’ 

4. Ascetics, then, there always were in the Church ; but the When the 

monastic life, neither name nor thing, was not known till to- monastic 


life first 
ward the fourth century. Mr. Pagi% fixes its original to the began, 


the monastic life. 323 





δὲ τὴν τῆς στρατείας ἀπαλλαγὴν, ζη- 
λωτὴν ἑαυτὸν καταστήσας τῶν τῆς 
θεοσεβείας ἀσκητῶν, ὀρφανῶν ἐρήμων 
χηρῶν ἀπεριστάτων, τῶν τε ἐν 
πενίαις καὶ ἀσθενείαις ἀπερριμμένων, 
ἐπίσκοπος, ὥσπερ καὶ ἐπίκουρος, πα- 
τρὸς καὶ κηδεμόνος δίκην ἀναπέφανται. 
88 In Constit. Apost. 1.8. c. 13. 
Vv. I. p. 405. n. 76.) Οἱ ἀσκηταί. 
on monachi ascetz; sed laici, in 
severioribus pietatis officiis sese ex- 
ercentes : quales semper inter Chri- 
stianos exstitisse dubitari non debet; 
ut et ecclesiasticas virgines nequa- 
quam moniales ascetrias. Nam opus, 
quod notis imus illustratum, ante 
exortum vite monastice conscriptum 
fuit : unde in eo nulla illius mentio, 
multa habenda, si per tempus licuis- 
set. Vocabulorum autem ἀσκήσεως 
et ἀσκητῶν in austeriori vita, absque 
monachatu tamen,exempla sunt ob- 


via. 

89 Ibid. (Cotel. p. 405.) .... Καὶ 
μετὰ τοῦτο pe ἕτω ὁ ἐπίσκο- 
mos, ἔπειτα οἱ πρεσβύτεροι, καὶ οἱ 
διάκονοι, καὶ ὑποδιάκονοι, καὶ οἱ ἀνα- 
γνῶσται, καὶ οἱ ψάλται, καὶ οἱ ἀσκη- 
ταὶ, καὶ ἐν ταῖς iv αἱ διακόνισ- 
σαι, καὶ αἱ ‘vot, καὶ αἱ χῆραι, 
εἶτα τὰ παιδία, καὶ τότε πᾶς ὁ λαὸς 
κατὰ τάξιν μετὰ αἰδοῦς καὶ εὐλαβείας 
ἄνευ θορύβου. 


90 Crit. in Baron. an. 318. n. 12. 
fel. 14.] (t. 4. p. 390.) In Actis S. 
achomii a monacho supparis evi 
scriptis, capite primo, dicitur: Cum 
jinem accepisset persecutio, regnavit 
Constantinus M., imperatorum Ro- 
manorum primus Christianus ; et ad- 
versus tyrannum quendam bello con- 
tendens, multos etiam tirones conquiré 
jussit : quos inter ipse quoque in 
militiam abreptus est Pachomius, vi- 
gesimum tunc circiter agens etatis 
sue annum: et deinde ait, Pachomium 
sub Palzmone in AXgypto monacha- 
tum amplexum esse. Hactenus ig- 
noratum, de quo tyranno ibi sermo 
fiat. Baronius quidem Licinium in- 
telligit; alii Maxentium; alii Achil- 
lem, qui, Diocletiano imperante, ty- 
rannidem in Agypto arripuit. Sed 
Fe ρα sit, recte Holstenius, in 
reefatione ad Regulas Veterum Mo- 
nachorum, ztati Constantini Μ, vite 
regularis initia imputat: 11 enim 
consentit Actorum S.Pachomii auc- 
tor, cum dicit in Prologo, quod, ex- 
treme persecutionis tempore .... 
tunc et monasteria cepta sunt ex- 
strui, et ascetarum habitacula in vite 
innocentia et rerum omnium abdica- 
tione fundari; idque, ut ait ipse, 
exemplo potissimum S. Antonii, as- 
cete clarissimi et in omni virtutum 
Y2 


924 The original of VIL. 1. 


time of Constantine, and he cites Holstenius?! and Papebro- 
chius% for the same opinion. The rise of it was thus. 

In the Decian persecution, which was about the middle of 
the third century, many persons in Egypt, to avoid the fury 
of the storm, fled to the neighbouring deserts and mountains, 
where they not only found a safe retreat, but also more time and 
liberty to exercise themselves in acts of piety and divine con- 
templations ; which sort of life, though at first forced upon them 
by necessity, became so agreeable to some of them, that when 
the persecution was over, they would not return to their ancient 
habitations again, but chose rather to continue in those cottages 
or cells, which they had made themselves in the wilderness. 
The first and most noted of these were Paul and Antonius, two 
famous Egyptians, whom therefore St. Jerom% calls ‘ the fa- 
thers of the Christian hermits.’ For though some deduced 
them from John the Baptist and Elias, yet they who understood 
the matter best reckoned Paul the Thebean the first author, 
and Antony the great encourager of that way of livmg among 
the Christians ; to which opinion, as the truest, St. Jerom him- 
self94 subscribes. But as yet there were no bodies or commu- 
nities of men embracing this life, nor any monasteries built, or 
any regular societies formed into any method of government, but 
only a few single persons scattered here and there in the deserts 
of Egypt, till Pachomius, in the peaceable reign of Constantine, 
when the persecutions were ended, procured some monasteries 
to be built in Thebais, in Egypt, from whence the custom of 


genere excellentis ; cujus ea fuit vite 
ratio, quam et magnus Elias, et Eli- 
seus, et Joannes Baptista, quondam 
tenuerunt. 

91 Preefat. ad Regul. Vet. Monach. 
c. 1. (Paris. 1663. 4to.) Verum ut 
alia multa ecclesiastica monumenta 
illorum temporum, sic memoria dis- 
tinctior primevee illius vite regularis, 
Diocletiani flammis, quibus Christi- 
ana tabularia conflagravit, abolita 
fuit. Ex his porro, que supersunt, 
monumentis etati Constantini Magni 
vite regularis initia imputanda sunt: 
tunc scilicet per ecclesize pacem ea 
perpetuari sine interpellatione, dila- 
tari sine obstaculis, potuit. 

92 Comment. in Acta Pachomii, 


die Maii 14. (Ed.Venet. ap. Prolog. 
t. 3. p. 295 e. 20.) See note ΟἹ, pre- 
ceding. 

93 Kp. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 36. (t.1. 
p-118 e.) .... Ad tertium genus ve- 
niam, quos anachoretas vocant; qui 
et de ccenobiis exeuntes, excepto 
pane et sale, ad deserta nihil perfe- 
runt amplius. Hujus vite auctor 
Paulus, illustrator Antonius... . fuit. 

94 Vit. Pauli, t. 1. p. 237. c. 1. (t. 
2. p.ta.)....Affirmant Paulum, 
quendam Thebzum, principem istius 
rei fuisse: quod non tam nomine, 
quam opinione nos quoque compro- 
bamus. [Vallarsius reads,—princi- 
pem istius rei, non nominis ; quam 
&c. Ep.] 


§ 4. 


living as regulars in societies was followed by degrees in other 
parts of the world in the succeeding ages. This is evident from 
what Papebrochius and Pagi% have observed out of the ancient 
writer of the acts of Pachomius, where the author brings in 
Antony, the hermit, thus comparing the different states of 
monachism together. ‘ When I first became a monk,’ says he, 
‘there was as yet no monastery in any part of the world, where 
one man was obliged to take care of another; but every one 
of the ancient monks, when the persecution was ended, exercised 
a monastic life by himself in private. But afterward your fa- 
ther Pachomius,’ (he speaks to one of Pachomius’s disciples,) . 
‘by the help of God, effected this.’—that is, he brought the 
monks to live in communities and under rules, which they had 
not done before. So that here we see at once the rise and 
progress of the monastic life. Till the year 250 there were 
no monks, but only ascetics, in the Church: from that time to 
the reign of Constantine monachism was confined to the an- 
chorets living in private cells in the wilderness: but when 
Pachomius had erected monasteries in Egypt, other countries 
presently followed the example, and so the monastic life came 
to its full maturity in the Church. Hilarion, who was scholar 
to Antonius, was the first monk that ever lived in Palestine or 
Syria: for St. Jerom% says plainly, there was neither monas- 
tery nor monk before he came there ; but he was the founder 
and beginner of that sort of life in those provinces. Not long 
after, Eustathius, bishop of Sebastia, brought it into the regions 
of Armenia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus, as Sozomen 55 informs us; 
but as yet there were no monasteries in Thrace, or Illyricum, 


the monastic life. 


’ vester [Pachomius 


% Crit. in Baron. an. 318. ἢ. 12. 
[al. 15.] (t.1. p. 390.) See the next 
note 


% Act. Pachom. c.77. fe 10.7 ap. 
Papebroch. die Maii 14. (t. 3. p. 326 
d. 2.) Etenim quo ego primum tem- 
pore monachum ceepi agere, nullum 
uspiam exstabat ccenobium, in quo 
de aliorum salute cura aut metus 
cuiquam erat. Sed quisque anti- 
quorum monachorum, utione 
jam finita, privatim in vita sese mo- 
nastica exercebat : vero pater 

ἴων bonum, 
Deo adjuvante, effecit. 
97 Vit. Hilarion. c. 11. [al. c. 14.] 
(t. 2. p.19 d.) Necdum enim tunc 


monasteria erant in Palestina, nec 
quisquam monachos [al.monachum ] 
ante sanctum Hilarionem in Syri 
noverat. Ille fundator et eruditor 
hujus conversationis et studii in hac 
provincia fuit. 

% L. 3. c. 14. (v. 2. p. 115. 16.) 
᾿Αρμενίοις δὲ καὶ Παφλαγόσι καὶ τοῖς 
πρὸς τὸν Πόντον οἰκοῦσι λέγεται 
Εὐστάθιος, ὁ τὴν ἐν Σεβαστίᾳ τῆς 
᾿Αρμενίας ἐκκλησίαν ἐπιτροπεύσας, 
μοναχικῆς πολιτείας ἄρξαι" καὶ τῆς ἐν 
ταύτῃ ias ἀγωγῆς, ἐδεσμάτων 
τε, ὧν χρὴ μετέχειν καὶ ἀπέχεσθαι, 
καὶ ἐσθῆτος, ἡ Mei κεχρῆσθαι, καὶ 
ἠθῶν, καὶ πολιτείας a Us εἰσηγη- 


826 The difference VIE i. 


or amongst the Europeans, as the same author testifies. Baro- 
nius99 owns there were no monasteries in Italy or Rome, till 
Athanasius came thither, anno 340, and taught the anchorets 
to live in societies, after the example of Pachomius and the 
Egyptian monks. Which is confirmed by St. J erom!, who says, 
Marcella was the first noble woman that embraced the monastic 
life at Rome, and that she was instructed by Athanasius, and 
Peter, his successor, who fled to Rome for shelter against the 
Arian persecution. It was some time after this that St. Martin, 
bishop of Tours, fixed his cell in France, and eighty other 
monks? followed his example. from whence, some learned 
men? think, Pelagius brought the monastic life first into Bri- 
tian in the beginning of the fifth century ; beyond which pe- 
riod I think it needless to carry the present inquiry. They 
who would know the rise and distinction of the several later 
orders may consult Hospinian, Creccelius, and others?, who 
pursue this history through all ages. 
Inwhatthe 5, But it may now be properly inquired, since monks are of 
ascetics dif- ° , . . 
fered from 80 much later date than ascetics, how the ancient ascetics dif- 
monks. —_ fered from them ?—To which it may be replied, chiefly in these 
three things: 
ist. That the monks were men that retired from the 
business and conversation of the world; for they either lived 
in private cells singly by themselves; or, if in monasteries and 
societies, yet those were remote from cities, in some far distant 


99 An. 340. n. 7. (t. 3. p. 527 C.) 
Quam vero proficuus fuerit Atha- 
nasii Romam accessus, vel ex eo po- 
test intelligi, quod in urbem invex- 
erit ipse primus A‘gyptiorum mona- 
chorum institutionem, vitamque ad- 
mirandam Antonii Magni, licet ad- 
huc viventis, a se conscriptam detu- 
lerit, &c. 

1 Ep. 16. [al. 127.] Epitaph. Mar- 
celle. (t. 1. p.948b.) Nulla eo tem- 
pore nobilium foeminarum noverat 
Rome propositum monachorum, nec 
audebat, propter rei novitatem, ig- 
nominiosum, ut tunc putabatur, et 
vile in populis nomen assumere. 
Hee [ Marcella] ab Alexandrinis sa- 
cerdotibus, Papaque Athanasio, et 
postea Petro, qui, persecutionem 
Ariane heereseos declinantes, quasi 


ad tutissimum communionis suze 
portum Romam confugerant, vitam 
Beati Antonii adhuc tunc viventis, 
monasteriorumque in Thebaide Pa- 
chomii et virginum ae viduarum 
didicit disciplinam. 

2 Vid. Sulp. Sever. Vit. Martin. 
c. 7. (p. 473.) Discipuli octoginta 
erant, qui ad exemplum beati magi- 
stri instituebantur. 

3 Sutlif. de Monach. Institut. c. 6. 
(p. 17.) In Galliam monasticam 
primus intulit Martinus, in Britan- 
niam Pelagius. 

4 Vid. Hospinian. de Origin. Mo-. 
nachat. Pref. Glossar. et Act. ad 
Benedict. Cod. Regular. (Paris.1663. 
4to.)—-Creccel. Collectan. de Origin. 
et Fundat. Ordinum Monastic. &c. 
(Francofurt. 1614. 4to.) 


Ἕ᾿ 5. 6. between ascetics and monks. 327 


mountain, or a desert wilderness. But the first ascetics, as 
their name implies, were always men of an active life, living in 
cities, as other men, and in nothing differing from them, save 
only in this, that they were more intent and zealous in attempting 
greater heights and heroical acts of Christian virtue. 

and. The monks, by their first institution, as we shall see 
hereafter, were to be no more than laymen; for, being confined 
to the wilderness, the clerical and monastic life were upon that 
account incompatible states, and for almost one whole age they 
were scarce ever joined together. But the ancient ascetics 
were indifferently persons of any order of men, clergy as well 
as laity, because the clerical and ascetic life were then con- 
sistent with each other ; the business of each being to converse 
with men, and exercise themselves in acts of piety and charity 
among them. 

3rd. The monks, at least such as lived in monasteries and 
societies, were always brought under certain private rules and 
laws of discipline. But the ancient ascetics had no laws but 
those of the Gospel, and the Church where they lived, to be 
governed by; their exercises were freely chosen, and as freely 
pursued, in what manner, and to what degree they pleased, 
without any binding laws or rules of compulsion. And these 
things are a further proof that the first ascetics were no monks, 
however some writers unwarily confound them together. 

6. The reader may take notice of one thing more concerning What other 
the primitive ascetics, that they were sometimes called by a 
other names. Eusebius® calls them σπουδαῖοι, and Epipha- »y- 
nius® uses the same appellation; meaning persons more emi- 
nent for their sanctity and diligence in the exercises of fasting, 
and prayer, and alms-deeds, and the like. Clemens Alexan- 
drinus? styles them ἐκλεκτῶν ἐκλεκτότεροι, the elect of the elect ; 
for all Christians, as has been observed in another place*, were 
called the elect, and therefore the ascetics are termed the elect 
of the elect, because they were the more eminent or choice 


part of Christian professors. 
® L. 6. c. 11. (v. 1. p. 268. ah p- 181. d. 9. (int. Oper. Clem. Oxon, 
Bete tora αὐτῶν σπουδαίοις. 15. Ρ- 955+ 29.) Οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ εἰσὶν 
nage Fid. n. 22.—See 8. 3- ἤδη τινὲς καὶ τῶν ἐκλεκτῶν ἐκλεκτό- 
Ῥ. ρον τεροι, καὶ τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον ἧττον ἐπί- 


τοί ew dives salvetur? σημοι, κι τ. X. 
n. 36. ap. Combefis. Auctar. Noviss. % B.1. ch, 1. 8.1. V. 1. p. Ie 


328 The several sorts VIL. i. 
CHAP. II. 
Of the several sorts of monks, and their ways of living mn the 
Church. 
Ba seat 1. Havine hitherto shewed the difference between the first 
Ss. ascetics and monks, I come now to speak a little more par- 
tinguished ticularly of the monks alone, so far as may be necessary to 
—. inform the reader of the true state of the monastic life at its 
waysof first appearance and settlement in the Church. And here we 
Ἡπας are to observe, that the ancient monks were not like the modern, 
distinguished into orders, and denominated from the authors 
and founders of them; but they had their names either from 
the places where they inhabited, as the monks of mount Sce- 
this, Tabennesus, Nitria, Canopus in Egypt, &c.; or else they 
were distinguished by their different ways of living, some in 
cells, others on pillars, others in societies, and others by a 
roving and rambling kind of life, which were always reckoned 
a dishonour and reproach to the Church. 
The first, 2. The first sort were commonly known by the name of 
nie. Anchorets, from their retiring from society, and living in pri- 
ee vate cells in the wilderness.. Such were Paul, and Antony, 


and Hilarion, the first founders of the monastic life in Egypt 
and Palestine; from whom other monks took their model. 
Some of these lived in caves, ἐν σπηλαίοις, as, Chrysostom 9 
says, the monks of mount Casius, near Antioch, did; and 
others in little tents or cells ;—oixloxo., Evagrius!° them; and 
Chrysostom, σκηναὶ, tabernacles. When many of these were 
placed together in the same wilderness at some distance from 
one another, they were all called by one common name, laura; 
which, as Evagrius!! informs us, differed from a canobiwm or 


9 Hom. 17. ad Pop. Antioch. p. 
215. (t. 2. p. 172 a. )"Ereot yap τοσ- 
οὕτοις ἐν ταῖς αὐτῶν καλύβαις συγκε- 
κλεισμένοι, οὐδενὸς παρακαλέσαντος, 
οὐδενὸς συμβουλεύσαντος, ἐπειδὴ τοσ- 
οὔτον νέφος εἶδον τὴν πόλιν περιϊστά- 
μενον, καταλιπόντες αὐτῶν τὰς σκη- 
νὰς, καὶ τὰ σπήλαια, πάντοθεν συνέρ- 
ἀν αὐ K.T. A. 

9 Lt. 6. 21. (v. 3. P- 277: 13.) 
Ἕτεροι. δ᾽ αὖ πάλιν ἀπεναντίας ἰόντες, 
μόνους ἑαυτοὺς καθειργνύουσιν ἐν oiki- 


σκοις, τοσοῦτον εὗρος, τοσοῦτον ὕψος 
ἔχουσιν, ὡς μηδὲ τὰ σώματα ἀνορ- 
θοῦν, μηδὲ μὲν én’ ἀδείας τὰς κλίσεις 
ποιεῖσθαι, σπηλαίοις “προσκαρτεροῦν- 
τες καὶ ταῖς ὀπαῖς τῆς γῆς, κατὰ τὴν 
τοῦ ᾿Αποστόλου φωνήν. 

1 Ibid. (p. 270. 18.) Ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν 
ἀνὰ τὴν ἁγίαν τοῦ Χριστοῦ πόλιν γε- 
νομένη, πολλὰ πρὸς. τιμῆς τοῦ Σωτῆ- 
ρος πέπραχε Θεοῦ" ὥστε καὶ “εὐαγῆ 
δείμασθαι φροντιστήρια καὶ τὰς κα- 
λουμένας λαύρας.. 


_ 
4 

4 

; 

; 


§1, 2, 3. of monks. 329 
community in this, that a lawra was many cells divided from 
each other, where every monk provided for himself; but a 
caenobium-was but one habitation, where the monks lived in 
society, and had all things in common. Epiphanius!? says 
| laura or labra was the name of a street or district, where a 
church stood at Alexandria; and it is probable that from 
thence the name was taken to signify a multitude of cells in» 
the wilderness, united, as it were, in a certain district, yet so 
divided as to make up many separate habitations; whereas a 
cenobium was more like a single house for many monks to 
dwell in. 
9. And hence arose a second sort of monks, who, from their The second, 
different way of living, were commonly called Cenobite ; and ΩΝ Ἢ 
their habitations cwnobia, κοινόβια, because they lived in com- 
mon. In the Theodosian Code they are also called Synodite, 
which does not signify the attendants of monks, as some Civili- 
ἈΠΕ}. by mistake explain the word, deriving it from σὺν and 
ὁδίτης, viator ; but it denotes the monks themselves, who were 
so called from their living ἐν συνόδοις, in communities or con- 
vents. And in this they differed from anchorets, as has been 
noted before. Gennadius'> applies these two names indiffer- 
ently to this second sort of monks, when he says, ‘ Evagrius 
wrote a book concerning Ceenobites and Synodites, containing 
rules and directions for leading a life in common.’ St. Jerom?® 


12 Her. 69. Arian. n.1. (t. 1. p. 
427 ας.) Ὅσαι γὰρ ἐκκλησίαι τῆς κα- 
θολικῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ 
ὑπὸ ἕνα ἀρχιεπίσκοπον οὖσαι, καὶ 
κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ταύταις ἐπιτεταγμένοι εἰσὶ 
πρεσβύτεροι, διὰ τὰς ἐκκλησιαστικὰς 
χρείας τῶν οἰκητόρων, πλησίων ἑκά- 
στῆς ἐκκλησίας αὐτῶν, καὶ ἀμφόδων, 
ἤτοι λαβῶν [forte λαυρῶν, Petay. in 
marg.| ἐπιχωρίως καλουμένων, ὑπὸ 
τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων κατοικούντων 
πόλιν. 

18 1,, 11. tit. 30. de Appellat. leg. 
57- (t. 4. p. 271.) Addictos suppli- 
cio.... nulli clericorum vel mona- 
chorum, eorum etiam quos Synoditas 
vocant, per vim atque usurpationem 
vindicare liceat, &c.—Conf. Cod. 
Justin. 1. 1. tit. 4. de Episcop. Au- 
dient. leg. 6. (t. 4. p. 148.) 

M4 Vid. Lex. Juridic. voce Synodite 
(Genev. 1615. p. 1138.) Suvodira. . 


..-dici videntur comites monacho- 
rum, nam ὁδίτης viatorem significat. 
Solent autem monachi ex collegii 
sui inferiore ordine quempiam deli- 
gere, qui eos comitetur, quos Galli 
culopolosos appellant, quod, ut qui- 
dam aiunt, a tergo monachorum 
concionantium sedentes, illos hore 
preeterite culi jone admoneant. 

19 De Scriptor. Eccles. in Evagr. 
e.11. (int. Oper. Hieron. t. 2. p. 957.) 
Composuit de Ceenobitis ac Synoditis 
doctrinam aptam vite communis. 

16 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. (t. 1. 
p- 116 a.) Tria sunt in Aigypto 
genera monachorum: primum [8]. 
unum] Cenobite, quod illi Saue 
gentili lingua vocant; nos, in com- 
mune viventes, possumus appellare. 
Secundum Anachorite, [al. Anacho- 
rete,} quod [al. qui} soli habitant 
per et ab eo quod procul 


The several sorts VIL. ii. 


330 


says, ‘the Egyptians called this sort of monks Sauches, in their 
proper tongue,’ which signifies the same as Cenobites in the 
Greek and Latin Church; and that ‘the anchorets were of a 
different order from them, and had their name from living in 
solitude, or singly by themselves in the wilderness.’ 

4, There was ‘another sort,’ he says!7, ‘whom the Egyptians 
called Remboth, who were a sort of monks that would live as 
they listed themselves, only two or three together, under no 
rule or government. They did not resort to the wilderness 
as the others, but lived chiefly in cities and castles, where every 
thing they did might be seen and valued by men, which was 
the only end they aimed at. For they turned religion into an 
art, and made a real gain of pretended godliness. Whatever 
they sold of the work of their own hands, was at a higher price 
than any others. And this made them very turbulent and con- 
tentious; for living upon their own labour, they would be sub- 
ject to no superiors. They fasted to an extraordinary degree; 
but then they made that, which should have been a private 
exercise, matter of strife, and public victory, and triumph. 
Every thing about them was affected, loose sleeves, wide stock- 
ings, coarse clothes, often sighing, making frequent visits to 
the virgins, and always bitterly inveighing against the clergy. 
But, if ever there came a feast-day, they would indulge them- 
selves even to riot and excess.’ These, therefore, St. Jerom 
justly brands as the pests and banes of the Church. He, that 
would see more of their character, may consult Cassian}%, 


The third, 
Sarabaile. 


ab hominibus recesserint, nuncu- 
antur. 

17 Tbid. (e.) Tertium genus est 
quod Remboth [al. Remoboth]| di- 
cunt, deterrimum atque neglectum. 
Hi bini vel trini [4]. terni] nec 
multo plures simul habitant, suo 
arbitratu ac ditione viventes.... 
....Habitant autem quamplurimi 
[al. quamplurimum] in urbibus et 
castellis : et quasi ars sit sancta, 
non vita, quicquid vendiderint ma- 
joris est pretii. Inter hos spe sunt 
jurgia, quia, suo viventes cibo, non 
patiuntur se alicui esse subjectos. 
Revera solent certare jejuniis, et 
rem secreti victoriz faciunt. Apud 
hos affectata sunt omnia, laxee ma- 
nice, calige follicantes, vestis cras- 


sior, crebra suspiria, visitatio virgi- 
num, detractio clericorum. Et si 
quando dies festus venerit, saturan- 
tur ad vomitum, &c. 

18 Collat. 18. c. 7. (p. 521.) Cum- 
que his duabus professionibus mo- 
nachorum [ Ceenobitarum et Anacho- 
retarum] religio Christiana gaude- 
ret, coepisset autem in deterius paul- 
latim hie quoque ordo recidere, 
emersit post hec illud deterrimum 
et infidele monachorum genus, vel 
potius noxia illa plantatio rediviva 
concrevit, que, per Ananiam et Sap- 
phiram in exordio ecclesiz pullulans, 
Apostoli Petri severitate succisa est ; 
que inter monachos tam diu detes- 
tabilis execrandaque judicata est, 
nec a quoquam ulterius usurpata, 


4. 5. of monks. 331 
among the ancient writers, who exposes them under the name 
of Sarabaite ; and Spalatensis!®, among the moderns, who 
draws the parallel between them and the Minorites, Domini- 
eans, Carmelites, Servites, and Minims of the Romish Church. 

5. Another sort of monks in the ancient Church, of which of the 
there were but a very few, were the Stylite or Pillarists, so voce Pag 
called from their taking up a singular way of living perpetually 
upon @ pillar. Simeon, surnamed Stylites, who lived about the 
time of the Council of Chalcedon, was the first, Evagrius?° 


amdiu illius tam district for- 
mido sententiz memorize fidelium 
inserta duravit, qua beatus Aposto- 
lus predictos novi facinoris princi- 
pes, non peenitentia, non ulla passus 
est satisfactione curari, sed pernici- 
Osissimum germen celeri morte suc- 
cidit. Illo igitur exemplo, quod in 
Ananiam et Sapphiram apostolica 
istrictione punitum est, a nonnullo- 
rum contemplatione paullatim longa 
incuria et temporis obliteratione 
subtracto, emersit istud Sarabaita- 
rum genus, qui ab eo, quod semet- 
— a ceenobiorum congregationi- 
sequestrarent, ac sigillatim suas 
curarent necessitates, Aogyptie lin- 
gue proprietate Sarabaite nuncu- 
pati sunt, de illorum quos predixi- 
mus numero procedentes, qui evan- 
gelicam perfectionem simulare po- 
tius quam in veritate arripere malu- 
erunt, zmulatione scilicet eorum, 
vel laudibus provocati, qui universis 
divitiis mundi perfectam Christi 
en nuditatem. Hi igitur 
imbecillo animo rem summz 
virtutis affectant, vel necessitate ad 
hance professionem venire compulsi, 
dum censeri tantummodo nomine 
monachorum absque ulla studiorum 
zemulatione, festinant, coenobiorum 
nullatenus expetunt disciplinam, 
nec seniorum subjiciuntur arbitrio, 
aut, eorum traditionibus instituti, 
suas discunt vincere voluntates; nec 
ullam sane discretionis regulam le- 
gitima eruditione suscipiunt, sed ad 
a tantummodo, id est, ad 
ominum faciem renuntiantes, aut 
in suis domiciliis sub privilegio hu- 
jus nominis iisdem obstricti occu- 
pationibus perseverant ; aut, con- 
struentes sibi cellulas, easque mo- 


nasteria nuncupantes, suo in eis jure 
ac libertate consistunt, nequaquam 
evangelicis praceptionibus fal. pre- 
parationibus] succumbentes, ut nul- 
la scilicet quotidiani victus soli- 
citudine, nullis rei familiaris disten- 
tionibus, occupentur. Quid illi soli 
absque [ulla] infideli dubitatione 
consummant, qui cunctis mundi 
hujus facultatibus absoluti, ita se 
cenobiorum prepositis subdide- 
runt, ut ne sul quidem ipsius fate- 
antur esse se dominos? Illi autem, 
qui districtionem, ut diximus, cce- 
nobii declinantes, bini vel terni in 
cellulis commorantur, non contenti 
abbatis cura atque imperio guber- 
nari, sed hoc precipue procurantes, 
ut, absoluti a seniorum jugo, exer- 
cendi [4]. na με παρὸ voluntates 
suas, et procedendi, vel quo placu- 
erit evagandi, agendive quod libi- 
tum fuerit, habeant libertatem, etiam 
amplius in operibus diurnis, quam 
hi, qui in ceenobiis degunt, diebus 
ac noctibus consumuntur, sed non 
ea fide eodemque proposito. Hoc 
enim isti faciunt, non ut fructum 
sui operis subjiciant dispensatoris 
arbitrio, sed ut acquirant pecunias, 
quas recondant. 

19 De Republic. part. 1. 1. 2. c¢. 
12. n. 77. (p. 378 d. 8.) Si nostri 
Minoritez, Dominicani, Carmelite, 
Servite, Minimitz, ac similes, non 
sunt ipsissimi Sarabaite, (bonos, si 
quis inter ipsos est verus Ccenobita, 
excipio,) quinam erant, aut jam diu 
fuerunt? Etiam Benedictinos quis 
non videt ferme plenissime jam diu 
_ veros Sarabaitas degenerasse? 

α. 

2 L. 1. c. 13. (v. 3. p- 265. 20.) 
Ἔν τούτοις τοῖς χρόνοις ἤκμασέ τε 


332 The several sorts VIL. ii. 


says, that introduced this sort of life among the monastic or- 
ders. And Theodorus Lector2! observes, ‘that the novelty of 
it at first was so offensive to the Egyptian monks, that they 
sent anathematizing letters against him; but, upon better in- 
formation, coming to understand the worth and conversation of 
the man, they afterward communicated with him.’ The severity 
of this way of living was not very inviting, and therefore it 
made but few proselytes. ‘Theodorus Lector2? mentions one 
Daniel, a disciple of Simeon’s; and Evagrius?? speaks of an- 
other Simeon in the time of Mauricius, who lived sixty-eight 
years upon a pillar, and is commonly-called Simeon Stylites 
Junior, to distinguish him from the former. Johannes Mos- 
chus24 gives an account of two or three more of this way in 
the same age. Surius, also among his Catalogue of Saints, has 
the Life of one Alipius, bishop of Adrianople, who renounced 
his see to live upon a pillar; where, if the story say true, he 


καὶ διεφάνη καὶ Συμεωνὴς, 6 τῆς ὁσίας 
καὶ πάντα ἀοιδίμου μνήμης, πρῶτος 
τὴν ἐπὶ κίονος στάσιν ἐπιτηδεύσας, 
Ret. δὰ 

21 L. 2. (ibid. p. 580. 31.) Οἱ ἐν 
Αἰγύπτῳ μοναχοὶ, περὶ τοῦ ἁγίου Συ- 
μεῶνος μαθόντες ὅτι ἐπὶ κίονος ἵστα- 
ται, μεταπεμψάμενοι τῷ ξένῳ τοῦ 
πράγματος, πρῶτος γὰρ αὐτὸς τοῦτο 
ἐπενόησεν, ἀκοινωνησίαν αὐτοῦ ἔπεμ- 
Wav’ εἶτα ἐγνωκότες τὸν βίον τοῦ ἀν- 
δρὸς, καὶ τὸν στέφανον, πάλιν αὐτῷ 
ἐκοινώνησαν. 

22 L. 1. (ibid. p. 567. 6.) Δανιὴλ 
ὁ θαυμάσιος, ἐκ τῆς Συμεῶνος μάνδρας 
ἐλθὼν, τῷ στύλῳ ἐπέβη τῷ ἐν τῷ 
᾿Ανάπλῳ. 

25 L. 6. c. 23. (ibid. p. 471. 21.) 
Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ κίονι, καὶ ἐν ἑτέρῳ 
ἑστὼς ἀνωτάτω τοῦ ὄρους ἀκρωρείας, 
ὀκτὼ καὶ ἑξήκοντα διετέλει χρόνους. 

24 Prat.Spirit. c. 36. (ap. Bibl.Patr. 
Gr. Lat. t. 2. p. 1068.) Cum enim 
audisset [Sanctus Ephrem] de Sty- 
lite illo, qui erat in partibus Hiera- 
polis, quod Severianz esset here- 
seos, abiit ad illum, ut impietatem 
diffunderet illi. Coepit ergo divus 
Ephrem corripere Stylitem, &c.— 
C. 57. (ibid. p. 1078 e.) “Awd τεσ- 
σάρων σημείων τῆς πόλεως Αἰγαίων 
Στυλίτης ἵστατο ὀνόματι Συμεών. Οὗ- 
τος ἀπὸ ἀστραπῆς καταβληθεὶς, ἐτε- 
λεύτησεν᾽ ὁ οὖν ᾿Αββᾶς ᾿Ιουλιανὸς 6 


Στυλίτης, 6 εἰς τὸν κόλπον, παρὰ τὸν 
συνήθη καιρὸν, λέγει τοῖς μαθηταῖς 
αὐτοῦ, Βάλλετε θυμίαμα, κ. T. A.— 
C. 129. (ibid. p. 1113 a.) Ὁ πάλιν 
αὐτὸς ᾿Αββᾶς ᾿Αθανάσιος διηγήσατο, 
ὅτι ἀκήκοεν τοῦ ᾿Αββᾶ Αθηνογένους, 
τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Πέτρου, λέγοντος, ὅτι 
ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ σου Στυλίτης ἦν, καὶ πάν- 
τες οἱ ἐρχόμενοι πρὸς αὐτὸν κάτω 
ἑστῶτες ἐλάλουν αὐτῷ διὰ τὸ μὴ ἔχειν 
αὐτὸν κλίμακα, κ. τ. Δ. 

25 Ap. Hospin. de Monach. 1. 2. 
c.5. p. 22. (fol. 21. vers.) Simile ge- 
nus vite ingressus etiam est Alipius, 
episcopus Adrianopolitanus, qui, ut 
Surius habet, t. 6. de Vitis Sancto- 
rum, valedicens terrenis omnibus et 
amicis et negotiis, vitam egit in co- 
lumna, unde et Ciconita dictus est, 
per annos septuaginta, inter ccelum 
et terram pendens, adeoque paucis 
tabulis conclusus in capite columne, 
ut ne quidem parum sedere aut re- 
cumbere posset, sed perpetuo staret 
in ipsa tamquam statua enea: quin 
etiam tabulis tandem dejectis, im- 
bribus, nivi, frigori, et calori solis, 
ventis et tempestatibus obnoxius 
fuit, planeque sub dio vivit usque 
ad finem vite. Habuit sibi adjunc- 
tos duos choros virginum et unum 
monachorum, cum quibus alterna- 
tim hymnos et psalmos diu noctu- 
que decantavit. 


of monks. 333 


Se ee χι 


85, 6. 
‘ continued seventy years ; having two choirs of virgins and one 

of monks attending him, with whom he sang psalms and hymns 
alternately night and day. Beside these, we scarce meet with 

any other of this way in ancient history. An argument, that it 

was not of any great esteem, when it was first invented in the 
primitive Church. 

Ἵ 6. Beside these sorts of monks, who renounced the world, Of secular 
| and lived in perpetual celibacy, Spalatensis26 thinks there was ™°™** 
another order, which did neither of those things, but lived in a 
married state and enjoyed their own property and possessions, 

only they exercised themselves in acts of austerity and reli- 
gion, as the primitive ascetics were used to do, of whom we 
haye given an account in the former chapter. Thus much is 
certain from the express words of Athanasius and St. Austin, 

that in their time some went by the name of monks, who were 
married men, and possessed of estates. For Athanasius, writ- 

ing to Dracontius, a monk, to persuade him to accept of a 
bishopric, to which he was averse, because he thought it would 

not consist with his ascetic way of living, uses this argument 

to him: ‘ You may still,’ says 637, ‘after you are made a 
bishop, hunger and thirst with Paul, and abstain from wine 

with Timothy, and fast frequently, as St. Paul was wont to do. 

Let not therefore your counsellors throw such objections in 
your way. For we know many bishops that fast, and monks 

that eat and drink ; we know bishops that drink no wine, and 
monks that do; we know bishops that work miracles, and 


i 


ee eee 


26 De Republic. part. 1. lib. 2. c. 
11. n. 22. (p. 335 ἢ. 5.) Non de- 


τίζης ἄλλους διδάσκων. Μὴ οὖν ταῦτα 
προβαλλέτωσαν οἱ συμβουλεύοντές 


erant monachi, etiam uxorati in 
ecclesia catholica: et non apostate, 
sed veri monachi....Erat fortasse 
us monachorum laicorum et con- 
jugatorum, et cum proprietate re- 
rum, sed vite asperioris et religiosz 
in peenitentia: sed hi non erant 
Ceenobite. 
27 Ep. ad Dracont. t. 1. Ρ. 958. 
(t. 1. part. I. p. 211 a. ἢ. 9.) "Ἐξεστι 
καὶ ἐπίσκοπον ὄντα σε πεινᾷν, καὶ 
ἱψᾷν, ὡς ὁ Παῦλος. Δύνασαι μὴ 
πιεῖν οἶνον, ὡς ὁ Τιμόθεος" καὶ νη- 
στεύειν καὶ αὐτὸς συνεχῶς, ὡς ὁ Παῦ- 
λος ἐποίει: ἵνα, κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον οὕτως 
νηστεύων, χορτάζης ἄλλους ἐν τοῖς 
λόγοις, καὶ διψῶν ἐν τῷ μὴ πιεῖν, πο- 


σοι" οἴδαμεν γὰρ καὶ ἐπισκόπους νη- 
στεύοντας καὶ μοναχοὺς ἐσθίοντας" 
οἴδαμεν δὲ ἐπισκόπους μὴ πίνοντας 
οἶνον, μοναχοὺς δὲ πίνοντας" οἴδαμεν 
καὶ σημεῖα ποιοῦντας ἐπισκόπους, μο- 
ναχοὺς δὲ μὴ ποιοῦντας. Πολλοὶ δὲ 
τῶν ἐπισκόπων οὐδὲ γεγαμήκασι, μο- 
ναχοὶ δὲ πατέρες τέκνον [τέκνων 
γεγόνασιν' ὥσπερ καὶ ἐπισκόπους 
πατέρας τέκνων καὶ μοναχοὺς ἐξ ὁλο- 
κλήρου γένους τυγχάνοντας. Καὶ πάλιν 
οἴδαμεν κληρικοὺς πεινῶντας, μονα- 
χοὺς δὲ νηστεύοντας᾽ ἔξεστι γὰρ καὶ 
οὕτως, καὶ ἐκείνως οὐ κεκώλυται" ἀλ- 
Aa πανταχοῦ τις ἀγωνιζέσθω" καὶ γὰρ 
6 στέφανος οὐ κατὰ τόπον, ἀλλὰ κατὰ 
τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀποδίδοται. 


4 


994 The several sorts VI. i. 


monks that work none. Many bishops are not married; and 
on the other hand many monks are fathers of children. You 
may also find bishops that are fathers of children, and monks 
that are not so; clergy that eat and drink, and monks that 
fast. For these things are at liberty, and no prohibition laid 
upon them. Every one exercises himself as he pleases; for it 
is not men’s stations, but their actions, for which they shall be 
crowned.’ From these words of Athanasius it seems plain, 
that as yet the rules of the monastic life obliged no man to 
renounce either his possessions or a married state, but he 
might use both, if he pleased, without any ecclesiastical cen- 
sure. And though the case was a little altered with some 
monks before St. Austin’s time, yet others reserved to them- 
selves their ancient privilege; for St. Austin, writing against 
the heretics who called themselves Apostolics, says2%, ‘ they 
arrogantly assumed to themselves that name, because they 
rejected all from their communion, who had either wives or 
estates, of which sort the Catholic Church had many, both 
monks and clergy.’ So that at least some monks were still at 
liberty to enjoy both a conjugal state and possessions of their 
own, without any impeachment of apostasy or breach of vow 
in the Catholic Church. For which reason I have given this 
sort of monks the distinguishing name of seculars. 
Allmonks 7. Though, to avoid ambiguity in terms, it must be observed, 
originally that all monks at first might properly be called seculars, as 
than lay- that name is opposed to ecclesiastics. For monks in their first 
— original were generally laymen, nor could they well be other- 
wise, by their proper constitution and the general laws of the 
Catholic Church. For the first monks were generally hermits, 
that is, persons confined by their own rules to some desert or 
wilderness, where solitude was thought to help forward the 
exercises of contemplation and repentance, and they had none 
’ to take care of but their own souls. But the clerical life re- 
quired men to live in towns and cities, where crowds of people 
afforded them proper occasions to exercise the offices of the 
clerical function; and it was against the rules of the Catholic 


28 De Heeres. c.40. (t.8.p.11e.) A- tes conjugibus, et res proprias pos- 
postolici, quise isto nomine arrogan- sidentes; quales habet Catholica 
tissime vocaverunt, eo quod in suam_ [ecclesia] et monachos et clericos 
communionem non reciperent uten- plurimos. 


of monks. 335 


Church, as I have shewed in another place29, for any clerk to 
be ordained without a proper cure or title in some church, 
where he might do the duties of his function. For this reason 
it was a thing impracticable in itself, as well as against the 
rules of the two different states of the clerical and monastic 
life, that the-generality of monks should be clergymen ; which, 
to the confusion of ancient rules and discipline, has been the 
unwarrantable practice of later ages, especially since the time 
of Clement V, anno 1311, who obliged*®® all monks to take holy 
orders, that they might say private mass for the honour of 
God, as he esteemed it; which was in truth a manifest tram- 
pling on the laws of the ancient Church, and an affront to her 
practice. For anciently monks were put into the same class 
with laymen, as they generally were, and considered only as 
such. St. Jerom gives us at once both the rule and the prac- 
tice, when he says®', ‘ the office of a monk is not to teach, but 
to mourn;’ and ‘that the cause of the monks and clergy is 
very different from each other; the clergy are those that feed 
the sheep, but the monks, among whom he reckons himself, are 
those that are fed.’ It is true, St. Jerom was not only a monk, 
but a presbyter likewise; but being ordained against his will, 
and resolving to continue a monk, he refused to officiate as a 
presbyter. Which shews, that he had no great opinion of 
joining the monk and the clerk together, much less of making 
all monks in general become clerks according to the modern 
practice. The Council of Chalcedon once or twice very ex- 
pressly distinguishes the monks from the clergy, and reckons 
them with the laymen. In one canon®? it says, ‘ Whoever are 
imstrumental in getting others ordained or promoted to any 
office in the Church for money or filthy lucre; such trans- 


29 B. 4. ch. 6. 5. 2. v. 2. Ρ. 76. toris, sed plangentis officium ha- 
30 Vid. Clementin. 1. 3. t. το. 6. bet.—Ep.1. (al. 14.] ad Heliodor. 
(ap. Corp. Jur. Canon. t. 3. p. (t.1. p. 33 d.)...Alia monachorum 


ont 50.) Ad ampliationem autem 
cultus divini statuimus, quod mo- 
nachiquilibet ad monitionem abbatis 
se faciant ad omnes ordines sacros, 
excusatione cessante legitima, pro- 
ete gy 0d tee: 

par. [corrige, 
Lib. sare. igilant. c. 16.] (t. 2. p. 
401 ἃ.) Monachus autem non doc- 


est causa, alia ‘Clericorum ; clerici 
pascunt oves, ego pascor. 

#2 0. 2. (t. 4. Ῥ. 755 ©). El δέ 
τις καὶ | μεσιτεύων φανείη τοῖς οὕτως 
αἰσχροῖς καὶ ἀθεμίτοις λήμμασιν, καὶ 
οὗτος, εἰ μὲν κληρικὸς εἴη, τοῦ οἰκείου 
ἐκπιπτέτω βαθμοῦ εἰ δὲ λαϊκὸς, ἢ 
μονάζων, ἀναθεματιζέσθω. 


336: 


The several sorts VIL. ii 


actors, if they be clergymen, shall be deposed; if laymen or 
monks, excommunicated.’ And another canon 33 forbids monks 
to meddle with ecclesiastical affairs. Both which canons 
plainly imply, that the monks then were not of the clergy, but 
merely laymen. Pope Leo* at the same time speaks of them 
as such, telling Maximus, bishop of Antioch, ‘ that he should 
not permit monks or laymen, however learned, to usurp the 
power of teaching or preaching, but only the priests of the 
Lord.’ And therefore, when any monk was to be ordained 
presbyter or bishop, he was obliged first to go through all 
other orders of the Church, as it was then customary for lay- 
men to do, before the superior orders were conferred upon 
them. This we learn from a Decree of Pope Gelasius®>, which 
orders, ‘ that, if a monk of good life and learning was minded 
to be ordained a priest, he should first be made a reader, or a 
notary, or a defensor, and after three months an acolythist, 
after six months a subdeacon, after nine months a deacon, and 
at the year’s end a presbyter.’ So that the difference between 
a monk and any other layman was only this, that a monk by 
virtue of his education in a school of learning and good disci- 
pline, such as monasteries then were, was supposed to be a 
better proficient than other laymen, and therefore allowed the. 
benefit of a quicker passage through the inferior orders than 
other candidates of the priesthood. All which shews, that 
anciently the generality of monks were only laymen, or at 
most but in a middle state betwixt common laymen and the 
clergy ; as the learned men of the Romish Church, Habertus*®, 


88. C. 4. (ibid. p. 758 Ὁ.) ἜἜδοξε 
...Tovs καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πόλιν καὶ χώραν 
μονάζοντας ... μήτε ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς, 
μήτε βιωτικοῖς παρενοχλεῖν πράγμα- 
σιν, ἢ ἐπικοινωνεῖν, καταλιμπάνοντας 
τὰ ἴδια μοναστήρια, κ.τ.λ. 

34 Ep. 60. al. 62. (CC. ibid. p. 
888 b.) Wlud quoque....convenit 
preecavere, ut, preter eos qui sunt 
Domini sacerdotes, nullus sibi jus 
docendi et preedicandi audeat vindi- 
care, sive sit ille monachus, sive 
laicus, qui alicujus scientiz nomine 
glorietur. 

35 Ep. g..ad Episc. Lucan. c. 3. 
(CC. ibid. p. 1188 9.) Si quis de 


religioso proposito, et disciplinis 
monasterialibus eruditus, ad cleri- 
cale munus accedat. . .continuo lec- 
tor, vel notarius, aut certe defensor 
effectus, post tres menses existat 
acolythus. . .sexto mense subdiaconi 
nomen accipiat...nono mense dia- 
conus, completoque anno sit pres- 
byter. 

36 Archierat. ad Edict. pro Archi- 
mandr. ἢ. 1. (p. 6o01.)...Monachi 
quales primo erant evo extra ordi~ 
nem constitui, ad hierarchiam im- 


- perantem non pertinent: sed medio 


quodam inter ordinem et plebem 
statu. 


§ 7, 8. of monks. 337 


Lindanus*®’, and others, scruple not to confess, though they 
are willing to defend the modern practice. Nay even Gratian®* 
himself, who is most eoncerned for the Moderns, owns it to be 
plain from ecclesiastical history, that to the time of Popes Siri- 
cius and Zosimus the ancient monks were only simple monks 
and not of the clergy. 

_ 8. But though monks did not anciently aspire to be ordained, In what 
nor was it consistent with the rules of the Church, that all of po rls 
them should be so; yet in several cases the clerical and monas- monastic 
tie life was in some measure capable of being conjoined. As, peste 2° 
first, when a monastery happened to be at so great a distance 
from its proper episcopal or parochial church, that the monks 
could not ordinarily resort thither for divine service; which 
was the case of the monasteries in Egypt and other parts of the 
East, where the monks lived in great deserts, sequestered from 
the rest of mankind; then some one or more of the monks 
were ordained for the performance of divine offices among 
them. Thus Cassian®9 often speaks of the churches of the 
monasteries of Scethis, or Scythia, in the deserts of Egypt, one 
of which had two presbyters, Paphnutius and Daniel; and 
three others, single presbyters residing, and performing divine 
offices in them. These were the abbots, or fathers of the 
monasteries, and presbyters of the churches together; whom 


37 ῬΆΠΟΡΙ. 1. 4. ¢. 75. (Ρ. 560.) 
non nescimus fuisse 

olim quosdam Christiani hujus gre- 
gis ductores, qui a perfectioris sanc- 
timoniz studio dicebantur vel thera- 
vel monachi, vel etiam aliis 


illius que in eremo Scythi [al. Scy- 
thize | morabatur, fuit; in qua ita us- 
que ad extremam duravit etatem, 
ut nunquam e cella, quam junior 
ceeperat habitare, = ue ab ecelesia 
millibus quinque distabat, saltem ad 


nominibus. Qui omnes, sicuti 
erant ordinis laici, ita una cum re- 
liquis templi choro, quem dicimus, 
erant exclusi. 

38 Caus. 16. queest. 1. post c. 39. 
(t. τ. p. 1108. 23.) Monachos vero, 
usque ad tempus Eusebii, Zosimi, et 
Siricii, monachos simpliciter et non 
clericos fuisse, ecclesiastica testatur 
historia. 

89 Collat. 3. ¢. τ. (p. 254.) In illo 
choro sanctorum, qui velut astra pu- 
rissima in nocte mundi istius reful- 
gebant, vidimus Sanctum Pafnutium, 
vice luminaris magni, claritate scien- 
tie coruscantem. Hic namque pres- 
byter congregationis nostre, id est, 


BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


viciniora migraverit, &c.——Collat. 
iv. c.i.(p.267.) Inter caeteros Chris- 
tiane philosophie viros, abbatem 
quoque vidimus Danielem, equalem 
quidem in omni virtutum genere his, 
qui in eremo hi [al. Scythiz] 
commanebant, sed peculiarius gratia 
humilitatis ornatum; qui merito pu- 
ritatis ac mansuetudinis suz a beato 
Pafnutio, solitudinis ejusdem pres- 
bytero, et quidem cum multis junior 
esset etate, ad diaconii est prelatus 
officium fal. in diaconii preelectus 
est gradu.] In tantum enim beatus 
Pafnutius virtutibus ipsius adgau- 
debat, ut quem vite meritis sibi et 
gratia parem noverat, cowquare 510] 
Z 


338 The several sorts VIL. ii 
Cassian‘° mentions with this remarkable circumstance: ‘ that: 
all of them, except Paphnutius, being overrun with the heresy 
of the Anthropomorphites; when Theophilus, bishop of Alex-' 
andria, sent one of his paschal letters among them, to give no- 
tice of Easter according to custom, and there made some 
sharp reflections on that absurd heresy; they would not so 
much as suffer his epistle to be read in their churches.’ Sozo- 
men likewise*! tells us, that Prines, the monk, whom the Arians 
made use of as their instrument to conceal Arsenius, while they 
accused Athanasius of his murder, was a presbyter of one of 
the monasteries in the deserts of Thebais. Where it seems the 


monasteries were vastly great; for Cassian 4? assures us that one 


etiam sacerdotii ordine festinaret, 
siquidem nequaquam ferens in infe- 
riore eum ministerio diutius immo- 
rari, optansque sibimet successorem 
dignissimum providere, superstes 
eum presbyterii [al. presbyteralis 
gradus | honore provexit. 

40 Ibid. το. c. 2. (p. 383.) Intra 
Aigypti regionem mos iste antiqua 
traditione servatur, ut peracto Epi- 
phaniorum die, quem provinciee illius 
sacerdotes, vel dominici baptismi, 
vel secundum carnem nativitatis esse 


definiunt, et idcirco utriusque sacra- 


menti solemnitatem non bifarie, ut 
in occiduis provinciis, sed sub una 
diei hujus [al. unius | festivitate con- 
‘celebrant, epistole pontificis Alex- 
andrini per universas dirigantur 
Aigypti ecclesias, quibus initium 
Quadragesime et dies Pasche non 
solum per civitates omnes, sed etiam 
per universa monasteria designentur. 
Secundum hunc igitur morem post 
‘dies admodum paucos, quam supe- 
rior cum abbate Isaaci fuerat agitata 
Collatio 'Theophili, preedictz urbis 
episcopi, solemnes epistolee commea- 
runt, quibus, cum denuntiatione pas- 
chali, contra ineptam quoque Anthro- 
‘pomorphitarum heeresin longa dis- 
putatione disseruit, eamque copioso 
sermone destruxit. Quod tanta est 
amaritudine ab universo propemo- 
dum genere monachorum, qui per 
totam provinciam Atgypti moraban- 
tur, pro simplicitatis errore suscep- 
tum, ut e contrario memoratum pon- 
‘tificem, velut heresi gravissima de- 
pravatum,-pars maxima seniorum ab 


universo fraternitatis corpore decer- 
neret detestandum: quod scilicet im- 
pugnare Scripture Sancte senten- 
tiam videretur, negans Omnipoten- 
tem Deum humane figure compo- 
sitione formatum, cum ad ejus ima- 
ginem creatum Adam Scriptura ma- 
nifestissime testaretur. Denique ab 
his, qui erant in eremo Scythi [al. 
Scythize] commorantes, quique per- 
fectione ac scientia omnibus, qui 
erant in Ai‘gypti monasteriis, pre- 
eminebant, ita est heec epistola refu- 
tata, ut preter abbatem Pafnutium, 
nostre congregationis presbyterum, 
nullus eam ceterorum presbytero- 
rum, qui in eadem eremo aliis iting 
ecclesiis presidebant, nec legi 
dem aut recitari in suis κὐξομε οἷο, ερεῖ 
prorsus admitterent. 

4l Ibid. 2. C. 23. (v. 2. p. 74. 17.) 
Tov μὲν ᾿Αρσένιον ἐπιμελῶς (ητήσαν- 
τες εὗρον, καὶ φιλοφρονησάμενοι, καὶ 
πᾶσαν εὔνοιαν καὶ ἀσφάλειαν παρέξειν 
αὐτῷ ὑποσχόμενοι, ἄγουσι λάθρα πρός 
τινα τῶν αὐτοῖς συνήθων καὶ τὰ αὐτὰ 
σπουδαζόντων" Πρίνης 6: ὄνομα αὐτῷ ἦν, 
πρεσβύτερος μοναστηρίου" ἐνταῦθα 
τέ τὸν ᾿Αρσένιον κρύψαντες, σπουδῇ 
περιήεσαν κατὰ τὰς ἀγορὰς καὶ τοὺς 
συλλόγους τῶν ἐν τέλει, λογοποιοῦν- 
τες τοῦτον πεφονεῦσθαι παρὰ ᾿Αθα- 
νασίιου. ; 

42 De Instit. Renunt. 1. 4. δ. 1. 
(p. 48.).... In Thebaide est coeno- 
bium, quanto numero populosius 
cunctis, tanto conversationis rigore 
districtius : siquidem in eo plusquam 


quinque millia fratrum sub uno ab- 


hate reguntur, &c. 


ἐ8ι::; 


of monks: 339 


of them had no less than five thousand monks in it; and it 
cannot be thought strange, that such monasteries, in remote 
deserts, should have their proper churches, and presbyters to 
officiate in them. But it was not only in the deserts that 
monasteries were allowed presbyters in them, but in some places 
the city-monasteries, as soon as they began to get footing there, 
had the same privilege likewise. For Eutyches, the heretic, 
was not only archimandrite, but presbyter also of his monas- 
tery at Constantinople, as Liberatus*? and other ancient writ- 
ers style him. And that this was no unusual thing, appears 
from hence, that both the Civil and the Canon Law allow the 
practice. Justinian, in one of his Novels,4+ has a proviso both 
for such monasteries as had churches of their own, and such 
as had not. For those, which had none of their own, it is or- 
dered, ‘that the monks should repair to the parish-church with 
their abbot, and after divine service immediately return to 
their monastery again; but such monasteries as had churches 
in them might have four or five of their own body ordained 
presbyters or deacons or of the inferior orders, as there was 
oceasion.’ And before this the Council of Chalcedon 45 speaks 
of churches in monasteries and clergy belonging to them; 
allowing a deputation to any such church to be a sufficient title 
to qualify a man for holy orders. So that in these circum- 
Stances there is no question to be made but that the clerical 
and monastic life were often joined together. 

Another case, in which the same thing was practised, was 


nachi rursus ad ccenobium revertan- 


δον ¢-11-(CC. 5. p.7544.) ir 
tur, ibique sedeant Quatuor 


His temporibus Eutyches quidam, 


ise ae archimandrita, presi- 
tinopoliceleberrimo mo- 
nasterio, urgente Satana, preedicabat 
Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum 
consubstantialem nobis non esse se- 
cundum carnem, sed de ccelo corpus 
habuisse. 

44 Novel. 133. c. 2. (t. 5. p. 591.) 
Deinde vel si ulla ecclesia in monas- 
terio sit, neque sic occasione eccle- 

i ingredi et deambulationes 
icite illic facere, et confabulari cum 
quibus non convenit: sed venire 
uidem tempore sacri ministerii cum 
abate, suisque prioribus, et senibus, 
sacrificioque completo, omnes mo- 


autem vel quinque seniores ex ipso 
monasterio esse in constituta eccle- 
sia, quibus jam omnis exercitatio est 
expleta in continentia, et qui ordi- 
nationem habere meruerunt in clero 
presbyterorum forsan, aut diacono- 
rum, aut deinceps habentium schema. 
45 (Ὁ, 6. (t. 4. p. 758 4.) Μηδένα 
δὲ ἀπολελυμένως χειροτονεῖσθαι, unre 
πρεσβύτερον μήτε διάκονον μήτε ὅλως 
τῶν ἐν ἐκκλησιαστικῷ τάγματι, εἰ 

μὴ ἰδικῶς ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ πόλεως, ἢ κώμης, 
ἢ μαρτυρίῳ, ἣ μοναστηρίῳ, ὁ χειροτο- 
νούμενος ἐπικηρύττοιτο. C. 8. 
(ibid. p. 759 a.) Οἱ κληρικοὶ τῶν πτω- 
χείων καὶ μοναστηρίων, κ. τ. A. ᾿ 


Z2 





940 The several sorts VIL. ii. 


when monks were taken out of the monasteries by the bishops, 
and ordained for the service of the Church. Which thing was 
frequently done, and not only allowed, but encouraged both by 
the imperial and ecclesiastical laws. When once monasteries 
were become schools of learning and pious education, they were 
thought the properest nurseries for the Church. There- 
fore Arcadius*® made it an instruction to the bishops, ‘that if 
at any time they needed to augment their clergy, they should 
do it out of the monks.’ Gothofred, in his learned Observa- 
tions on this law, has abundantly shewed the Church’s practice 
from the testimonies of Athanasius 47, St. Jerom48, St. Austin 49, 
Epiphanius®*°, Palladius*!, St. Basil>?, Marcellinus’s Chronicon, 
and the Code of the African Church*?. To which may be 


46 Vid. Cod. Theod. lib. 16. tit. 2. 
de Episc. leg. 32. (t. 6. p. 68.) Si 
quos forte episcopi deesse sibi cleri- 
cos arbitrantur, ex monachorum nu- 
mero rectius ordinabunt. 

47 Ep. ad Dracont. (t. 1. part 1. 
p- 210 ¢. n. 7.) Οὐ yap od μόνος ἐκ 
μοναχῶν κατεστάθης, οὐδὲ σὺ μόνος 

προέστης μοναστηρίου, ἢ μόνος ὑπὸ 
μοναχῶν ἠγαπήθης" ἀλλ᾽ οἶδας, ὅ ὅτι καὶ 
Σεραπίων μοναχός itp καὶ τόσων μο- 
ναχῶν προέστη. κ. τ. 

48 Ep. 3. [al.60. | ἃ Heliodor. (t.2. 
Ρ. 335 4.) In uno atque eodem et 
imitabatur monachum, et episcopum 
venerabatur.—Ep. 4. [al. 125.| ad 
Rustic. (ibid. p.938 d.) Ita age et vive 
in monasterio, ut clericus esse merea- 
ris. ... Quum ad perfectam etatem 
veneris, si tamen vita comes fuerit, 
et te vel populus vel pontifex civitatis 
in clericum [leg. clerum] elegerint, 
agito quee clerici sunt. 

49 Ep. 67. [4]. 22.] (t. 2. p. 28 a.) 

Ut nemo dignus non modo ec- 
clesiastico ministerio, sed ipsa etiam 
sacramentorum communione videa- 
tur, &c. Ep. 76. [al. 60.] (ibid. 
Ῥ- 147 f. et p. 148 a.) Et ipsis 
enim facilis lapsus, et ordini clerico- 
rum fit indignissima injuria, si de- 
sertores monasteriorum ad militiam 
clericatus eligantur, cum ex his, qui 
in monasterio permanent, non tamen 
nisi probatiores atque meliores in 
clerum assumere solemus; &c.—— 
Ep. 81. [4]. 48.] (ibid. p. 113 f.) Nos 
autem fratres exhortamur in Do- 





mino, ut propositum vestrum custo- 
diatis, et usque.in finem persevere- 
tis: ac sl quam operam vestram ma- 
ter ecclesia desideraverit, nec elatione 
avida suscipiatis, nec blandiente de- 
sidia respuatis, sed miti corde ob- 
temperetis Deo, &c. 

50 Expos. Fid. n. 21. ἐν Ὲ: Pp. 1103 
d. ) Στεφάνη δὲ τούτων πάντων, ἢ 
μήτηρ, ὡς εἰπεῖν, καὶ γενήτρια, ἡ ἁγία 
ἱερωσύνη, ἐκ μὲν παρθένων τὸ πλεῖσ- 
τον ὁρμωμένη" εἰ δὲ οὐκ ἐκ παρθένων, 
ἐκ μοναζόντων" εἰ δὲ μὴ εἶεν ἱκανοὶ εἰς 
ὑπηρεσίαν ἀπὸ μοναζόντων, ἐξ ἐγκρα- 
τευομένων τῶν ἰδίων γυναικῶν, ἢ χη- 
ρευσάντων ἀπὸ μονογαμίας. 

51 Hist. Lausiac. c. 22. (Bibl. Patr. 
Gr. Lat. t. 2. p. 936 b. 8.) Τελευτᾷ 
δὲ οὗτος [Μωῦσῆς. μοναχὸς ἐ ἐτῶν ἐβ- 
δομήκοντα πέντε ἐν τῇ Σκήτει' γενό- 
μενος πρεσβύτερος, καταλιπὼν μαθη- 
τὰς ἑβδομήκοντα. 

δα Amphi- 


52 Ep. 403. [al. 218. 
loch. (t. 3. part. 2. p. 4 per Εἰ δὲ 


μέλλει τις ἀπιέναι, ἐπιζητησάτω ἐν 
Κορυδάλοις ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀπὸ μοναζόν- 
τῶν ἐπίσκοπον. 

53 C. 8ο. al. 82. (CC. t. 2.p. 1098 
a.) ὋὉμοίως ἤρεσεν, ἵνα, ἐάν τις ἀπὸ 
ἀλλοτρίου μοναστηρίου ὑποδέξηταί 
τινα, καὶ πρὸς κλήρωσιν προσαγαγεῖν 
ἐθελήσοι, ἢ τοῦ ἰδίου μοναστηρίου 
ἡγούμενον καταστήσοι, ὁ τοῦτο ποιῶν 
ἐπίσκοπος, ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν λοιπῶν 
κοινωνίας χωριζόμενος, τῇ τοῦ ἰδίου 
λαοῦ κοινωνίᾳ ἁρκεσθῇ μόνῃ" ἐκεῖνος 
δὲ, μηδὲ κληρικὸς, μηδὲ ἡγούμενος 
ἐπιμείνῃ. 


88. 


of monks. 341 


added the Letters of Siricius, Innocent, and Gelasius, alleged by 


Gratian*+, and the Councils of Agde®> and Lerida>®, which 
allow a bishop to-take any monk out of a monastery with the 
consent and approbation of the abbot, and ordain him for the 
service of the Church. And in this case they usually continued 
their ancient austerities and ascetic way of living, and so joined 
the clerical and monastic life together. Upon which account 
both these and the former sort were by the Greeks styled 
ἱερομοναχοὶ, clergy-monks, to distinguish them from such as 
were only laymen. 

_ It happened sometimes that a bishop and all his clergy 
chose an ascetic way of living, by a voluntary renunciation of 
all property, and enjoying all things in common, in imitation of 
the first Church under the Apostles. St. Ambrose*7 seems to 
say, that Eusebius Vercellensis was the first that brought in 
this way of living into the western Church. For before his 
time the monastic life was not known in cities; but he taught 
his clergy to live in the city after the rules and institution of 
monks in the wilderness. Which must be understood chiefly, I 
conceive, of their austerities, and renouncing their property, 
and having all things in common, as the other had. St. Austin 
set up the same way of living among the clergy of Hippo, as 
we learn from his own words, who says®® ‘ he made the bishop’s 


54 Causs. 16. quest. 1. c.'20. ({.1. 
p- 1099. 22.) Faciat autem Deus, ut 
tales sint hi, qui vel a nobis in isto 
habitu nutriuntur, vel in monasteriis 
crescunt, ut provecta tate et vita 
probata, non ad litigiorum officia, 
sed ad sacerdotium valeant promo- 

i . 22. (ibid. 69.) Si mona- 
chus ad clericatum promoveatur, 
beneficia ei pleniter et annone et 
decime donentur, &c.—C. 28. (ibid. 

1102. 40.) Si quis monachus 

it, qui venerabilis vite merito 
sacerdotio dignus videatur, et abbas, 
sub cujus imperio regi Christo mili- 
tat, illum fieri presb petierit, 
ab episcopo debet eligi, et in loco 
quo judicaverit ordinari ; omnia que 
ad sacerdotis officium pertinent, vel 
populi vel episcopi electione provide 
ac juste acturus. 
C. 27. (t. 4. p. 1387 6.) Mo- 
nachi etiam vagantes ad officium 


clericatus, nisi eis testimonium abbas 
suus dederit, nec in civitatibus nec 
in pareeciis ordinentur. 

C. 3. (ibid. p. 1611 d.) De mo- 
nachis vero id observari placuit, quod 
Synodus Agathensis vel Aurelianen- 
sis noscitur decrevisse: hoc tantum- 
modo adjiciendum, ut pro ecclesiz 
utilitate, quos episcopus probaverit 
in clericatus officio, cum abbatis vo- 
luntate debeant ordinari. 

57 Ep. 82. [al. 63.] ad Eccles. Ver- 
cell. p. 254. (t. 2. p. 1038 a. ἢ. 66.) 
Hecenim primusin Occidentis parti- 
bus diversa inter se Eusebius sanctz 
memorize conjunxit, ut et in civitate 
positus instituta monachorum tene- 
ret, et ecclesiam regeret jejunii so- 
brietate. 

58 Serm. 49. de Divers. t. 10. p. 


19 [αἱ]. Serm. 355.] (t.5- p-1381 b.) 
fe Neo volui ΣΝ in Gen domo 
episcopii [leg. episcopi] mecum [8]. 


848 The several sorts VIL i. 


" house a monastery of clergymen, where it was against the rule 
for any man to enjoy any property of his own, but they had all 
things in common.’ Which is also noted by Possidius in his 
Life>9, ‘that his clergy lived with him in the same house, and 
ate at the same table, and were fed and clothed at a common 
expense.’ And so far as this was an imitation of the Ccenobites’ 
way of living, and having all things common, it might be called 
a monastic as well as clerical life, as Possidius and St. Austin 
eall it. But as yet there was no monastery in the world, where 
all the monks were ordained only to say private mass, without 
being fixed to any certain cure, where they might perform the 
several offices of the clerical function. The monastery of St. 
Austin consisted only of such as had public offices and business 
in the Church, and were not men confined to a cloister. 

Theoriginal. 9. Therefore the hermits of St. Austin, and many other mo- 
a dern orders which assume his name, do but falsely pretend to 
derive their original from him; who, it is certain, never was a 
hermit himself, nor wrote any rules for them, though a great 
many sermons are fathered on him as preached to the hermits 
in the wilderness. They, who count the rise of canons regular 
from him, as Duarenus® and others, have something more of 
probability on their side ; because, as I have shewed, the clergy 
of Hippo were under some of the exercises of a monastic life, 
which made them a sort of canons regular. And yet Onu- 
phrius®™ and Hospinian®, who have inquired very nicely into 


-meum]| monasterium clericorum. 


Ecce quomodo vivimus. ΝᾺ] licet 
in societate nostra habere aliquid 
proprium: &c. 

59 C, 25. See before, b. 3. ch. 1. 
8. 4. V. I. p. 306. n. 25. 
~ 60: De Minist. et Benefic. 1.1. 6.21. 
(fol. 24. vers.) Itaque dicebantur 
non simpliciter, ut nunc, canonici, 
sed regulares, ab illo peculiari insti- 
tuto ac regula, quam amplecteban- 
tur: et hoc modo discrimen inter 
eos designabatur et aliarum eccle- 
siarum canonicos, qui hujusmodi se 
votis non alligaverant; idque supra 
a nobis ostensum est. 866 secta, 
eujus author Augustinus perhibetur, 
quum Hipponensis episcopus esset, 
late Christianorum orbem pervagata 
est, adeo ut eorum ccenobia hodie 


in quibus locis monachorum nomen 
deletum non est, nusquam non re~ 
periantur. 

6! Annot. in Platin. Vit. Gelas. p. 
62. (ap. Platin. Vit. Pontific. cum 
Onuphr. Continuat. et Opuscul. Lo- 
van. 1572. p.53-) Gelasius.... ca- 
nonicos, ut vocant, regularis ordinis 
Sancti Augustini Laterani primus 
collocavit, qui ibidem usque ad Bo- 
nifacium VIII., ἃ quo expulsi sunt, 
permanserunt. Ex Archivis Basilice 
Lateranensis. 

62 De Orig. Monachat. 1. 3. c.6. p. 
72. (fol. 55. vers. n. 4.) Onuphrius 
Panvinus in suis ad Platinam An- 
notationibus, indicat ex Archivis 
Ecclesiz Lateranensis, Gelasium I. 
Papam,.circa annum 495, canonicos 
regulares ordinis Sancti Augustini 


δ 9, 10. of monks. 343 


these matters, make Gelasius the first founder of them under 
that name in the Lateran Church, where they continued to the 
time of Boniface VIE, who expelled them thence. How soon 
the name or order came into other Churches, Hospinian will 
inform the curious reader. 

10. About the beginning of the fifth century, or, as Baronius® Of the 

thinks, toward the middle of it, at Constantinople, under Gennadius ogy hagas 
the patriarch, one Alexander set up an order of monks, whom the i» oF | 
writers of that and the following ages commonly style ᾿Ακοιμη- : 
ταὶ, that is, Watchers; the reason of which name is taken from 
their manner of performing divine offices day and night with- 
out intermission: for they divided themselves into three classes, 
and so one succeeded another at a stated hour, and by that 
means continued a perpetual course of divine service without 
any interval, as well by night as by day; whence they had the 
name of Watchers given them. The piety of this order pro- 
eured them great esteem and veneration, and many monaste- 
ries were builded for their use at Constantinople. Among 
others, one Studius, a nobleman of Rome, and a man of con- 
sular dignity, renounced the world and became one of their 
order; erecting a famous monastery for them himself, which, 
from the founder, was called Studium®*, and the monks of it, 
Studite. And this, perhaps, is the first time we meet with 
any monks that took their denomination from any founder. 
But these monks in a little time sunk in their credit, because 
they were many times found to be favourers of the heresy of 
Nestorius, for which they are frequently reflected on by eccle- 
siastical writers ®°. 


Laterani primum collocasse. Cre- 
diderim ergo hunc Gelasium horum 
canonicorum esse auctorem, et ad 
hoc exemplum mox alibi quoque in 
majoribus ecclesiis eos institutos esse : 
de quo tamen alii πόρνος: Fuit 
certe σ᾿; Gelasius idololatrie egre- 
gius architectus, et ceremoniarum 
cumulator, ut in Vita ejus indicatur. 
63 An. 459. ex Act. Marcelli, ap. 
Sur. Decembr. 29. c. 7. (t. 6. p. 250 
ἃ.) Quod spectat ad Aceemetarum 
monachorum institutum, non fuit 
Marcellus auctor aut propaga- 
= verum Alexander abbas, ejus- 
demque Marcelli institutor, religio- 


sum illum cultum invenit, prout e- 
jusdem Marcelli Acta testantur. 

64 Vid. Niceph. Hist. 1. 15. c. 23. 
(t. 2. p.623 d. 8.) Τούτου [Tevvadiov | 
ἐπὶ τὸν θρόνον ὄντος, καὶ Στουδιός τις 
περ ς ἀνὴρ, ἐκ Ῥώμης ἥκων, τὸν 
τοῦ 7, ρόμου ἀνεγείρει νεὼν, μονα- 

οὺς ἐκ τῆς τῶν Ἀκοιμήτων μονῆς 
ζεῖσε ἐ ἐγκαταστήσας" ἣν Μάρκελλος ὁ 
θειότατος ἤγειρεν, ἀσίγητον τὸν ὕμνον 
κευάσας Θεῷ ἀναπέμπεσθαι, εἰς 

τρία μέρη τὴν ποίμνην διανειμάμενος. 

ὁ ted (p. pA a. 8. ) Τότε καὶ Τι- 
μοκλῆς τε καὶ Sarat y οἱ i$ μι μου κα 
ρίων ἤκμαζον ποιηταὶ, κατὰ ppar 
διῃρημένοι. ἀλλ᾽ ἀλλ᾽, ὅσοι μὲν τοῖς ys 


944 The several sorts VIL. in. 
Of those 11. In the regions of Syria and Mesopotamia, Sozomen δ6 
sta or takes notice of another sort of monks, who, from their peculiar 
Grazers. way of living, were commonly called Βοσκοὶ, the Grazers. For 
they lived after the same manner as flocks and herds upon the 
mountains, never dwelling in any house, nor eating any bread 
or flesh, nor drinking wine; but continuing instantly in the 
worship of God, in prayers and hymns, according to the cus- 
tom of the Church, till eating time was come; and then every 
man went with his knife in his hand to provide himself food of 
the herbs of the field, which was their only diet and constant 
way of living. 
Se ea 12. I take no notice here of those called by some the monks 
and Gyro- Of St. Basil and St. Jerom; for it is certain those fathers never 
ony set up any distinct orders of their own, though both of them 


were promoters of the monastic life in general. The Rule, which 
goes under the name of St. Jerom, is known to be a forgery 
of some later writer; and the Ascetics, commonly ascribed to 
St. Basil, are by some learned men? rather thought to be the 


τῇ ἐκ Χαλκηδόνι συνόδῳ προσέκειντο, 
παρὰ τῷ λνθιμῳ συνήγοντο" ὃς πρῶ- 
τὸς καὶ τὰς παννυχίδας ἐπενόησε γίνε- 
σθαι: ὅσοι δ᾽ ἐχθρωδῶς ἐκείνῳ ἐφέ- 
ροντο, μᾶλλον προσέκειντο Τιμοκλεῖ, 

66 L. 6. c. 33. ἐν, 2. p. 267. 31.) 
Τούτους δὲ καὶ Βόσκους ἀπεκάλουν, 
ἔναγχος τῆς τοιαύτης φιλοσοφίας ἄρ- 
ἕαντας. ᾿Ονομάζουσι δὲ ὧδε αὐτοὺς, 
καθότι οὔτε οἰκήματα ἔχουσιν, οὔτε 
ἄρτον, οὔτε ὄψον ἐσθίουσιν, οὔτε οἷ- 
νον πίνουσιν" ἐν δὲ τοῖς ὄρεσι διατρί- 
βοντες, ἀεὶ τὸν Θεὸν εὐλογοῦσιν, ἐν 
εὐχαῖς καὶ ὕμνοις κατὰ θεσμὸν τῆς ἐκ- 
κλησίας" τροφῆς δὲ ἡνίκα γένηται και- 
ρὸς, καθάπερ νεμόμενοι, ἅρπην ἔχων 
ἕκαστος, ἀνὰ τὸ ὄρος περιϊόντες τὰς 
βοτάνας σιτίζονται.---ναρῪ. 1.1. 6. 
21. (v. 3. Ρ. 277. 22.) "Es ἔρημον κε- 
καυμένην σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἀφέντες, καὶ 
μόνα τὰ τῆς φύσεως ἀναγκαῖα περι- 
στείλαντες, ἄνδρές τε καὶ γύναια, τὸ 
λοιπὸν σῶμα γυμνὸν κρυμοῖς τε ἐξαι- 
σίοις ἀέρων τε πυρακτώσεσιν ἐπι- 
τρέπουσιν, ἐπίσης θάλπους τε καὶ 
ψύχους περιορῶντες" καὶ τὰς μὲν τῶν 
ἀνθρώπων τροφὰς τέλεον ἀποσείονται" 
νέμονται δὲ τὴν γῆν, (Βόσκους καλοῦ- 
ot,) μόνον τὸ ζὴν ἐντεῦθεν ποριζόμε- 
vot.—[Conf. Mosch. Prat. Spirit. ς. 
T9. ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. (t. 2. 
Paris. 1624.) Ep.] 


67 Hospinian. de Orig. Monachat. 
p- 69. (p. 53. im.).. A multis dubita- 
tur, num libri illi de Virginitate et 
Monastica Vita scripti, qui Ascetici 
dicuntur, Basilii γνήσιοι sint; cum 
pleraque in iis horridiora sint, quam 
in reliquis ejus scriptis. Deinde et- 
iam in catalogo scriptorum Basilii, 
in Oratione Nazianzeni, Ascetica illa 
non recensentur: quze certe vir ille, 
qui ex professo laudationem Basilii 
instituerat, omissurus minime fuis- 
set. Potest igitur esse alius quidam 
Basilius, et hoc quidem recentior. 
Sozomenus autem, 1. 3. 6. 14., affir- 
mat, visum nonnullis suo tempore 
Asceticorum illorum authorem fu- 
isse Kustathium, illum Sebastiz Ar- 
meniz episcopum, sed Macedonia- 
num hereticum, qui monastice au- 
thor Armeniis exstiterit, &c.—Soz- 
om.1.3.¢.14.(v.2. p.115.23.) ‘Qs καὶ 
τὴν ἐπιγεγραμμένην Βασιλείου τοῦ 
Καππαδόκου ἀσκητικὴν βίβλον, ἰσχυ- 
ρίζεσθαί τινας αὐτοῦ | Εῤσταθίου γρα- 
piv etva.—Sutlif. de Monach. In- 
stit. c.7. (fol.23. vers.). . Neque enim 
character dictionis Basilium refert, 
&c.... Sozomenus denique Regulam 
hanc Eustathio Sebastiz episcopo 
ascribit, &c. 


"es 


᾿ δ τή τὰ. 


of monks. 345 


offspring of Eustathius of Sebastia. But admitting them to be 
his, as most learned men do, they do not argue him the author 
of any new order, but only a director of those which were al- 
ready founded. Therefore passing by these, I shall only take 
notice of two orders more, the Benedictines in Italy, and the 
Apostolies in Britain. 

The Benedictines had their rise from Benedict, a famous 
Italian monk in the time of Justinian, about the year 530. His 
first settlement was at Sublaqueum, in the diocese of Tibur in 
Italy, where he erected twelve monasteries, of twelve monks 
apiece, in the neighbouring wilderness; one of which, in 
after-ages, grew so great, that it was not only exempt from 
episcopal power, against all ancient rules, but, as a modern 
writer © observes, had no less than fourteen villages under its 
own proper jurisdiction. From this place he removed to Mount 
Cassin, where he erected another monastery, from whence he 
propagated his order into other countries with so great suc- 
cess, that, for six hundred years after, the greatest part of the 
European monks were followers of his rule; and so whatever 
other names they went by,—Carthusians, Cistercians, Grandi- 
montenses, Preemonstratenses, Cluniacs, &c.,—they were but dif- 
ferent branches of the Benedictines, till, about the year 1220, 
the Dominicans and Franciscans took new rules from their 
leaders. Hospinian®? reckons up twenty-three orders that 
sprang from this one; and observes out of Volateran, that in 


68 Baudrand, Lex. Geograph. voce 
Sublaqueum. (t. 2. 2s 220.) Subla- 
m, seu’ melius Sublacum, oppi- 
ΞΕ m in Latio. Hodie di- 
citur Subiaco, cujus abbatia, 
nullius est dicecesis, quatuorde- 
cim vicos sub se habet, in confinio 
Neapolitani. Sedet in colle, 
μν τον , 36 milliaribus di- 
stans a Roma in ortum, et 10 a Pree- 
neste ; estque in Campania Romana, 
sub dominio Summi Pontificis. 
᾿ 6 De Monachat. 1. 4. c. 5. p. 116. 
.1o1.im.)Cardinales habuitet Ordo 
ο, Volaterani wtate, fere 200, archi- 
episcopos in diversis ecclesiis 1600, 
episcopos 4000, abbates eruditione et 
scriptis celebres 15700, canoniza- 
er et sanctorum catalogo insertos 
600.—Ibid. p. 182. (fol. 111. vers.) 
Miiteat autem sub hac regula ordi- 


nes circiter 23. ...... Ordo Specu- 
ensis, Carthusiensis, Cisterciensis, 
S. Vuilhelmi [S. Gulielmi] Scoto- 
rum MontisOlivetensium,album por- 
tantium habitum, Ceelestinorum, 
Sclavorum, Vallis Umbrose, Fon- 
tis Ebrandi, Humiliatorum sub albo 
habitu, Grandimontensis, S. Am- 
brosii, Camaldulensis, Vallis Scho- 
larium,S. Pauli primi Eremite, quem 
alii ad ‘A stinenses referunt, Clu- 
niacensis, Preemonstratensis, S, Jus- 
tine, Sylvestrinorum, Gilbertinorum, 
et Ordo de S. Burga vidua: ut Tri- 
themius judicat, (1. 1. c. “3: .) de Viris 
Illustribus Ordinis Benedictinorum. 
His Polydorus Vergilius, (1.7. c. 2.) 
a eee D. Hieronymi annume- 

uos dicit p tremo per Marti- 
nun . in fi Benedicti adsci- 
tos fuisse. 


346 The several sorts ὙΠ. ue 


his time it was computed that there had been of the order 200 
cardinals, 1600 archbishops, 4000 bishops, and 15,700 abbots; 
by which it is easy to judge of the prodigious increase of this 
order. I shall not concern myself to give any further account 
of them, but only observe one thing out of the Rule of Benedict 
himself,—that he never intended his monks should be called 
after his own name, or reckoned a new order; much less that 
so many new orders should be derived from it. For he pro- 
fesses only to write in general for the use of the Coenobites and 
Anchorets of the primitive Church, which in his time were the 
only two standing orders that the Churches of Italy allowed. 
He says, indeed, there were four sorts of monks in all, Cano- 
bite, Anachorete, Sarabaite, and Gyrovagi; but the two last 
were only scandals and reproaches to the Church. Of the Sara- 
baite he gives much the same account that St. Jerom and Cas- 
sian7° do before him. And the Gyrovagi he thus?! describes: 
‘That they were a sort of rambling monks, that spent their 
whole life in running about from one province to another, and 
getting themselves well entertained for three or four days 
together at every cell they came at, being arrant slaves to 
their bellies, and wholly addicted to their pleasures, and in all 
things worse than the very Sarabaite themselves.’ So that 
he professes ‘to pass over their miserable conversation in si- 
lence, and to write only for the instruction and use of the an- 
cient Cenobite of the Church.’ By which it is plain, that in 
the time of St. Benedict, the monks had not distinguished 
themselves into very many different orders allowed in the 
Western Church. 

13. About the year 596, the Benedictines came with Austin 
the monk into Britain, and so all the monasteries which the 
Saxons built were for monks of that order. But the ancient 
Britons had long before this entertained the monastic life. 
Some7? say Pelagius first brought it out of the East into Bri- 


Of the Apo- 
stolics in 
Britain and 
Treland. 


70 Vid. 8. 4. p. 330. nn. 17 and 18. 
' 71 De Monachat. ibid. Benedict. 
Regul. c. 1. (fol. ro. vers.) Quar- 
tum vero genus est monachorum, 
quod nominatur Gyrovagum, qui 
tota vita sua per diversas provincias 
ternis aut quaternis diebus per di- 
versorum cellas hospitantur; semper 
vagi et nunquam stabiles; propriis 


voluptatibus et gule illecebris ser- 
vientes, et per omnia deteriores Sa- 
rabaitis: de quorum omnium mi- 
serrima conversatione melius est si- 
lere quam loqui. His ergo omissis, 
ad Coenobitarum fortissimum genus 
disponendum, adjuvante Domino, 
veniamus. 

72 Hospinian. ut supra, c, 3. 


᾿ξ χα, 


of monks. 347 


tain: others make him also abbot of the college of Bangor, and 
speak of zcoo monks under him; but this is justly censured 
by learned men?? as-a mere fable of modern authors. How- 
eyer, it is certain from Bede that there was a monastery at 
Bangor (whoever was the first founder of it is not very 
material to inquire) before Austin and his monks came into 
England; and here?4 ‘ was such a number of monks, that the 
monastery being divided into seven parts, each part had a 
rector, and no less than three hundred persons in it, all which 
were wont to live by the labour of their own hands.’ Hospinian 
and Bale give this the name of the Apostolic Order; but whe- 
ther upon good grounds I cannot say. In one thing it is cer- 
tain they make a great mistake, in that they confound this 
monastery of Banochor, or Bangor, with that of Benchor in 
Ireland; which was another famous monastery, founded by 
Congellus about the year 520. Out of this monastery sprang 
many thousand monks, and many other monasteries in Ireland 
and in other nations also. St. Bernard?® says, ‘ Luanus, one of the 
monks of this congregation, himself alone founded an hundred 
monasteries.’ And Bishop Usher has observed?® of Brendanus, 
one of Congellus’s first disciples, ‘that he presided over three 
thousand monks, who, by their own labours and handiwork, 
did earn their own living.’ Columba was another of his disci- 
ples, who, having first founded the monastery of Dearmach in 


Ρ. 115. og 100.) Ordo Apostolico- Erant autem plurimi eorum de mo- 
rum. Ὁ Congello Bannocorensi, nasterio Bancor, in quo tantus fer- 
illustris familie Britanno,monachis- tur fuisse numerus monachorum, ut 


mus A°gyptius, a Pelagio prius in- 
troductus, sub specie ἀνα ἰωτὰ in 
Britannia radices, vires, et incre- 
menta largissima ccepit, ad alias et- 
jam Europe provincias plantaria 
transmittens. 

73 Cave, Hist. Liter. (v. 1. p. 201. 
Unum monachum fuisse fPelagiten} 
facile concedimus: collegii vero Ban- 
nochorensis fuisse abbatem, et duo 
millia monachorum sub regimine 
suo habuisse, et exinde postea a suis 
in exsilium pulsum ; denique acade- 
mize Cantabrigiensis fuisse alum- 
num, nuda videntur Ranulphi Ces- 
trensis, Joannis Tinmuthensis, Ni- 
colai Cantilupi, Caii, Balei, aliorum- 

ue somnia. 
: 74 Hist. Angl. 1. 2. ς. 2. (p. 80.37.) 


cum in septem portiones esset cum 
prepositis sibi rectoribus monaste- 
rium divisum, nulla barum portio 
minus quam trecentos homines ha- 
beret, qui omnes de labore manuum 
suarum vivere solebant. 

75 Vit. Malachiz, c. 5. [ς. 6.] p. 
034. (t. 2. p. 1477 Ὁ. 11.) Locus 

enchor]} vere sanctus foecundus- 
ue sanctorum, copiosissime fructi- 
cans Deo, ita ut unus ex filiis 
sancte illius congregationis, nomine 
Luanus, centum solus monasterio- 
rum fundator exstitisse feratur. 

76 Religion of the Ancient Irish, 
ch. 6. p. 46. (Works, v. 4. p.303-)..- 
We find it related of our Brendan, 
that, &c. 


I 
[ 


948 The several.sorts VII. i. 


Ireland, went and converted the Northern Picts to the Christian 
faith, anno 565, and builded a monastery in the Isle of Huy; 
from whence many other monasteries, both in Britain and Ire- 
land, as Bede’? observes, were propagated by his disciples. 
Columbanus and Gallus were also monks under Congellus: the 
latter of which is famous for founding the monastery of St. 
Gall, in Helvetia, which is since become an eminent city; and 
the other for founding that of Lexovium or Lisieux, in Nor- 
mandy, where the monks, like the Acwmete, or Watchérs, of 
Constantinople, mentioned before, were used to divide them- 
selves into several choirs, to succeed one another, and continue 
divine service day and night, without intermission, as St. Ber- 
nard78 informs us. 

I have been the more particular in giving a distinct account 
of these two famous monasteries, Benchor and Bangor, not only 
because they were the most ancient in Ireland and Britain, 
but because they are so unhappily by Hospinian and Bale con- 
founded into one. 

14. I will shut up this chapter with a few remarks upon 


Of some 

uncommon the different names which the Ancients gave to some or to all 

ee rs kinds of monks in general. Beside the names of monks and 

ay gag ascetics, we find them frequently styled by other titles, re- 
urcn. 


specting some particular act of their profession. In regard to 
their retirement and quiet way of living, some are styled by 
Justinian79, in one of his Novels, ‘Hovxacral, Hesychaste, 
Quietists. Suicerus®® and Habertus®! take it to be only an- 


struxit monasterium, factus ibi in 


77 Hist. Angl. 1. 2. c.4.(p. 106. 30.) 
gentem magnum. Aiunt tam ma- 


Venit.... Britanniam Columba,reg- 


nante Pictis Bridio, filio Meilochon, 
rege potentissimo, nono anno regni 
ejus, gentemque illam verbo et ex- 
emplo ad fidem Christi convertit. 
. Fecerat autem, priusquam Bri- 
tanniden veniret, monasterium no- 
bile in Hibernia, quod a copia robo- 
rum Dearmach lingua Scotorum, 
hoc est, Campus Roborum, cognomi- 
natur. Ex quo utroque monasterio, 
plurima monasteria per discipulos 
ejus, et in Britannia et in Hibernia, 
propagata sunt. 
78 Vit. Malachie, c. 5. [c.6.] (t. 2. 
p.1477.0.°3.) 62.405 Nv has nostras 
Gadiiconne partes Sanctus Colum- 
banus ascendens Luxoviense con- 


gnam fuisse, ut succedentibus sibi 
vicissim choris, continuarentur so- 
lemnia divinorum, ita ut ne mo- 
mentum quidem diei ac noctis va- 
caret a laudibus. 

79 Novel. 5. c. 3. ((. 5. Ρ. 45+) «- 
Nisi, tamen quidam eorum in con- 
templatione, et perfectione degentes 
vitam remotam habeant in hospitio : 
quos vocare anachoretas, id est, dis- 
cedentes; et hesychastas, id est, 
quiescentes consueverunt, &c 

80 Thes. Eccles. Voce Ἡσυχαστής: 
(tom. I. p. 1335.) ΡΔΟΜΟΝ a 
cat quiesco, “in otio vivo.,... Hine 
ἡσυχάζων notat dvervenpesigiet .Pho- 
tius, Epistolam 20. p. 81, inscribit : 


5 ἃ “Ὁ - 
rr ΜΞ 


of monks. 349 


other name for anchorets; but, according to Justinian’s ac- 
count it seems rather to mean persons who lived among the 
Ceenobites,-but for greater exercise were allowed to retire from 
the community, and live, though within the bounds of a ewno- 
bium, in particular cells by themselves, and those cells were 
called ἡσυχαστήρια upon that account. Otherwhiles monks 
are styled Continentes, because of their great abstinence and 
continent life: as in the third Council of Carthage*%?, which 
forbids ‘the clergy and persons professing continence to go to 
the virgins or widows without the leave of the bishops or pres- 
byters.’ So also in a law of Valentinian, in the Theodosian 
Code*, and other places. Sometimes again they are noted 
by the names, ᾿Αποταξάμενοι and Renunciantes, Renouncers, 
from renouncing the world and a secular life ; as in Palladius **, 
and Cassian*>, who particularly entitles one of his books, De 
Institutis Renunciantium. Sometimes they are termed Philo- 
sophers, as by Isidore of Pelusium 56, Palladius*7, Theodoret*S, 
and others, because their way of living seemed to resemble the 
philosophic life more than others. The author under the 
name of Dionysius the Areopagite seems to give them the 
name of Therapeute 59, though that was once a common name 


᾿Αθανασίῳ μοναχῷ ἡσυχάζοντι, Atha- se volunt nomine nuncupari, &c. 
nasio monachoanachorete. Hinccol- % Hist. Lausiac. c.15. (Bibl. Patr. 


heir, hunc non simpliciter mona- Gr. Lat. t. 2. p.917 b. 2.).... Τοῖς 
, Sed ἡσυχάζοντα : hoc μὲν ἤρεσκεν ὃ τοῦ ἅπαξ ἀποταξαμένου 


est, quem nos dicimus anachoretam, 
cellam incolens solitariam se 
bat a κοινοβιωτῶν ἀναστροφῇ. 

Hie vocatur ἡσυχαστής. 

81 Archierat. ad Edict. pro Archi- 
mandr. observ. 2. (p. 588.) Anacho- 
retarum loca non _ Φροντιστήρια, vel 
monasteria, sed ἡσυχαστήρια dicta 
sunt, ut et ipsi ἡσυχασταί. 

C. 25. (t.2. p. 1171 a.) Ut 
clerici vel continentes, ad viduas vel 


virgines, nisi jussu vel permissu epi- 
scoporum et presb rum non ac- 
cedant.—— Vid. - Can. African. 


e. 38. (ibid. p. to7o a. ) Κληρικοὶ ἢ 
ἐγκρατευόμενοι πρὸς χῆρας ἣ παρθέ- 
νους, εἰ μὴ κατ᾽ ἐπιτροπὴν καὶ συναί- 
veow τοῦ ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου ἣ τῶν πρεσ- 
βυτέρων, μὴ εἰσίτωσαν. 

88. L. 16. tit. 2. de Episc. leg. 20. 
(t. 6, p. 48.) .... Qui continentium 


Bios, τοῖς δὲ ὁ κοινωνικὸς πρὸς πάντας 
τοὺς δεομένους. 

89 L. 4. (Conf. c. τ. (p. 48.) ..... 
Ad institutionem ejus renuntiat huic 
mundo, &c. Ep. 

% L.1. Ep. 1.(p.1a.) Οἱ μὲν ἅγιοι 
τῆς μοναχικῆς φιλοσοφίας κορυφαῖοι 
καὶ ἡγεμόνες ἐκ τῶν ἄθλων καὶ ἀγώνων 
ὧν ἐτέλεσαν, καὶ τὰς προσηγορίας 
ἁρμοδίας τοῖς πράγμασι πρὸς νουθε- 
σίαν ἡμῶν καὶ σιν ἔθεντο. 

57 Hist. Lausiac. c. 8. (ut supr. p. 

p- 910}. 9. )"Arorov γάρ ἐστι δι᾿ ἐμὲ 
κρύπτεσθαί σου τὴν τοσαύτην καὶ τοι- 
avrny ἀρετὴν τῆς φιλοσοφίας, συνοι- 
κοῦντά μοι διὰ τὸν Κύριον ἐν ἁγνείᾳ. 

8 LL. 4. c. 28. (v. 3. Ρ. 186. 29.) 
Ἦσαν δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν 
καιρὸν τὰς τῆς μοναχικῆς φιλοσοφίας 
ἀφιέντες 

89 De iicrarch. E. Eccles. c. 6. part. 


350 The several sorts ΠΣ 


of Christians in Egypt, if the accounts of Eusebius and St. Je- 
rom 9 may be trusted. Palladius9! sometimes uses the term 
φιλοθεΐα for the monastic life, because they made a profession 
ef renouncing all for the love of God: and upon this account. 
Theodoret% gives one of his books the title of Philotheus, or 
Religious History, because it contains the lives of the most 
famous ascetics of his time. The reader will sometimes also 
meet with the name of Silentiarii, given to some monks in 
ancient history; but this was not a name of any particular 
order, but given to some few for their professing a more than 
Pythagorean silence; such as Johannes Silentiarius, who was 
first bishop of Colonia in Armenia but renounced his bishopric 
to become a monk in Palestine, where he got the name of 
Silentiarius, from his extraordinary silence, as Cyril® of Sey- 
thopolis, the writer of his Life, informs us. Though it must be 
noted, that the name, Stlentiart, is more commonly given to 
another sort of men, who were civil officers in the emperor’s 
palace, and served both as apparitors to execute public busi- 
ness, and as guards to keep the peace about him, whence they 
had the name of Stlentiarit, under which title they are spoken 
ef in the Theodosian Code 9’, which joins them and the Decu- 
riones together, where in Gothofred’s learned Notes the curi- 
ous reader may find a further account of them. Another 
name which the historians give to some Egyptian monks, who 
were deeply concerned in the disputes between Theophilus and 
Chrysostom, is the title of Maxpoi, or Longi; but this was 
peculiar to four brethren, Dioscorus, Ammonius, Eusebius, and 
Euthymius, who were noted by this name for no other reason, 


I.n.3. Ρ. 9286. ({.1. p. 250d.) Ἔνθεν 
οἱ θεῖοι καθηγεμόνες ἡμῶν ἐπωνυμιῶν 
αὐτοὺς ἱερῶν ἠξίωσαν οἱ μὲν θερα- 
πευτὰς, οἱ δὲ μοναχοὺς ὀνομάζοντες, 
ἐκ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ καθαρᾶς ὑπηρεσίας 
καὶ θεραπείας, καὶ τῆς ἀμερίστου καὶ 
ἑνιαίας ζωῆς, κιτ.Ὰὰ, 

90 See before. ch. 1. c. I. 8.1. 
Vv. I. p. 2. nn. 2, 3. 

91 Hist. Lausiac. c. 12. (ut supr. 
p-914 b. 1.) Ὁ ᾿Αμμώνιος οὗτος pa- 
θητὴς γεγονὼς τοῦ μεγάλου ἸΠαμβὼ 
ἅμα τρισὶν ἀδελφοῖς ἐτέροις καὶ δυσὶν 
ἀδελφαῖς, εἰς ἄκρον φιλοθεΐας ἐλά- 
σαντες, κατειλήφασι τὴν ἔρημον, καὶ 


ἀμφοτέρας τὰς μονὰς κατὰ ἰδίαν ποιή- 
σαντες τῶν τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ τῶν γυναι- 
κῶν, ὡς ἱκανὸν ἀπέχειν ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων 
διάστημα. 

92 Φιλόθεος Ἱστορία, t. 4. (Ed. 
Schultz, ν. 3. part 2. p. 1099.) 

589. Ap. Papebroch. Act. Sanctor. 
Maii13.c.12.(t.3. p.234.)Ab eo tem= 
pore siluit in cella, neque procedens 
ad ecclesiam, neque ullum omnino 
conveniens, spatio quatuor anno- 
rum, eo excepto, qui ei ministrabat, 
ac nisi solum Dei dedicationis, &c. 

94 L. 6. tit. 23. de Decurionibus 
et. Silentiariis, (t. 2. pp. 125, seqq.) | 


τ 


ἌΡ ie νν-. - 
a hike Sey ae 


of monks. 351 


‘as Sozomen®> observes, but only because they were tall of 


stature. In Sidonius Apollinaris they are sometimes called 
Cellulani, from their living in cells, and Insulani, Islanders, 
because the famous monastery in the Isle of Lerins was the 
place where most of the French bishops and learned men in 
those ages had their education. So this was a peculiar name 


for the monks of Lerins. 


The monasteries, beside the common names of μοναστήρια 
and μοναὶ, were also sometimes termed σεμνεῖα, as Suicerus%” 
shews out of Balsamon, and Methodius, and Suidas, though 
that anciently in Eusebius and Philo signified a church. They 
were also called ἡγουμενεῖα and μάνδραι, whence hegumenus and 
archimandrita are names for an abbot, who is the chief father 


ofa mopastery or governor of it. And they are sometimes styled 


φροντιστήρια, places of education, and schools of learning, be- 
cause, as 1 shew in the next chapter, they were anciently made 
use of to that end, and had their φροντισταὶ, or curators, 


.668)).... 


particularly designed for that purpose. 


% L. 6. c. 30. (ν. 2. p. 262. 37.) 
Oi Μακροὶ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ σώματος ὠνομά- 
ζοντο. The Historian does not 
mention Euthymius. Ep. ] 

96 L. 9. Ep. 3. ad Faustum. (p. 
es a peritus Insulana- 
rum, quas de senatu Lirinensium 
Cellulanorum in urbem. . . . transtu- 
listii—So Eucherius ad Salon., FF 
Insulani tironis—And Faustus de 
Natali 8. Maximi, Studium Insula- 


num.—See Savaro, Not.in loc. Sidon 


(p. 565.) Precum peritus Insulana- 
rum; quibus scilicet in Insula Liri- 
nensi institutus est Faustus Regien- 
sis, de quibus Car. 16. et Hilarius 
Arelat. in Vita S. Honorati, Euche- 
rius de Laudibus Eremi, Faustus in 


Homil. de Natali S. Maximi, et 


Cesarius Arelat. Homil. 25. Insu- 
lane preces. Faustus, Et quia supe- 


rius memoravimus, quam magnifice 


Insulano illo studio perfectionis vias 
cucurrit. Eucher. ad Salonium, lib. 
1. Cum te illic beatiss. Hilarii In- 
sulani tironis, sed jam nunc summi 
, doctrina formaret.—Insu- 

; ‘monachi ; Fulgenti Vita, c. 15. 
—Ilbid. sgh sing ead.) Lirinensium cellu- 
upr. Ep. 17. lib. 7. Liri- 


nensium patrum statuta. Carm. 16, 
cellulanos vocat monachos et ere- 
mitas. Ennod., Preceptum cum visi 
sunt omnes episcopi Cellulanos ha- 
bere, a cellis quibus se conclude- 
bant. Eusebius de Eremo Liri- 
nensi, Hec nunc habet sanctos senes 
illos, qui divisis cellulis Afgyptios 


patres Galliis nostris intulerunt, &c. 


97 [Eccles. Thes. (t. 2. p. 947.) 
Σεμνεῖον est locus sacer, seu sanctus, 
quasi dicas sanctuarium. Hesychio 
est ἱερὸς οἶκος, sacra domus. Philo 
usurpat de loco, in quo monachi τὰ 
τοῦ σεμνοῦ βίου μυστήρια τελοῦνται, 
quod et μοναστήριον. Suidas : Σε- 
μνεῖον" τὸ μοναστήριον, ἐν ᾧ μονού- 
μενοι, οἱ ἀσκηταὶ, τὰ τοῦ σεμνοῦ βίου 
μυστήρια τελοῦσι... . Methodius in 
Chronico: Μάρκος ‘6 εὐαγγελιστὴς 
πολλὰ μοναστήρια συνεστήσατο, ἅπερ 
σεμνεῖα τότε προσηγορεύθησαν... ... 
Balsamon ad can. 12. Concilii 2. 
Niceni, Ρ. 519. “Ov τρόπον ὁ δημό- 
σιος οὐ πολυπραγμονεῖται ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, 
οὕτως οὐδὲ τὰ ἱερὰ σεμνεῖα" ἣ ἡ ἡσυ- 
χαστήρια, μοναστήριά τε καὶ λοιπὰ 

τινος τῶν τοῦ δημοσίου φροντισ- 


τῶν ἀνακριθήσεται. Grischov. 


Laws and rules VIL. iii. 
CHAP. III. 


An account of such ancient laws and rules, as relate to the 
monastic life, chiefly that of the Ceenobites. 


Thecuriales 1, Havine thus far taken a view of the several sorts of 
not allowed ; ᾿ . 

totun monks, and their several titles, I proceed to give a short ac- 
monks. 


count of the principal laws and rules, made partly by the joint 
concurrence of the civil and ecclesiastical power, and partly 
by the authority of private superiors, for the government of 
the Coenobites, or such monks as lived in communities, which 
were chiefly regarded in the Church. And here we must first 
look to the laws relating to their admission ; for all men were 
not allowed to turn monks at pleasure, because such an indis- 
criminate permission would have been to the detriment both 
of Church and State. Upon this account the Civil Law forbids 
any of the cwriales to become monks, unless they parted with 
their estates to some others, that might bear the offices of 
their country in their stead. To this purpose is that law of 
Valentinian and Valens, in the Theodosian Code9%, which, 
taking notice of some curtales, who pretended to associate 
themselves with the monks in Egypt, only to avoid bearing 
the offices of their country, orders them ‘to be fetched back 
from the monasteries by force, and to be compelled to do their 
duty in their civil station, or else to part with their estates to 
others that should officiate for them.’ This was agreeable to 
all those ancient laws, which forbad any of the curiales to be 
ordained among the clergy, except upon the same condition 
of quitting their estates to others to bear the offices of their 
country in their stead. And yet Baronius%9 is so offended at 


98 L. 12. tit.1. de Decurionibus 
leg. 63. (t. 4. p. 409.) Quidam ig- 
navi sectatores, desertis civitatum 
muneribus, captant solitudines ac 
secreta, et specie religionis cum cce- 
tibus monazontOn congregantur. 
Hos igitur atque hujusmodi intra 
Aigyptum deprehensos, per comitem 
Orientis erui e latebris consulta pre- 
ceptione mandavimus, atque ad mu- 
nia patriarum subeunda revocari, 
aut pro tenore nostre sanctionis 
familiarum rerum carere illecebris: 
quos per eos censuimus vindicandas, 
qui publicarum essent subituri mu- 


nera functionum. 

99 An. 375. 0. 10. (t. 4. p. 373 δὴ) 
At Valens imperator, nequitia exar- 
descens, sic oratione Themistii visus 
est ab ecclesiarum persecutione ab- 
stinuisse, ut tamen alia via, novo 
excogitato preetextu, diram adversus 
monachos persecutionem conflarit, 
cum eos exutos monastica profes- 
sione e monasteriis, lege lata, ad 
militiam revocari precepit hoe ipso 
anno, quo Valentinianus ex hac 
vita sublatus est, ut S. Hieronymus 
habet, &c. 


ee 


of the monastic life. 353 


this law, that he reckons it was but the preludium to a severe 
persecution, which Valens, shortly after the death of Valen- 
tinian, brought upon the monks in the East, when, as St. 
Jerom! and Orosius? inform us, he by another law obliged 
them to turn soldiers, and ordered such as refused to be bas- 
tinadoed to death. Gothofred® by mistake reckons this law 
the-very same with the former; but Mr. Pagi* corrects both 
him and Baronius together, and shews them to be distinct 
laws, and plainly to refer to different times and things ;—the 
one being made while Valentinian was alive, the other by 
Valens alone after his death;—the one a very severe law, 
raising a great persecution against the monks, the other laying 
no greater burden on them than was always laid upon the 
clergy by other laws, which prohibit the curiales to be or- 
dained®, unless they found proper substitutes to bear the offices 
of their country in their room. And the reason of these laws, 
as they referred both to the monks and clergy, was one and | 
the same,—that men, who by their estates were tied to the 
service of their country, might not exempt their estates from 
that service under pretence of entering into a religious life. 

2. For the same reason the most ancient laws, both of Nor serv- 
Church and State, forbid any servant to be admitted into any 80> 
monastery without his master’s leave, because that was to de- master's 
prive his master of his legal right of service, which by the ori- een 
ginal state and condition of his servants was his due. To this 
purpose Valentinian the Third has a law, at the end of the 
Theodosian Code®, which equally forbids servants to become 


Huc tribuni et milites 


1 Chron. a 376. (t. 8. p. 815.) 
Valens, lege data, ut monachi mi- 
litarent, nolentes fustibus jussit in- 


AN 
c. 33. t. 9 
p- tap τ πο ανβς μείων 
tris obitum], velut vegans γτϑλ τα 
= dedit, ut monachi, 
hoc est, istiani, qui ad unum 
fidei opus, dimissa secularium re- 
rum multimoda actione, se redigunt, 
ad militiam cogerentur. Vastas illas 
tune Aigypti solitudines, arenasque 
diffusas, quas propter sitim ac steri- 
, periculosissimamque serpen- 
tum abundantiam, conversatio hu- 
mana non nosset; magna habitan- 
tium monachorum multitudo com- 


BINGHAM, VOL. I. 


pleverat. 
missi, qui sanctos ac veros tmilites 
Dei alio nomine persecutionis abs- 
traherent. Interfecta sunt ibi ag- 
mina multa sanctorum. 

ὁ In Cod. Theod. 1. c. ja aa 
(t. 4. p. 413. col. dextr.) Maneat . 

ane legem nostram eandem esse 
cum altera illa, neque aliam ab hac 
querendam. 

4 Crit. in Baron. an. 818. 
et 13. (t. 1. p. 542.) Qui 
hac re sit, &c. 

5 See b. 4. ch. 4. 8. 4. V. 2. p. 58. 

§ Novel. 12. (t. 6. append. p. 26.) 
Nullus originarius, inquilinus, ser- 
vus, vel colonus, ad clericale munus 
accedat, neque monachis et mona- 


Aa 


nn, 12 
quid de 


Nor hus- 
bands and 
wives with- 
out mutual 
consent of 
each other. 


354 Laws and rules 


either clerks or monks against their master’s will, to evade the 
proper bonds and duties of their station. Baronius?7 has a sour 
reflection upon this law also; for he says, nothing ever pros- 
pered with Valentinian after the making of it: and yet he 
could not but know that the same thing had been before deter- 
mined by the Council of Chalcedon 8, and that, at the instance 
of the emperor Marcion, who himself drew up the law,-and 
desired the fathers in synod to make a canon of it, as appears 
from the Acts? of that Council.. The words of the canon are, 
‘that no one shall be received into any monastery, to continue 
there as a monk, without the consent of his own master ;’ so 
little reason was there to charge Valentinian with an innova- 
tion in this matter, when an emperor and a general Council 
had determined the same before him. But Justinian cancelled 
all these former laws by a new edict of his own?®, which first 
set servants at liberty from their masters, under pretence of 
betaking themselves to a monastic life. So that what innova- 


tion was made in this matter is justly to be ascribed to him as 


its proper author. 

3. Another caution which the Ancients prescribed to be ob- 
served in this matter was, that married persons should never 
betake themselves to a monastic life without mutual consent of 


VIL. ii 


steriis aggregetur, ut vinculum de- 
bite conditionis evadat. 

7 An. 452. (t. 6. p. 182 ¢.)...Sed 
et vetuit curiales clericos ordinari, 
vel monachos fieri, similiter et ori- 
ginarios, inquilinos, colonos, et ser- 
vos. Hec quidem Valentinianus 
turpiter Rome promulgat: sed 
quam inique et impie, lata a suc- 
cessore Majoriano, his contraria, 


sanctio demonstravit .... Quam 811- 


tem male consulatur imperio, dum 
in ecclesiarum jura insurgunt impe- 
ratores, pluribus spe superius est 
demonstratum, et nunc graviore 
damno id ipsum imperatorem con- 
tigit experini, &c. . 

8 Act. 6. (t. 4. p. 610 a.) ὋὉ θειό- 
τατος καὶ εὐσεβέστατος ἡμῶν δεσπό- 
της πρὸς τὴν ἁγίαν σύνοδον εἶπε" Τινά 
ἐστι κεφάλαια, ἅ τινα πρὸς τιμὴν τῆς 
ὑμετέρας εὐλαβείας ὑμῖν ἐφυλάξαμεν, 
πρέπον ἡγησάμενοι, παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ταῦτα 
κανονικῶς κατὰ σύνοδον τυπωθῆναι, ἢ 


«ly a € ΄ Ν \ 
νόμοις θεσπισθῆναι ἡμετέροις" καὶ 


κατὰ κέλευσιν τοῦ θειοτάτου καὶ ev- 
σεβεστάτου ἡμῶν δεσπότου, Βερονι- 
κιανὸς 6 καθωσιωμένος σηκρητάριος 
τοῦ θείου κονσιστορίου τὰ κεφάλαια 
ἀνέγνω οὕτω, κ. τ. A.—Ibid. c. 1. (c.) 
... Μήτε μὲν ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν τοὺς μο- 
νάζοντας δέχεσθαι ἐν τοῖς ἑαυτῶν μο- 
ναστηρίοις δούλους, ἢ ἐναπογράφους, 
παρὰ γνώμην τῶν δεσποτῶν. 

9 Act. 15. 6. 4. (ibid. p. 758 c.) 
Μηδένα δὲ προσδέχεσθαι ἐν τοῖς μο- 
ναστηρίοις δοῦλον ἐπὶ τῷ μονάσαι 
παρὰ γνώμην τοῦ ἰδίου δεσπότου. 

10 Novel. 5. c. 2. (t. 5. p. 42.) Et 
dum triennio toto ita permanserint, 
optimos’ semetipsos, et tolerabiles 
aliis monachis et presuli demon- 
strantes, hos monasticam promereri 
vestem atque tonsuram : et sive li- 
beri sint sine calumnia permanere, 
sive servi, penitus non inquietari 
migrantes ad communem omnium, 
dicimus autem ccelestem, Domi- 
num : et arripiantur in libertatem. 


— se ἡ χὰ. 


63: 


of the monastic life. 355 


_ both parties. Thus Ammus and his wife acted by consent, as 


Socrates" and Palladius'? relate the story. And so Martinia- 
nus and Maxima, mentioned by Victor Paulinus’, bishop of 
Nola, and Therasia his wife, by mutual consent. But Pauli- 
nus" inveighs severely against the contrary practice, blaming 
Celantia and others, who indiscreetly dissolved their marriage- 
ow, and thereby exposed their husbands to the sin of adul- 
tery, making themselves partakers in their guilt, by acting 
against the rule of the Apostle, which says, “ The wife hath 
not power of her own body, but the husband; and likewise also 
the husband hath not power of his own body, but the wife.” 
St. Austin!» argues upon the same ground, " that such engage- 
ments are not to be made but by mutual consent ; and if either 
party inconsiderately enter into any such vow, they are rather 
to repent of their rashness than perform their promise.’ This 
was his constant sense, as appears from other places'® of his 


Christo ego, O Martiniane frater, 


Ἦ Γ, 4. c. 23. (v. 2. p. 237. 15.) 
v, membra mei corporis dedicavi, nec 


Οὐ πολλοῦ δὲ παραδραμόντος καιροῦ, 


ἡ ve ς καὶ ἀμόλυντος τοιάδε 
πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αμμοῦν ἔλεξεν Οὐ πρέπον, 
ἔφη, ἀσκοῦντί σοι σωφροσύνην, ὁρᾷν 
ἐν τοσούτῳ οἰκήματι θήλειαν" διὰ εἰ 
δοκεῖ, ἕκαστος ἰδίᾳ τὴν ἄσκησιν ποιη- 

ὕ πάλιν αἱ συνθῆκαι 


σώμεθα' αὗται 
pager ἀμφοτέροις" καὶ χωρισθέντες 
it ἀλλήλων, οὕτω τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ 


βίου eee , κιτ.λ. 
12 | Hist. Lausiac. c. 7. (Bibl. Patr. 


Gr.-Lat. t. 2. p. 909.) Ep.] 
_ 18 De Persecut. Vandal. 1. 1. ap. 
Bibl. Magn. 1580. t. 7. (Bibl. Max. 
t. 8. p.677 ἢ. 15.) Quia Martinianus 
τίς erat, et Domino suo sa- 
tis videbatur tus, et Maxima 
universe domui dominabatur, cre- 
didit Vandalus, ut fideles sibi magis 
memoratos faceret famulos, Mar- 
tinianum Maximamque conjugali 
consortio sociare. artinianus ad- 


“olescentulorum secularium more 


conjugium yee : P seme 
namque, jam Deo sacrata, humanas 
nuptias refutabat. At ubi ventum 
est, ut cubiculi adirentur secreta 
silentia, et Martinianus, nesciens 
quid de illo decreverat Deus, mari- 
tali fiducia quasi cum conjuge cu- 
peret cubitare, vivaci voce memo- 
rata famula Christi respondit : 


possum humanum sortiri conjugi- 
um, habens jam celestem et verum 
sponsum; sed dabo consilium: si 
velis, poteris et ipse tibi preestare 
cum licet, ut, cul ego concupivi, de- 
lecteris et #pse servire. Ita factum 
est, Domino procurante, ut obedi- 
ens virgini etiam adolescens suam 
animam lucraretur. 

14 Ep. 14. [al. 148.] ad Celant. 
int. Ep. Hieron. (t. 1. p. 1101 c.) 
Multa jam per hujuscemodi igno- 
rantiam et audivimus et vidimus 
scissa conjugia; quodque recordari 
piget, occasione castitatis adulteri- 
um perpetratum, &c. 

13 Ep. 45. [al. 127.] ad Armentar. 
et Paulin. (t. 2. p. 376 g.) Nam et 
vovenda talia non sunt a conjugatis, 
nisi ex consensu et voluntate com- 
muni. Et si prepropere factum fu- 
erit, magis est corrigenda temeritas 
quam persolvenda promissio. 

16 Ep. 199. tal 262.] ad Ecdiec. 
(t. 2. p. 889 ἢ.) Neque enim cor- 

ris tui debito fraudandus fuit 
vir tuus} prius quam ad illud bo- 
num, quod superat pudicitiam con- 
jugalem, tue voluntati voluntas 
quoque ejus accederet: &c. 


Aaz2 


956 Laws and rules VIL. i 


writings: and herein St. Jerom!7, St. Basil!8, and all the An- 
cients agree, except Theonas in Cassian!9, who, having for- 
saken his wife to turn monk, is said to have done it with the 
approbation of the fathers in Scethis, though Cassian himself 
dares not undertake to excuse it, as knowing it to have been 
against the general sense and practice of the Catholic Church. 
Justinian indeed gave some encouragement to this unwarrant- 
able practice by a law2°, wherein he authorizes the deserting 
party, man or woman, to claim their own fortune again, and 
not to be liable to the least punishment for their desertion. 
But the Church never approved of this law; and it is re- 
marked, even by Bellarmin himself?', that Gregory the Great 


wrote against it. 


17 Hieron. Ep. 46. [al. 122.] ad 
Rustic. De non divellendo matri- 
monio sine utriusque consensu. 
(t. τ. p. 892 6.) Narravit mihi uxor 
quondam tua, nunc soror atque 
conserva, quod juxta preceptum 
Apostoli, ex consensu abstinueritis 
vos ab opere nuptiarum. 

18 Regul. Major. queest. 12. (t. 2. 
part. I. p. 494 b. ) Kal τοὺς ἐν συζυ- 
γίᾳ δὲ γάμου τοιούτῳ βίῳ προσερχο- 
μένους ἀνακρίνεσθαι δεῖ, εἰ ἐκ συμ- 
φώνου τοῦτο ποιοῦσι κατὰ τὴν διατα- 
γὴν τοῦ ᾿Αποστόλου" τοῦ γὰρ ἰδίου 
σώματός, φηδιν, οὐκ ἐξουσιάζει' καὶ 
οὕτως ἐπὶ πλειόνων μαρτύρων δέχε- 
σθαι τὸν προσερχόμενον' τῆς γὰρ 
πρὸς Θεὸν ὑπακοῆς οὐδὲν προτιμό- 
τερον. ᾿ 
19 Collat. 21. c. 9. (p. 559.) Cum 
ergo his atque hujusmodi verbis 
muliebris non flecteretur intentio, 
et in eadem obstinationis duritia 
permaneret, Si ego, inquit beatus 
Theonas, te abstrahere a morte non 
possum, nec tu me separabis a 
Christo. Tutius est autem mihi 
cum homine, quam cum Deo ha- 
bere divortium. Aspirante itaque 
gratia Dei, definitionis suz execu- 
tionem instanter aggressus est, nec 
intepescere per aliquam moram de- 
siderii sui passus est ardorem ; nam 
confestim, omni mundana facultate 
nudatus, ad monasterium pervola- 
vit.—Ibid. c. το. (p. 560.) Nemo au- 
tem existimet nos hc ad provo- 
canda conjugiorum divortia texu- 


isse, qui non solum nuptias minime 
condemnamus, verum etiam aposto- 
licam sequentes sententiam dici- 
mus, Honorabile connubium in om- 
nibus et thorus immaculatus, sed ut 
lectori initium conversionis, quo 
tantus ille vir Deo dicatus est, fide- 
liter panderemus ; a quo, bona gra- 
tia, hoc primum deposco, ut sive 
hoc ei placeat, sive displiceat, me 
quoquo modo a calumnia alienum 
esse concedens, in suo hoc facto, 
aut laudet aut reprehendat aucto- 
rem. Ego autem, qui non meam su- 
per hac re sententiam- prompsi, sed 
rei geste historiam. simplici narra- 
tione complexus sum, equum est, 
ut sicut mihi de eorum, qui hoc 
factum probant; laude nihil ven- 
dico, ita eorum, qui id improbant, 
non pulser invidia. 

20 Cod. 1. 1. tit. 3. de Episc. et 
Cler. leg. 52. (t. 4. p- 136. sub med.) 
"Er θεσπίζομεν᾽ εἴτε ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ μονήρη 
βίον ἐλθεῖν βουληθείη, εἴτε γυνὴ τὸν 
ἄνδρα καταλιποῦσα πρὸς ἄσκησιν ἔλ- 
θοι, μὴ τοῦτο αὐτὸ ζημίας παρέχειν 
πρόφασιν" ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν οἰκεῖα πάντως 
λαμβάνειν" ὥστε τῇ γυναικὶ τὴν προῖκα 
εἶναι λαβεῖν τὴν αὐτῆς" καὶ τὴν πρὸ 
γάμου δωρεὰν τῷ συνοικήσαντι" τὸ δὲ 
ἐκ τούτου κέρδος, μὴ κατὰ τὴν ἐκ ῥε- 
πουδίου διάζευξιν ἐκδικεῖν, ἢ μένειν 
παρὰ τῷ μὴ ἀποταξαμένῳ, ἀλλὰ κατὰ 
τὸ ἐκ θανάτου σύμφωνον' οἷα δοκοῦν- 
τος τοῦ ἀφισταμένου τῷ τῆς μετὰ τῶν 
ἄλλων διαίτης ἀναχωρεῖν τῷ γε ἐπὶ 
τῷ συνοικεσίῳ τεθνᾶναι., διὰ τὸ τῷ 


83,4, 5. 357 


_ 4, It was anciently also thought unreasonable to admit chil- _ = 
dren into the monastic life without or against the consent of eee Ἢ 
their parents..-The Council of Gangra?? seems to reflect on nae 
this practice, as encouraged by Eustathius the heretic, in a rents. 
canon, which decrees, ‘ that if any children, under pretence of 
religion, forsook their parents, and did not give them the ho- 

nour due to them, they should be anathematized.’ St. Basil’s 
directions’ are conformable to the rule of that Council, ‘ that 
children should not be received into monasteries, unless they 

were offered by their parents, if their parents were alive.’ But 
Justinian a little enervated the force of this ancient rule by a 

new law‘, ‘forbidding parents to hinder their children from 
becoming monks or clerks, and evacuating their wills, if they 
presumed to disinherit them upon that account.’ And this 

seems to have been the first step toward the contrary practice; 

which some learned writers?> of the Romish Church have been 

so far from approving, that they have with the utmost zeal 

and yehemence declaimed against it, as repugnant to the laws 

of reason and Scripture, and the general practice of the pri- 

mitive Church. 

_ 5. Nor was it only the parent’s right that was to be consi- Children, 
dered in this case, but also the right that every person is Pet ey 
presumed to have in himself; for if a parent offered a child their pa- 
before he was capable of giving his own consent, the act was peg ea 
of no force, unless a child confirmed it voluntarily when he pear 


came to years of discretion; which the second Council of their own 
consent. 


of the monastic life. 


συνοικήσαντι παντελῶς ἄχρηστον εἷ- 


ναι, K.T.A. 

_ 31 De Monachis, 1. 2. c. 38. (t. 2. 
Ρ. 480 d.) Alter error est in altero 
extremo, quod nimirum matrimo- 
nium etiam consummatum dissol- 
vatur per ingressum in religionem. 
Ita CS esc Justinianus, Cod. de 
Epise. et Cler. 1. finali; et refert 
hanc legem Gregorius, lib. 9. epist. 


3959 Ὁ. 16. (t. 2. Pp. 224 [corrige, 
420] a.) Εἴ τινα τέκνα γονέων, μά- 
λιστα πιστῶν, ἀναχωροίη 7 εἰ 
θεοσεβείας, καὶ μὴ τὴν μὴ ” 
τιμὴν τοῖς γονεῦσιν ἀπονέμοι, προτι- 

ιωμένης δηλονότι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῆς θεο- 
Galles, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. 


23 Regul. Major. quest. 15. (t. 2. 
be Ds ad μος “ἃ an.c0 10) Of 
παιδία] ὑπὸ γονεῖς ὄντα, παρ᾽ αὐτῶν 
ἐκείνων προσαγόμενα, ἐπὶ πολλῶν 
μαρτύρων δεχόμενοι, ὥστε μὴ δοῦναι 
ἀφορμὴν τοῖς θέλουσιν ἀφορμὴν, ἀλλὰ 
πᾶν ἄδικον στόμα τῶν λαλούντων κ 
ἡμῶν βλασφημίαν ἐπισχεθῆναι. 

24 Cod. ut supr. ἢ. 20. leg. 54. 
(t. 4. p. 140.) Ut non liceat paren- 
tibus impedire, quo minus liberi 
eorum volentes monachi aut clerici 
fiant, aut eam ob solam causam ex- 
heredare, &c. 

25 Arodius de Patr. Jur. ad Fil. 
(pp. 649, seqq.) Agamus itaque de 
votis, &c. 


? 


358 Laws and rules VIL. iii. 


Toledo reckons to be about the age of eighteen, decreeing, 
‘that all such, as were entered in their infancy by their parents 
into the clerical or monastic state, should be instructed in the 
bishop’s house till they came to that age, and then they should 
be interrogated, whether they intended to lead a single life or 
marry, that accordingly they might now resolve either to con- 
tinue in their present state, or betake themselves to a secular 
life again :᾿ which, by the decree of this Council, they had still 
liberty to do. And virgins had the same liberty till forty by 
an edict of the emperors Leo and Majorian2’ at the end of the 
Theodosian Code. But the fourth Council of Toledo 38. was. 
more severe in this respect to infant monks, for there it was. — 
decreed, anno 633, ‘ that whether their parents’ devotion or 
their own profession made them monks, both should be equally 
binding, and there should be no permission to return to a se- 


cular life again.’ 


26 C. 1. (Ὁ. 4. p. 1733 a.) De his, 
quos voluntas parentum a primis 
infantiz annis in clericatus officio 
vel monachali posuit, [al. clericatus 
officio manciparit, | [pariter] statui- 
mus observandum, ut mox cum de- 
tonsi vel ministerio electorum con- 
traditi fuerint, in domo ecclesiz sub 
episcopali preesentia a preposito 
sibi debeant erudiri. At ubi octa- 
vum decimum etatis suze comple- 
verint annum, coram totius cleri 
plebisque conspectu, voluntas eo- 
rum de expetendo conjugio ab epi- 
scopo perscrutetur, &c. 

27 Novel. 8. ad cale. Cod. Theod. 
(t.6. append. p. 36. col. sinistr.)... 
Unde ne per hujusmodi impietatem 
parentum egestas et opprobrium 
personis nobilibus irrogetur, et, 
quod precipue submovendum est, 
irrisionibus execrandis Omnipoten- 
tis Dei contrahatur offensio, edictali 
lege sancimus, filias, quas pater ma- 
terve a seculari permixtione trans- 
latas Christiane fidei servare pre- 
cepta continuata virginitate censue- 
rint, in beat vite proposito per- 
manentes, non ante suscepto hono- 
rato capitis velamine consecrari, 
quam 40. anno etatis emensz tali- 
bus infulis inoffensa meruerunt ob- 
servatione decorari, et multi tem- 


This, as Spalatensis29 rightly observes, was 


poris series et czlestis consuetudo 
servitii ad perfidam voluntatem no- 
vis desideriis aditum non relinquant, 
qui, ante definitum temporis spa- 
tium, sanctimonialem puellam aliis 
adulti sexus sui votis calentem me- 
moratorum quisquam parentum ve- 
lari fecerit atque permiserit, tertia 
bonorum parte multetur; eadem 
peena constringi etiam, que illa pa- 
rentibus destituta ut intra preedictz 
zetatis annos voluerit consecrari. 

28 C. 48. [al. 49.] (t. 5. p.1717 ἃ.) 
Monachum aut paterna devotio aut 
propria professio facit. Quicquid 
horum fuerit alligatum, tenebit. 
Proinde his ad mundum revertendi 
[al. reverti] intercludimus aditum, 
et omnes [8]. omnem] ad seculum 
interdicimus regressus [al. regres- 
sum. | 

29 De Republ. part. 1. 1. 2. ¢. 12. 
n. 29. (p. 358. 6. 10.) Immo eo pro- 
gressi sunt homines, humana in hoc 
sapientes, ut pro monachis veris et 
obligatis monachali vite, habendos 
censuerint interdum et decreverint 
608 quoque, qui nullo propriz vo- 
luntatis arbitrio, propriave electione, 
sed solo parentum voto solaque eo- 
rum obligatione, pueri in monaste- 
riis esse, monachalemque habitum 
gestare, inveniuntur. ~ | 


§ 5; 6. of the monastic life. 359 


the first canon that ever was made to retain children in mon- 
asteries, who were only offered by their parents, without re- 
quiring their own consent at years of discretion. 

6. The manner of admission was generally by some change Of the ton- 
of their habit and dress, not to signify any religious mystery, jie ar 
but only to express their gravity and contempt of the world. monks. . 
And in this, the sober part of them were always careful to ob- 
serve a decent mean betwixt vanity and lightness, on the one 
hand, and hypocritical affectations on the other. Long hair 
was always thought an indecency in men, and sayouring of 
secular vanity; and therefore they polled every monk at his 
admission, to distinguish him from the seculars; but they never 
shaved any, for fear they should look too like the priests of Isis. 

This, then, was the ancient tonsure, in opposition to both those 
extremes. Long hair they reckoned an effeminate dress, and 
against the rule of the Apostle; therefore Epiphanius*° blames 
the Mesopotamian monks for wearing long hair against the 
rule of the Catholic Church; and St. Austin?! censures such 
under the name of criniti fratres, the long-haired brethren. 
St. Jerom, according to his custom, expresses himself with satire 
and indignation against them; for, writing to Eustochium®?, he 
bids her ‘ beware of such monks as affected to walk in chains, 
and wear long hair, and goats’-beards, and black cloaks, and 
go barefoot in the midst of winter; for these were but argu- 
ments and tokens of a devil.’ From which invective it may be 
easily collected that such sort of affectations in habit and dress 
were not approved then by wise men in the Church. But, on 
the other hand, the ancient tonsure was not a shaven crown; 


30 Her. 80. Massal. a6. (th 


81 De Oper. Monach. c, 31. (t. 6. 
P- 1073 a. b.) ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ ἄλλῳ 


. 501 a.) Vereor in hoc vitio plura 


5 ge of αὐτοὶ τίμιοι ἡμῶν 


οἱ κατὰ Μεσοποταμίαν ἐν 
μοναστηρίοις ὑπάρχοντες, εἴτουν ῥέν- 
dpas = tan Pa ene 


ρύγματος Trav’ 


icere propter quosdam crinitos fra- 
tres, quorum preter hoc multa et 
pene omnia veneramur. 
a c. 12. [al. 28.] (t. 1. 
p- 110 ὃ.) Viros quoque fuge, quos 
videris catenatos; quorum fceminei 
contra Apostolum [ aulum | crines, 
hircorum barba, nigrum pallium, et 
nudi in patientia frigoris pedes. 
ον omnia argumenta sunt dia- 


360 Laws and rules VIL. iii. 


for St. Jerom 3, St. Ambrose?*#, and others, equally inveigh 
against this as a ceremony of the priests of Isis; it was only an 
obligation on the monks and clergy to wear decent and short 
hair, as is evident from all the canons®> that appoint it. 

As to their habit and clothing, their rules were the same, that 
it should be decent and grave, as became their profession; not 
hight and airy, nor slovenly and affected. The monks of Ta- 
bennesus, in Thebais, which lived under the institution of Pa- 
chomius, seem to have been the only monks in those days who 
were confined to any particular habits. Cassian has a whole 
book among his Institutes 86 to describe them; where he speaks 
of their cingula, cuculli, colobia, redimicula, palliola, or 
mafortes, melotes, their sheep-skins, and calige, their sandals ; 
all which they that are curious in this matter may find there 
particularly described. But he owns%? these habits were not 


33 In Ezek. c. 44. (t. 5. p. 547 b.) 
Quod autem sequitur, Caput autem 
suum non radent, neque comam nu- 
trient, sed tondentes attondebunt ca- 
pita sua, perspicue demonstratur, 
nec rasis eapitibus, sicut sacerdotes 
cultoresque Isidis atque Serapidis, 
nos esse debere, nec rursum comam 
demittere, quod proprie luxurioso- 
rum est, barbarorumque et militan- 
tium, sed ut honestus habitus sacer- 
dotum facie demonstretur. 

34 Ep. 36. [al. 58.] ad Sabin. (t. 2. 
p- 1013 d. n. 3.) Cum ipsi capita et 
supercilia sua radant, si quando 
Isidis suscipiunt sacra, si forte 
Christianus vir attentior sacrosanetz 
religioni vestem mutaverit, mdig- 
num facinus appellant. 

85 Vid. C. Carth. 4. c. 44. (t. 2. 
p- 1203 6.) Clericus nec comam 
nutriat, nec barbam [radat]. [See 
before, book 6. chap. 4. sect. 15. 
Ρ. 289. n. 6.]}—C. Agathens. c. 20. 
({. 4. p. 1386 c.) Clerici, qui comam 
nutriunt, ab archidiacono, etiamsi 
noluerint, inviti detondeantur.—C. 
Tolet. 4. c. 40. fal. 41.] (t. 5. p. 
1716 d.) Omnes clerici, vel lectores, 
sicut levite et sacerdotes, detonso 
superius toto capite, inferius solam 
circuli coronam relinquant: non 
sicut huc usque in Gallicize partibus 
facere lectores videntur, qui pro- 


lixis, ut laici comis, in solo capitis 
apice modicum circulum tondent. 
Ritus enim iste, &e. 

36 L. 1. wa Habitu Monachorum. 
(pp. 4, seqq. 

37 ibid.” τ 11. (ap. Ed. Lugdun. 
1516. Item ap. Ed. Basil. 1575. ad 
calc. Damasceni, p. 907.) [In the 


-editions of Cassian by Gazeeus or 


Gazey, viz. Duaci, 1616. 2 vol. 8vo., 
Atrebati, (Arras) 1628. fol., Fran- 
cofurti s. Lipsiz, 1722, fol., and 
Lipsiz, 1733, fol., which last I have 
chiefly consulted, the eleventh and 
twelfth chapters of the first Book, 
entitled, De temperamento observan- 
tie, que secundum aérum qualitatem 
vel usum provincia sit tenenda, are 
omitted. Cassian, I believe, is 
nearly apocryphal with Romanists ; 
(see the Index Librorum Prohibito- 
rum, Rome 1770. 8vo. p. 37, at the 
name Buffi Benedetto, the Italian 
translator of the Institutes,) and 
possibly the liberality of chapter 
eleven, which I here give entire, 
may have led to its omission by the 
Benedictine editor:— Hee dicta 
sint, ne quid pretermisse de Ai- 
gyptiorum habitu videamur. Ce- 
terum a nobis tenenda sunt illa 
tantummodo, que vel locorum situs 
vel provinciz usus admittit. Nam 
neque caligis nos, neque eolobiis, 


§ 6. 


361 


in use among the Western monks; and some of them, particu- 
larly the cowl and the sheep-skins, would have exposed them 
only to derision to have worn them. St. Jerom often speaks of 
the habit of monks, but he never once intimates that it was 
any particular garb differing from others, save only in this®, 
that it was a cheaper, coarser, meaner raiment than others 
wore, expressing their humility and contempt of the world 
without any singularity or affectation. For as to the affecting 
of black cloaks, and appearing in chains, we have heard him 
already express himself severely against them. And he is no 
less satirical? against those who wore cowls and sackcloth for 
their outward garment; because these were vain singularities, 
which religious persons ought to avoid, and rather observe a 
becoming mean in their habit between gaiety and slovenli- 
ness4°, without any notable distinction to draw the eyes of the 
world upon them. Palladius takes notice of some who loved to 
walk in chains; but he says*!, Apollo, the famous Egyptian 
monk, was used to inveigh severely against them. And Cassian 
justly blames some others as having more zeal than knowledge, 


of the monastic life. 


seu una tunica esse contentos hye- 
mis permittit asperitas: et parvis- 
simi cuculli velamen, vel melotis 
gestio, derisum potius quam edifi- 
cationem ullam videntibus compa- 


Ep. 13. τ: 58.] ad Paulin. (ibid. 
p- 317 d.) Tunicam mutas cum ani- 
mo, nec pleno marsupio gloriosas 
sordes appetis, &c.—Ep. τῷ. fal. 4] 
ad Marcell. de Laud. Aselle. (ibid. 


rabit. Quapropter illa tamen, que 

ius Commemoravimus, queeque 
sunt et humilitate professionis nos- 
tre et qualitati aérum congruentia, 
a nobis quoque affectanda cense- 
mus; ut omnis summa nostri vesti- 
tus non in novitate habitus, qui 
possit offendiculum hominibus se- 
culi hujus inferre, sed honesta in 
utilitate consistat.—This extract is 
made from a black letter copy of 
Cassian, Lugdun. 1516. fol., in the 
Bodleian Library. I have also seen 
the chapters in question in Basa’s 
edition, Lugduni 1606. 8vo., dedi- 
cated to Pope Gregory XIII. But 
they are omitted in the reprint of 
Cassian from Gazey’s edition in the 
or mp Maxima, Lugdun. 1677. 


Ep. 4. [al. 125.] ad Rustic. 
(t. 1. p. 930 b.) Sordidz vestes can- 
didz mentis indicia sunt: vilis tu- 
nica contemptum szculi prebet.— 


127 d.) Tunica fusciore induta [al. 
tunicam fusciorem induta] se re- 
pente Dominz consecravit. 

39 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 12. [al. 
27.) (ibid. p. 110 b.) Sunt que ci- 
liciis vestiuntur et cucullis fabre- 
factis : ut ad infantiam redeant, imi- 
tantur noctuas et bubones. 

40 Ibid. paul. ant. (p. 109 d.) 
Vestis sit nec satis munda, nec 
sordida, et nulla diversitate nota- 
bilis: ne ad te obviam pretereun- 
tium turba consistat, aut [al. et] 
digito demonstreris. 

41 Hist. Lausiac. c. 52. (ap. Bibl. 
Patr. Gr.—Lat. t. 2. p. 985 ¢- 4.) 
᾿Εμέμφετο δὲ a τοὺς τὰ σι- 

ρα ροντας καὶ τοὺς κομῶντας" 
τ A ἐνδεικνύουσί, φησι, καὶ ἀν- 
θρωπαρέσκειαν θηρῶσι' δέον αὐτοὺς 
μᾶλλον νηστείαις ae rd wines 
καὶ ἐν κρυπτῷ τὸ καλὸν πράττειν" o 
δὲ οὐ τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ πᾶσιν ἑαυτοὺς φα- 
νεροὺς καθιστῶσι. 


362 Laws and rules VIL. iii. 


because they, literally interpreting that saying of our Saviour, 
“he, that taketh not up his cross. and followeth me, is not 
worthy of me,” made themselves wooden crosses, and carried 
them continually about their necks; which, as he rightly ob- 
serves #2, was not to edify, but raise the laughter of all spec- 
tators.’ Such affectations were generally condemned by the 
Ancients, and it was only the ignorant or superstitious that ap- 
proved them. So that upon the whole matter it appears that 
the Western monks used only a common habit, the philosophic 
pallium, which many other Christians in those times did ; 
whence, as I have noted in another place*?, the Heathens 
called Christians Greeks and Impostors; and sometimes the 
looser sort of Christians gaye monks the same name for the 
same reason, as St. Jerom4+ seems to intimate, when he says, 
‘if aman did not wear silk, he was reckoned a monk; if he 
did not appear in gay clothing, he was presently termed a 
Greek and impostor.’ And Salvian*> reflects on the African 
people, and especially those of Carthage, for the same treat- 
ment of them; for he says, ‘they could scarce ever see a man 
with short hair, and a pale face, and habited in a pallium,’ 
that is, a monk, ‘ without bestowing some reviling and re- 
proachful language on him.’ These words of Salvian I take to 
be an exact description of their ancient habit and tonsure. 

No solemn ἢ. As to any solemn vow or profession required at their ad- 

με δι ve. Mission, we find no such thing; for it was not yet the practice 

— of of those ages; but whatever was done in that kind was only a 
private transaction between God and themselves. St. Basil 4 


42 Collat. 8. c. 3. (p. 336.) Quod 
quidam districtissimi monachorum, 
habentes quidem zelum Dei sed 
non secundum scientiam, simplici- 
ter intelligentes, fecerunt sibi cruces 
ligneas, easque jugiter humeris cir- 
cumferentes, non edificationem, sed 
risum cunctis videntibus apt eb: 

43 B. 1. ch. 2. 8. 4. v. 1. p. 15. 

44 Ep. 23. [al. 38.] ad 'Mixooll 
(t.1. Ρ. 174 a.) Nos, quia serica 
veste non utimur, monachi judica- 
mur. ....Si tunica non canduerit, 
statim illud de trivio, Impostor et 
Grecus est. 

4) De Gubernat. 1. 8. n. 4. p. 295. 
(p. 181.)...Intra Africee civitates, et 


maxime intra Carthaginis muros, 
palliatum et pallidium, et recisis 
comarum fluentium jubis usque ad 
cutem tonsum videre, tam infelix 
ille populus, quam infidelis, sine 
convicio atque execratione vix pot- 
erat. 

46 Ep. Canon. c. 19. (CC. t. 2. 
Ρ. 1733 na ) ᾿Ανδρῶν δὲ ὁμολογίας οὐκ 
ἔγνωμεν, πλὴν εἰ μή τινες ἑαυτοὺς τῷ 
τάγματι τῶν ᾿μοναζόντων ἐγκατηρίθμη- 
σαν" οἵ κατὰ τὸ CtoTr ὦμενον δοκοῦσ᾽ t 
παραδεδέχθαι [8]. _ παραδέχεσθαι] τὴν 
ἀγαμίαν' πλὴν καὶ €7 ἐκείνων, ἐκεῖνο 
ἡγοῦμαι προηγεῖσθαι προσήκειν, ἐρω- 
τᾶσθαι αὐτοὺς, καὶ λαμβάνεσθαι τὴν 
παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὁμολογίαν ἐναργῆ. 


§ 7, 8. 363 


says plainly, ‘that there was no express promise of celibacy 
taken of any, but they seemed only to promise it tacitly by 
becoming monks.’ He advises, indeed, that a profession should 
be required of them for the future; but that implies, that as 
yet no such promise had been exacted before. There were 
some monks that lived in a married state, as appears from 
what has been alleged from Athanasius and St. Austin in the 
foregoing chapter‘? ; and it is certain a promise of celibacy 
could not be exacted of them. And for others that lived in 
communities, their way of admission was not upon any explicit 
promise, but a triennial probation, during which time they 
were inured to the exercises of the monastic life in the greatest 
severity ; and if, after that term was expired, they liked to 
continue the same exercises, they were then admitted without 
any further ceremony or solemnity into the community, to 
cohabit as proper members of it. This was the method pre- 
seribed by the rule of Pachomius, the father of the monks of 
Tabennesus, from which all others took their model, as the 
reader may find in Palladius‘* and Sozomen‘9, where the rule 
is at large recited. 

__ 8, There was as yet no solemn vow of poverty required nei- What 
ther; though it was customary for men voluntarily to renounce "eent Py 
the world by disposing of their own estates to charitable uses, manciation 
before they entered into a community, where they were to Ὁ 
enjoy all things in common. Thus Hilarion divided all his sub- 
stance between his brethren and the poor, reserving nothing 
to himself, as St. Jerom*° and Sozomen®! report of him. And 
Paulinus, a rich senator’s son, with his wife Therasia, by mu- 
tual consent disposed of both their estates, which were very 
great, to the poor, and then betook themselves to a monastic 
life at Nola, where Paulinus, after he was made bishop of the 


of the monastic life. 


Sei 


47 §. 6. 50 Vit. Hilar. c. 3. (t. 2. p. 14 d.) 


mv ς 


᾿ἰσάπα ᾿ “oup- 
εἰς 
ἀδύτων αὐτὸν οὐ δέξη" ἀλλ᾽ ἐργατικώ- 
τέρα ἔργα ποιήσας, οὕτως εἰς τὸ στά- 
dior ἐ μετὰ τὴν τριετίαν. 


4 . 6,14. tot. (v. 2. pp. 110, 
sega.) “Ἀρέομαι δὲ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου, 
K. τι ἡ, 


Reversus est cum quibusdam mo- 
nachis ad patriam, et, parentibus 
jam defunctis, partem substantiz 
fratribus, partem pauperibus largi- 
tus est, nihil sibi omnmino reservans. 
δ] L. 3. 6. 14. (ν. 2. Pp. 114. 14.) 
Καταλαβὼν δὲ τελευτήσαντας. τοὺς 
πατέρας εἰς τοὺς “ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τοὺς 
δεομένους τὴν οὐσίαν διένειμεν. 


364 Laws and rules VIL. iii. 


place, continued the same voluntary poverty still; insomuch 
that St. Austin»? says of him, ‘ that when the Goths were ra- 
vaging and plundering the town, he made this prayer to God; 
Domine, ne excrucier propter aurum et argentum; ubi enim 
sint omnia mea, tu scis.—Lord, let not the barbarians tor- 
ture me for my silver or gold, for thou knowest where all my 
treasure ts. Such instances of voluntary poverty are every- 
where obvious in ancient history. But then one thing they 
were very careful to avoid in those early times, that is, that 
when they had once renounced their own estates, they did not 
afterward seek to enrich themselves, or their monasteries, by 
begging or accepting the estates of others. It was a remark- 
able answer to this purpose, which Isaac Syrus, bishop of Ni- 
neveh, is said 58 to have given to his monks, when they desired 
him to receive some lands that were offered him for the use of 
his monastery; he replied, Monachus, qui in terra possessio- 
nes querit, monachus non est.—A monk, that seeks for pos- 
sessions in the earth, ts not a monk. The Western monks 
were not always precise to this rule, as appears from the com- 
plaints of St. Jerom> and Cassian**, and some imperial laws*® 


52 De Civit. Dei, 1.1. c. 10. (t. 7. liaris magis aucta quam imminuta. 


p.- 11d.) Unde Paulinus noster, 
Nolensis [al. Nolanus] episcopus, 
ex opulentissimo divite voluntate 
pauperrimus et copiosissime sanc- 
tus, quando et ipsam Nolam bar- 
bari vastaverunt, cum ab eis tene- 
retur, sic in corde suo, ut ab eo 
postea cognovimus, precabatur 5 
Domine, ne excrucier propter au- 
rum et argentum, &c. 

53 Vid. Cave, Hist. Liter. (v. 2. 
p. 184.) Isaac, natione Syrus, urbis 
Ninives episcopus.....muhi certe in 
nullo magis memorabilis, quam 
quod monachos suos ipsum humi- 
liter hortantes, ut in usum monas- 
terii possessiones, que oblatz erant, 
acciperent, simplici hoc responso 
refellit : Monachus, qui in terra pos- 
sessiones querit, monachus non est. 

54 Ep. 4. [al. 125.] ad Rustic. 
(t. 1. p. 937 b.) Vidi ego quosdam, 
qui, postquam renuntiavere szculo, 
vestimentis duntaxat et vocis pro- 
fessione, non rebus, nihil de pristina 
conversatione mutarunt. Res fami- 


Eadem ministeria servulorum, idem 
apparatus convivii. In vitro et pa- 
tella fictili aurum comeditur, et in- 
ter turbas et examina ministrorum 
nomen sibi vendicant solitarii. — 
Ep. 3. [al. 60. c. 11.] ad Heliodor. 
(ibid. p. 337d.) Alii...sint ditiores 
monachi, quam fuerant seculares : 
possideant opes sub Christo pau- 
pere, quas sub locuplete Diabolo 
non habuerant; ut suspiret eos ec- 
clesia divites, quos mundus antea 
tenuit mendicos. 

55 Instit. 1. 4. c. 15. (p. 58.) Ad 
hee nos miserabiles quid dicemus, 
qui in ccenobiis commorantes, ac 
sub abbatis cura et solicitudine 
constituti, peculiares circumferimus 
claves, omnique professionis nostre 
verecundia et confusione calcata, 
etiam annulos, quibus_ recondita 
presignemus, in digitis palam ges- 
tare nos non pudet, quibus non so- 
lum cistelle vel sport, sed ne arcee 
quidem vel armaria, ad ea que con- 
gerimus, vel que egressi de szeculo 


8. 


of the monastic life. 365 


made to restrain their avarice. But the monks of Egypt were 
generally just to their own pretensions ; their monasteries had 
no lands or revenues belonging to them, nor would they have 
any, nor suffer any monk to enjoy more than was necessary 
for his daily subsistence. For they thought it a contradiction 
to their profession that men who made a show of renouncing 
the world should grow rich in monasteries, who perhaps were 


poor before they came thither. And therefore, if ever they re- 


ceived any donation, it was not for their own use, but the use 
of the poor. Nay, they would not suffer any monk to enjoy 
any thing to call it his own; but in a community they would 
have all things in common. And therefore St. Jerom*? tells a 
remarkable story of one of the monks of Nitria in Egypt, how 
he was punished for hoarding up but an hundred shillings as 
his own property, which he had saved out of his daily labour. 
At his death, when the thing came to be discovered, a council 
of all the monks was called to advise what should be done with 
the money; and they were about five thousand who met at 
this consultation. Some said it should be distributed among 
the poor; others, that it should be given to the Church; and 
others, that it should be remitted to his parents. But Maca- 


reservavimus, condenda sufticiunt. 
Quique ita nonnunquam pro vilis- 
simis nullisque rebus accedimur, 
eas duntaxat velut proprias vendi- 
cantes, ut si quis vel digito quic- 

ex his contrectare presum- 
pserit, tanta contra eum iracundia 
suppleamur, ut commotionem cor- 
dis nostri ne a labiis quidem ac 
tota corporis indignatione revocare 


possimus. 

56 Vid. Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. 
de Episc. leg. 20. (t. 6. p. 48.) 
Ecclesiastici, aut ex ecclesiasticis, 
vel qui Continentium se volunt no- 
mine nuncupari, viduarum ac pupil- 
larum domos non adeant : sed pub- 
licis exterminentur judiciis, si post- 
hac eos ad fines earum vel propinqui 
putaverint deferendos. nsemus 
etiam, ut memorati nihil de ejus 
mulieris, cui se privatim sub pre- 
textu religionis adjunxerint, libera- 
litate qnacunque, vel extremo judi- 
cio possint adipisci: et omne in 
tantum inefficax sit, quod alicui ho- 


rum ab his fuerit derelictum, ut nec 
per subjectam personam valeant ali- 
quid, vel donatione, vel testamento, 


reipere. 

a a ec. ad Eustoch. c. 14. [al. 
33.] (t. 1. p.116 b.) Quod ante non 
lures annos Nitrize gestum sit, re- 
eramus. Quidam ex fratribus par- 
cior magis quam avarior, et nesciens 
triginta argenteis Dominum vendi- 
tum, centum solidos, quos lino tex- 
endo acquisierat, moriens dereliquit. 
Initum est inter monachos consi- 
lium, (nam in eodem loco circiter 
quinque millia divisis cellulis habi- 
tabant, ) quid [hinc] facto opus esset. 
Alii pauperibus distribuendos esse 
dicebant; alii dandos ecclesiz ; non- 
nulli parentibus remittendos. Ma- 
carius vero, et Pambo, et Isidorus, 
et ceeteri quos Patres vocant, sancto 
in eis loquente Spiritu, decreverunt 
infodiendos esse cum eodem, [8]. 
domino suo,] dicentes, Pecunia tua 
tecum sit in perditionem ! 


366 Laws and rules VII. i 


rius, and Pambo, and Isidore, and the rest of those called fa- 
thers among them, decreed that it should be buried with him 
in his grave, saying, Thy money perish with thee! So little 
regard had those ancient monks for any thing more than what 
was necessary for their daily sustenance ! 


Of the dif- 9, Some indeed did not thus renounce all property, but kept 
ference be- : : F : 

tween the their estates in their own hands, and yet enjoyed no more of 
renouncing them than if they had actually passed them over to others; 
and the ote r 

communi- for they distributed their whole yearly revenue constantly to 
cative life. 


the poor, and such charitable uses as men’s daily needs re- 
quired. Of this sort Palladius>? and Sozomen 59 mention one 
Apollonius, who kept his estate in his own possession, but ex- 
pended the annual income in providing physic and other ne- 


eessaries for the sick monks, as there was occasion. 


Palladius 


also 6° speaks of two brothers, Pacesius and Esaias, sons of a 


58 Hist. Lausiac. c.14. (Bibl. Patr. 
Gr. -Lat. t. 2. p. 916 b.) ᾿Απολλώνιός 
τις ὀνόματι ἀπὸ πραγματευτῶν ἀπο- 
ταξάμενος καὶ οἰκήσας τὸ ὄρος τῆς 
Νιτρίας, μήτε τέχνην. τὸ λοιπὸν μαθεῖν 
δυνάμενος, μήτε ἐπὶ ἄσκησιν γραφικὴν 
τῷ παραβεβηκέναι τὴν ἡλικίαν, ζήσας 
ἐν τῷ ὄρει εἴκοσι ἔτη, ταύτην ἔσχεν 
τὴν ἄσκησιν" ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων χρημάτων 
καὶ τῶν οἰκείων πόνων παντοία ἰατρικὰ 


“καὶ κελλαρικὰ ἀγοράζων ἐ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλεξ- 


ανδρείᾳ, πάσῃ τῇ ἀδελφότητι εἰς τὰς 
νόσους ἐπήρκει, κι τ. A. 


ὅ91,. 6. C. 29. (v. 2. p. 260. 1.) 


᾿Απολλώνιος δὲ, τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον ἐμ- 


πορίαν μετιὼν, ἤδη πρὸς γῆρας ἐλαύ- 
νῶν, ἐπὶ τὴν Σκῆτιν ἦλθε: λογισάμενος 


-δὲ ὡς οὔτε γράφειν, οὔτε ἄλλην τινὰ 


τέχνην μαθεῖν οἷός τέ ἐστι διὰ τὴν 


ἡλικίαν, παντοδαπῶν φαρμάκων εἴδη 


‘ > -. > , Les 4 
καὶ ἐδεσμάτων ἐπιτηδείων τοῖς κάμ- 


'γουσιν, ἐξ οἰκείων χρημάτων ὠνούμε- 
vos, ἀνὰ ἑκάστην θύραν μοναστικὴν 


περιήει μέχρις ἐννάτης ὥρας, ἐφορῶν 
τοὺς νοσοῦντας" ἐπιτηδείαν δὲ ταύτην 
αὐτῷ τὴν ἄσκησιν εὑρὼν, ὧδε ἐπολι- 
τεύσατο" μέλλων δὲ τελευτᾷν, ἄλλῳ 
παραδοὺς ἃ εἶχεν, ἐνετείλατο τὰ αὐτὰ 
ποιεῖν. 
60 Hist. Lausiac. c. 15. (ibid. p 

916 d. }» Ἕτερός τις Πακήσιος καὶ Ἤς 


'σαΐας οὕτω καλούμενοι ἀδελφοὶ ὑ ὑπῆρ- 


χον πατρὸς. ἐμπόρου Σπανοδρόμου" οἵ 
τινες τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῶν τελευτήσαντος 


ἐμερίσαντο τὰ ὑπάρχοντα ἐν κινητοῖς, 
ἃ ἔσχον ἐν “μὲν νομίσμασι πεντακισ- 
χιλίοις, ἐν ἱματίοις δὲ καὶ οἰκέταις τὰ 
εὑρεθέντα. Οὗτοι μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἐσκέ- 
ψαντο, καὶ συμβουλεύοντες ἑαυτοῖς 
ἔλεγον πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ᾿Επὶ ποίαν 
μέθοδον ἔλθωμεν. βίου, ἀδελφέ: ἐὰν 
ἔλθωμεν ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν ἐμπορίαν, ἣν μετῆλ- 
θεν ὁ ὁ πατὴρ ἡμῶν, καὶ ἡμεῖς ἑτέροις 
ἔχομεν καταλεῖψαι τοὺς πόνους ἡμῶν" 
ἴσως δὲ καὶ κινδύνοις περιπεσούμεθα 
πάντως ἢ ληστρικοῖς ἢ θαλαττίοις" 
δεῦρο οὖν, ἀδελφὲ, ἐπὶ τὸν μονήρη 
βίον ἔλθωμεν, ἵνα καὶ τὰ τοῦ πατρὸς 
ἡμῶν κερδήσωμεν, καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἧ- 
μῶν μὴ ἀπολέσωμεν." ἬἭρεσεν οὖν ἀμ- 
φοτέροις ὁ σκοπὸς τοῦ μονήρους βίου" 
εὑρέθησαν οὖν ἄλλος κατ᾽ ἄλλο δια- 
φωνοῦντες" μερισάμενοι δὲ τὰ ᾿χρή- 
ματα, καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πάντα, τοῦ μὲν 
σκοποῦ εἴχοντο ἕκαστος τοῦ ἀρέσαι 
Θεῷ, ἐνηλλαγμένῃ δὲ τῇ πολιτείᾳ. ὁ 
μὲν γὰρ πάντα “διασκορπίσας ἔδωκεν 
ἀσκητηρίοις, καὶ ἐκκλησίαις, καὶ φυ- 
λακαῖς" καὶ τεχνύδριον ἔμαθεν, ὅθεν 
τὸν ἄρτον πορίσηται, καὶ τῇ ἀσκήσει 
προσέσχεν, καὶ τῇ προσευχῇ. 6 δὲ 
ἕτερος τούτου μηδὲν διασκορπίσας, 
ἀλλὰ ποιήσας ἑαυτῷ μοναστήριον, καὶ 
προσλαβόμενος a ελφοὺς ὀλίγους, 


πάντα ξένον ἐδεξιοῦτο, πάντα ἄρρω- 
στον ἐθεράπευεν, πάντα γέροντα περι- 


ἐκράτει, πάντι πένητι παρεῖχεν κατὰ 
σάββατον καὶ κυριακὴν τρεῖς ἢ τέσ- 


ᾧ 9, 10. of the monastic life. 367 


rich merchant, who, betaking themselves to ἃ monastic life, 
disposed of their’ estates in these different ways; the one gave 
away his whole-estate at once to churches and prisons, and 
such monasteries as needed relief, and then betaking himself 
to a small trade for his own subsistence, he spent the rest of 
his life in labour and prayer; but the other kept his estate in 
his own possession, and therewith first building a monastery, 
and taking to himself a few associates, he entertained all 
strangers travelling that way, took care of the sick, enter- 
tained the aged, relieved the poor, and on every Saturday and 
Lord’s-day spread three or four tablés for the refreshment of 
such as needed. Palladius calls this rightly κοινωνικὸν βίον, 
the communicative life, and the other ἀποταξαμένου βίον, the 
life of a renouncer ; and adds®', ‘ that the question being put 
by some brethren to Pambo, the famous Egyptian, concerning 
these two brothers, whether of them took the better course ? 
he replied, they were both equally perfect and acceptable in 
the sight of God; the one imitating the hospitality of Abraham 
and the other the zeal of Elias.’ 

10. Hence it appears that the ancient monks had no regard All monks 
to estates and possessions; for one way or other they dis- sore eae 
charged themselves of the burden of them. And then, since by their 
monasteries had no standing revenues, all monks whatever °”” — 
were obliged to exercise themselves in bodily labour, partly to 
maintain themselves without being burdensome to others, and 
partly to keep their souls well guarded, and as it were out of 
the way of Satan’s strongest temptations. For Cassian® notes 
it as a very wise saying of the old Egyptian fathers, ‘ that a 
labouring monk was but tempted with one devil, but an idle 
one was exposed to the devastation of a legion.’ And therefore 


σαρας τράπεζαν ee τοὺς λιπομέ- τοῖς" ay reg Arr εἰσι πρὸς τὸν 
= Pre a a Ψ τρόπῳ ἥνρως ὁ μὲν Αβραμιαῖον «ας κά 
Ἢ κλασαμσταμέ 
ri Chi rh 917 b. 4) Φίλονευ. ste rob Ἠλίου τὸ a ἀκαμπὲς τοῦ 
ἐμπεσούσης ἐπὶ lr 8 ζὥλου τῆς πρὸς Θεὸν εὐαρεστήσεως 
or τούτων τῶν acapley ἐνεδέξατο. Grischov. 
ἀδελφότητα μάλιστα, ἐπὶ τοῖς διαφό, 62 Instit. 1. το. ¢. 23. (P: 169.) 
pos ecg ἀπέρχονται πρὸς τὸν Hee est apud ASgyptum [ab] anti- 
Εν" καὶ ἅγιον Παμβὼ, καὶ ἀνα- quis Patribus sancita fal. sancta] 
τίθενται αὐτῷ τὴν περὶ τούτων ἐπί- sententia, Operantem monachum 
κρισιν, ἀξιοῦντες μαθεῖν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ uno demone pulsari; otiosum vero 
τὴν ἀμείνω πολιτείαν. “O δὲ λέγει αὐς innumeris spiritibus devastari. 


368 VII. iw. 


St. Jerom, writing to his friend Rusticus® the monk, bids him 
‘be sure to exercise himself in some honest labour, that the 
Devil might always find him employed.’ ‘This,’ he tells him, 
‘was the custom of the Egyptian monasteries, to admit none 
without working with their own hands, as well to supply their 
bodily wants as to preserve their souls from danger.’ They 
had then no idle mendicants among them, as Duarenus® him- 
self rightly observes. They looked upon a monk that did not 
work as no better than a covetous defrauder. For so, Socra- 
tes® tells us, the Egyptian fathers were used to express them- 
selves concerning such as eat other men’s bread for nought. 
We have already heard out of Bede how the monks of Ban- 
gor, two thousand in number, maintained themselves with their 
own labour. And Bishop Usher has collected a great many 
other instances of the same nature, in relation to the first mon- 
asteries of Ireland and Britam. It would be endless to pro- 
duce all the passages of ancient writers that relate to this 
matter; therefore I shall content myself to refer the reader to 
the places themselves, cited in the margin®, and only observe 


Laws and rules 


63 Ep. 4. [4]. 125.] ad Rustic. 
(t. 1. p. 933 d.) Facito aliquid ope- 
ris, ut te semper Diabolus inveniat 
occupatum ... Augyptiorum monas- 
teria hunc morem tenent, ut nul- 
lum absque operis labore suscipiant, 
non tam propter victus necessitatem 
quam propter anime salutem. 

64 De Minister. et Benefic. 1. 1. 
c. 20. (p. 23.) Nec ita otio dediti 
erant, more pseudo-monachorum 
nostri temporis. 

65 L. 4. c. 23. (v. 2. p. 238. 40.) 
..» Movayds, εἰ μὴ ἐργάζοιτο, ἐπίσης 
τῷ πλεονέκτῃ κρίνεται. 


66 See before, ch. 2. 8. 13. ἢ. 347. 


n. 74. 

οὗ Religion of the Ancient Irish, 
ch. 6. (Works, v. 4. p. 303.) But 
to leave the begging friars, &c.— 
See before, ch. 2. sect. 13. p. 347. 
n. 76. 

63 Epiphan. Her. 80. Massal. 
n. 6. (t. 1. Ὁ. 1072c.) See b. 6. 
ch. 4. 8. 13. p. 284. n. 89.—Chry- 
sost. de Compunct. Cord. 1. 1. 
c. 6. (t. τ. p. 132 6.) Ὅτε καὶ πρῴην 
ἐγὼ ἐγνώκειν, τὴν πόλιν ἀφεὶς, ἐπὶ 
τὰς σκηνὰς τῶν μοναχῶν ἐλθεῖν, πο- 


λὺς ἤμην τοῦτο ἐρευνῶν καὶ πολυ- 
πραγμονῶν, πόθεν ἡ τῶν ἀναγκαίων 
ἔσται χορηγία... εἰ μή τις ὁ εἰς ἔργον 
ἐμβάλλων χαλεπὸν, οἷον, σκάπτειν, ἢ 
ξυλοφορεῖν κελεύων, ἢ ὑδροφορεῖν, 
καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα ὑπηρε- 
τεῖν᾽ καὶ ὅλως, ὁ περὶ τῆς ἀναπαύσεως 
λόγος ἦν πολὺς Hyuiv.—Hieron. Ep. 
76. [4]. τη.} ad Marc. Celedens. (t. 1. 
p- 43 c.) Nihil alicui przripui nihil 
otiosus accipio. Manu quotidie et 
proprio sudore querimus cibum, 
scientes ab Apostolo scriptum esse, 
Qui autem non operatur, nec man- 
ducet.—Cassian. Instit. 1. 10. c. 22. 
See n. 71, following.—Justin. Novel. 
133. c. 6. (t. 5. p. 594.) Oportet 
enim duplex hoc opus monachis 
esse, aut divinis vacari Scripturis, 
aut que monachos decent, que 
vocant manuum opera, meditari et 
operari : mens enim frustra vacans 
nihil bonorum parit.—Cod. Justin. 
1. r1. tit. 25. de Mendicant. Valid. 
(p. 148. ad calc.) Cunctis, quos in 
publicum quzstum incerta mendi- 
citas vocaverit, inspectis, exploretur 
in singulis et integritas corporum 
et robur annorum: atque inertibus 


δ το. 


9609 
one thing further, that anciently monks, by the labour of their 
hands, did not only provide themselves of sufficient main- 
tenance, but had superfiuities also to relieve the necessities of 
others. Sozomen®? says Serapion presided over a monastery 
of ten thousand monks near Arsinoe in Egypt, who all thus 
laboured with their own hands, going to reap in the fields in 
the time of harvest, so that they had enough and to spare for 
the use of the poor; which is confirmed by St. Austin7°, who, 
speaking of the labour of the monks of his own time, assures 
us they many times sent away whole ships laden with neces- 
saries, to supply the needs of such countries as were exceeding 
barren and poor. He means the deserts of Libya, of which 
Cassian?* speaks, telling us, ‘ that the fathers in Egypt would 
never suffer their monks to receive any thing by way of main- 
tenance from others; but they had sufficient out of their la- 
bour not only to entertain strangers and travellers that came 
to visit them, but also to send abundance of provisions into the 
famished parts of Libya, and to supply the wants of men in 
prison in other places; reckoning that hereby they offered a 
reasonable and true sacrifice to God of the fruit of their own 


of the monastic life. 


et absque ulla debilitate miserandis 
necessitas inferatur, ut eorum qui- 
dem quos tenet conditio servilis, 
proditor studiosus et diligens do- 
minium consequatur: eorum vero, 

natalium sola libertas perse- 


quitur, "ge μὰ a fulciatur, 


oe oa hujusmodi _lenitudinem 
it 


ac probaverit: salva do- 
minis in eos actione, qui vel late- 


5 forte fugitivis vel mendicitatis 
consilium prestiterunt.— 
Conf. Pallad. Hist. ‘ara cc. 7.10. 
20. 28. 30. 39. 76. 89. 96. 112.— 
It. Mosch. Prat. Spirit. cc. 22. 114. 
160. 161. 183. 194. 
_  L. 6. c. 28. (v. 2. p. 251. 17.) 
Σεραπίων περὶ τὸν ᾿Αρσενοίτην διέ- 


τριβεν, ἀμφὶ τοὺς μυρίους ὑφ᾽ ἑαυ- 
τὸν ἔχων" πάντας ΩΣ 


τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πορίζεσθαι, = 


os yale Ἃ χορηγεῖν" 
θέρους ἐπ 
αὐτοῖς σῖτον ἀπετίθεντο, καὶ 


μετεδίδουν. 
we Morib. Eccles. c. 11. (t. 1. p. 
711b.) Sane quicquid necessario vic- 


BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


tui redundat, (nam redundat pluri- 
mum ex operibus manuum et epula- 
rum restrictione,) tanta cura egenti- 
bus distribuitur, quanta non ab ipsis, 
qui distribuunt, comparatum est. 
Nullo modo namque satagunt, ut 
hee sibi abundent ; sed omni modo 
agunt, ut non apud se remaneat, 
quod abundaverit ; usque adeo ut 
eatrgparel goes naves in ea loca mit- 
s incolunt. 

petit. . 10. c. 22. (p. 166.) 
Non solum a nullo quicquam ad 
usum victus sui accipere patiuntur, 
sed etiam de laboribus suis non 
tantum supervenientes ac pe 
nos reficiunt [fratres}]; verum etiam 
pes loca Libyz, que sterilitate ac 
ame laborant, nec non etiam per 
civitates his, qui squalore carcerum 
contabescunt, immanem conferentes 

nt alimoniz victusque sub- 
stantiam, de fructu manuum sua- 
rum, rationabile ac verum sacrifi- 
cium Domino tali oblatione se of- 
ferre credentes. 


ΒΡ 


VIL. iii 


hands by such an oblation.’ It seems they did not then think 
that working was inconsistent with the other duties of a monk, 
but one necessary part of his office and station. And St. Austin 
wrote a whole book?7? to prove this to be their duty, wherein 
he takes occasion to answer all the plausible objections that 
have ever been made to the contrary. 

11. Now, the better to promote this, and all their other du- 
ties, the monasteries were commonly divided into several parts, 
and proper officers appomted over them. Every ten monks 
were subject to one, who was called the decanus or dean, from 
his presiding over ten; and every hundred had another officer 
called centenarius, from presiding over an hundred. Above 
these were the patres, or fathers of the monasteries, as St. 
Jerom and St. Austin commonly term them; which in other 
writers are called abbates, abbots, from the Greek ἀββᾶς, 
a father; and hegumeni, presidents; and archimandrites, 
from mandra, a sheepfold; they being as it were the keepers 
or rulers of these sacred folds in the Church. The business of 
the deans was to exact every man’s daily task, and bring it to 
the economus, or steward of the house, who himself gave a 
monthly account to the father of them all, as St. Jerom7® and 
St. Austin 74 inform us. 


72 De Oper. Monach. c. 17. (t. 6. 
p. 489 ἃ.) Quid enim agant, qui ope- 


370 Laws and rules 


Proper of- 
ficers ap- 
pointed in 
monaste- 
ries for this 
purpose ; 
viz. decani, 
centenarii, 
patres, &c. 


da et linguas suas, cum manus ab 
opere non recedant? Quid ergo 


raricorporaliter nolunt, cui rei vacent, 
scire desidero. Orationibus, inqui- 
unt, et psalmis, et lectioni, et verbo 
Dei. Sancta plane vita et in Christi 
suavitate laudabilis: sed si ab his 
avocandi non sumus, nec mandu- 
candum est, nec ipse esce quotidie 
preparande, ut possint apponi et 
assumi. Si autem ad ista vacare 
servos Dei, certis intervallis tempo- 
rum, ipsius infirmitatis necessitas 
cogit, cur non et apostolicis pre- 
ceptis observandis aliquas partes 
temporum deputamus? Citius enim 
exauditur una obedientis oratio, 
uam decem millia contemptoris. 
Cantica vero divina cantare etiam 
manibus operantes facile possunt, 
et ipsum laborem tanquam divino 
celeusmate consolari. An ignoramus 
omnes opifices, quibus vanitatibus 
et plerumque etiam turpitudinibus 
theatricarum fabularum donent cor- 


impedit, servum Dei, manibus ope- 
rantem, in lege Domini meditari, et 
psallere nomini Domini altissimi : 
ita sane ut ad ea discenda, que me- 
moriter recolat, habeat seposita tem- 
pora? Ad hoc enim et illa bona 
opera fidelium subsidio supplendo- 
rum necessariorum deesse non de- 
bent, ut hore, quibus ad erudien- 
dum animum ita vacatur, ut illa 
opera corporaliter geri non possint, 
non opprimant egestate, &c. 

73 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c.15. [al. 
35-] (t.1. p. 118 b.) Opus diei sta- 
tum est, quod decano redditum, 
fertur ad ceconomum, qui et ipse 
per singulos menses patri omnium 
cum magno tremore reddit ratio- 
nem. 

74 De Morib. Eccles. c. 31. (t. 1. 
p- 710 6.) Operantur manibus ea, 
quibus et corpus pasci possit, et a 
Deo mens impediri non possit. 


571 


12. The fathers were commonly of the order of presbyters, The power 
both for the performance of divine offices and the exercise of οἱ the & 
discipline among them. And their power was very consider- abbots very 
able: for though it was not absolute and unlimited, yet it was _ sarge 
seldom or never disputed by their inferiors; it being, as St. discipline 
Jerom?> observes, a prime part of their confederation to obey rest. 
their superiors, and do whatever they commanded them. And 
in ease of wilful transgression, they had power to inflict both 
Spiritual and corporal punishments on them. Their spiritual 
punishments were the censures of the Church, suspension from 
the eucharist, and excommunication. For these powers were 
lodged in their hands; as appears from several passages in 
Cassian, who often speaks7* of the abbots casting the monks 
out of the Church, and forbidding the rest to pray with them, 
- ἘΠῚ they had done a very submissive penance, prostrate upon 
the ground, and had been reconciled and absolved by the 
abbot publicly before all the brethren. He particularly notes 
of Paphnutius, abbot of Scethis?7, ‘that he struck a monk’s 
name out of the diptychs of the Church, and could scarce be 
prevailed with to let him be mentioned in the oblation for 
those that are at rest in the Lord; because he had murdered 


§ 11,12. of the monastic life. 


Opus autem suum tradunt eis, quos 
decanos vocant, eo quod sint denis 
prepositi, ut neminem illorum cura 
i is tangat, neque in cibo, 
neque in vestimento, neque si quid 
i est, vel quotidiane ne- 


excellentissimi, omnibus rebus ex- 
celsi, nulla superbia consulunt iis, 
= filios vocent magna sua in ju- 
do auctoritate, magna illorum in 
obtem ὁ voluntate. 
75 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. [al. 
35-] (t.1. p. 117 b.) Prima apud eos 
cederati ire majoribus, 
et quicquid jusserint facere. 


76 Instit. 1. 2. c. 16. (p. 27.) Sane 
si quis pro admisso quolibet delicto 
fuerit ab oratione suspensus, nullus 
cum eo prorsus orandi habet licen- 
tiam, antequam, submissa in terram 
peenitentia, reconciliatio ejus et ad- 
missi venia coram fratribus cunctis 
publice fuerit ab abbate concessa. 
—Lib. 4. c. τό. (p. 58.) ... Tamdiu 

rostratus in terram veniam postu- 
abit, donec orationum consumme- 
tur solemnitas, impetraturus eam, 
cum jussis fuerit abbatis judicio de 
solo surgere. — Vid. ibid. c. 20. 
(p- 62.) In septimana cujusdam 
fratris, &c.—It. Collat. 18. c. 15. 
(Pp. 527-) See the latter part of the 
ς 


ἜΣ 
Collat. 2. ¢. 5. (; 240.)...Vix 
a presbytero abbate Paphnutio po- 
tuit obtineri, ut non, inter biothana- 
tos reputatus, etiam memoria et ob- 
latione pausantium judicaretur in- 
dignus. 


Bb2 


912. Laws and rules VIL. in. 
himself at the instigation of Satan, who appeared to him in the 
form of an angel of light, persuading him to throw himself into 
a deep well, with confidence that no harm could befall him for 
the great merit of his labours and virtues.’ -Socrates7® speaks 
of the like power in Arsenius, who used it, he says, with this 
discretion, that ‘he never excommunicated the junior monks, 
but only the seniors, because the juniors were likely to become 
more refractory by it, and contemn his discipline; but the se- 
niors were quickly amended by it.’ The reader may find some 
other instances in Palladius79 to the same purpose. 

As to their corporal punishments, Cassian®° tells us they 
were these two, whipping and expulsion; and he particularly 
enumerates the crimes for which they were inflicted. Palladius 
also mentions the flagellum monachorum: for he says®! in 
the church of Mount Nitria there were three whips hanged 
upon three palm-trees; one for the offending monks, another 
for the correcting of thieves, and a third for the punishment 


78 L. 4. c. 23. (v. 2. p. 238. 4.) 
᾿Αρσήνιος ἄλλος τοὺς τῶν νέων πταί- 
σαντας οὐκ ἀφώριζεν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς προ- 
κόψαντας" λέγων, ὅτι ὁ νέος ἀφορι- 
σθεὶς καταφροτητὴς γίνεται" ὁ δὲ 
προκόψας τῆς ἐκ τοῦ ἀφορισμοῦ ὀδύ- 
ἫΝ ταχεῖαν λαμβάνει τὴν αἴσθησιν. 

79 Hist. Lausiac. c. 40. (ap. Bibl. 
Patr. Gr.-Lat. t.2. p.958 b.) Ἔν τού- 
τῷ μοναστηρίῳ τῶν “γυναικῶν συνέβη 
πρᾶγμα τοιοῦτον. Ῥάπτης κοσμικὸς 
περάσας Kar ἄγνοιαν ἐζήτει ἔργον" 
ἐξελθοῦσα δὲ μία νεωτέρα τῶν παρθέ- 
νὼν λόγῳ ἑαυτῆς, (ἔρημος γάρ ἐστιν ὁ 
τόπος,) συνέτυχεν αὐτῷ ἀκουσίως, καὶ 
δέδωκεν αὐτῷ τὴν _ ἀπόκρισιν, Ὅτι 
ἡμεῖς ἔχομεν ῥάπτας ἡμετέρους. “AMY 
ἑωρακυΐα τὴν συντυχίαν ταύτην, χρό- 
νου παρελθόντος, γενομένης μάχης, ἐξ 
ὑποβολῆς τοῦ Διαβόλου, ἀπὸ πολλῆς 
πονηρίας καὶ ζέσεως θυμοῦ ἐσυκοφάν- 
τησεν ταύτην ἐπὶ τῆς ἀδελφότητος διὰ 
τὴν συντυχίαν 7 συνέδραμον ὀλίγαι 


οὐ πολλῇ κακίᾳ φερόμεναι. ᾿Απολυπη- 


θεῖσα δὲ ἐκείνη ὡς τοιαύτην. ὑποστᾶσα 
συκοφαντίαν, τὴν μηδὲ εἰς ἔννοιαν av~ 
τῆς ἀνελθοῦσαν, καὶ μὴ ἐνεγκοῦσα τὸ 
πρᾶγμα ἔβαλεν ἑ ἑαυτὴν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν 
λάθρα, καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν οὕτως. Εἰς 
συναίσθησιν δὲ ἐλθοῦσα ἡ συκοφαν- 


τήσασα, καὶ ἑωρακυῖα ὅτι ἀπὸ rinags ae 


pias ἐσυκοφάντησεν, καὶ τοῦτο εἰργά- 


σατο τὸ ἄλγος τῆς ἀδελφότητος, λα- 
θοῦσα ἑ ἑαυτὴν ἀπήγξατο, καὶ αὕτη μὴ 
ἐνεγκοῦσα τὸ πρᾶγμα" ἐξελθόντος δὲ 
τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου, ἀνήγγειλαν ταῦτα 
αἱ "λοιπαὶ παρθένοι. ᾿Ἐκέλευσεν οὖν 
τούτων μηδεμιᾷ προσφορὰν ἐπιτελε- 
σθῆναι" τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς ὡς συνειδυίας 
καὶ μὴ εἰρηνευσάσας τὴν συκοφαντῶ- 
σαν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον πιστευσάσας τὰ 
εἰρημένα, ἑπταετίαν ἀφώρισεν, ἀκοι- 
πασήγανν ποιήσας. 

80 Collat. 2. c. 16. [corrige, Instit. 
1. 4. c. 16. ] (p. 58.).... Vel plagis e- 
mendantur, vel expulsione purgan- 
tur. 

81 Hist. Lausiac. c. 6. (ut supr. p. 
go8 d. 1.)’ Ἐν τῷ ὄρει" τούτῳ Νιτρίας, 
ἐκκλησία μία ἐστὶ μεγίστη. Ἔν ταύτῃ 
τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τρεῖς φοίνικες ἱστᾶσιν, 
ἕκαστος ἔχων μάστιγα ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ κρε- 
μαμένην᾽" καὶ ὁ μέν ἐστιν εἰς ἐπιστρο- 
φὴν τῶν μοναχῶν τῶν πταιόντων" ὁ 
δὲ, εἰς τιμωρίαν λῃστῶν, ἐ ἐάν γε ἐμπέ-. 
σωσι tore’ ὁ δὲ, εἰς διόρθωσιν τῶν. 
περιτυγχανόντων καὶ ἐμπεπτωκότων οἵ--. 
οιἰσδήποτε σφάλμασιν᾽ ὡς πάντας τοὺς 
πταίοντας, καὶ διελεγχομένους, καὶ 
ὑπευθύνους πληγῶν καθεστῶτας, περι-- 
λαμβάνειν τὸν φοίνικα, καὶ λαμβάνον- 
τας κατὰ νώτου ῥητας [πληγὰς] ov- 
τῶς ἀπολύεσθαι. 


§ 12, 13. of the monastic life. 873 
ef strangers, whom they entertained in an hospital adjoining. 
But as yet we read nothing of voluntary whipping of them- 
selves by way of exercise: that is a later invention of the mo- 
dern monks, whom Spondanus*? and Prateolus*? themselves 
eannot forbear ranking among heretics; and a late French 
writer has more fully exposed them in a discourse on purpose, 
entitled Historia Flagellantium **, to which I refer the curious 
reader. 
13. The abbots, or fathers, were also of great repute in the Allowed 

Church. For many times they were called to Councils, and ™S° sm 
allowed to sit and vote there in the quality of presbyters; as privileges 
Benedict, in the Council of Rome, under Boniface the Second, At 
anno 531; which I relate upon the authority of Dr. Cave 35, who 

| has it from Antonius Scipio, in his Zlogiwm Abbatum Cassi- 

) nensium. The like privilege we find allowed in the Council 

| of Constantinople, under Flavian, anno 448, where twenty-three 

) archimandrites subscribe with thirty bishops to the condemna- 

᾿ tion of Eutyches, as appears from the Fragments of that Coun- 

; ceil, related in the Council of Chalcedon*®, But it is justly 

noted by learned men 87 as a new thing, to find abbesses, as well 

as abbots, subscribing in the Council of Becanfeld, in Kent, 

anno 694, and that before both presbyters and temporal lords, 

as the author of the Saxon Chronicle** reports it. For this is 


a a a aE τυ». 


82 Continuat. Baron. an.1349. ἢ. nentes, epistola quadam divinitus 


2. (t. 1. p. 500.) .. Surrexit hoc ipso 
anno, et in sequentem prop ta est, 
nova quedam secta Flagellatorum 
sive tium dicta, vel etiam 
Cruciferorum, quod et preeuntibus 
crucibus Sothdarint, et cruces sin- 
guli manu tarent, crucibusque 
rubris insignirentur in vestibus, ca- 
se et capillis a fronte et a tergo. 

i ex Hungaria ortum ducentes, 
brevi per totam Germaniam supe- 
riorem et inferiorem, Poloniam, Gal. 
liam, Angliam, aliasque regiones 
turmatim sese diffuderunt, viri pari- 
ter ac once a — πον 
nus corporibus, bis e die, 
sed Sales Matploailce, a clam de 
nocte, nodosis et aculeatis funiculis 
ad sanguinem usque flagellantes se- 
se et invicem, divinamque clemen- 
tiam miserabilibus vocibus sua qui- 

lin implorantes, seseque in 
Gram Gs modum crucifixi proster- 


ae ad hee se invitatos jactantes, 
c. 

83 Elench. Heereticor. 1.6. ¢.8. (p. 
183.) Flagellantium heresis in Ita- 
lia primum orta, &c. 

84 Paris. 1700. 8vo. 

85 Hist. Liter. (v. 1. p. 402.) anno 
531. a Bonifacio Il. Romam ad Sy- 
nodum evocatus est; eo majorem 
synodo auctoritatem presentia sua 
conciliaturus ; quod ex Bibliothece 
Vaticane codice refert Antonius 
Scipio, monachus Cassinensis. 

Act.1. (t. 4. Ρ. 230 6. seqq.) Kai 
μετὰ τὸ ἀν σθῆναι, κ.τ.λ. 

87 Cave, Hist. Liter. (ν. 2. p. 240.) 
Decreto synodico subscribunt, id- 
que ante presbyteros proceresque 
seculares, abbatisse; exemplo plane 
novo, et hactenus, quod sciam, in- 
audito. 

88 An. 694. (p. 48.) Ubi primum 
rex esset (Wihtredus, sive Withre- 


374 Laws and rules 


VIL. iii. 


the first time we meet with any such thing in the records of the 
ancient Church. 

14, But though such power and privileges were granted to 
abbots, yet neither they nor their monasteries were as yet 
exempt from the jurisdiction of bishops. For by the ancient 
laws, both ecclesiastical and civil, no monastery was to be 
erected in any place without the leave of the bishop of the 
diocese. This was one of those things which the emperor Mar- 
cian proposed to the Council of Chalcedon, and at his request it 
was there enacted into a canon 89, ‘that no one should build 
either monastery or oratory without the consent of the bishop 
of the city or country where it was to be erected.’ And by 
Justinian’s law 90 the bishop was to make a sort of consecration 
of the ground, before they went to buildmg. It is further 
provided in the fore-mentioned canon, ‘ that all monks shall be 
subject to the bishop of the diocese, and give attendance to their 
own proper duties of fasting and prayer, not intermeddling 
themselves either in ecclesiastical or secular affairs, except upon 
great and urgent necessity, and that by the permission of the 


Yet always 
subordi- 
nate to the 
power of 
bishops. 


bishop of the city or diocese to which they belonged.’ 
But I have already had occasion to speak of this matter 


dus) jussit cogi magnum concilium 
in locum, qui dictus est Baccan- 
celde. Ei interfuit Wihtredus, Can- 
twarorum rex, et Archiepiscopus 
Cantwarensis Brihtwaldus, et ‘To- 
bias episcopus de Hroveceaster, et 
cum 115 abbates et abbatissz, mul- 
tique viri prudentes, ὅς. Gibson’s 
Translation of the original Saxon. 
[See also Spelman, t. 1. (p. 190.) 


Ego Withredus, auxilio Christi, his 
legibus constitutis pro me et Wer- 
burga regina, itemque pro filio 
nostro Alirico, subscripsi. 

Ego. Berthuvald, gratia Dei archi- 
episcopus, his legibus a nobis con- 
stitutis subscripsi. 

Signum manus Ethelbarti pro se et 
fratre suo, Eadlerto. 

Signum manus Tobie episcopi. 

Signum manus Mildrede, abbatissz. 

Signum manus Ethelride, abbatissz. 

Signum manus Aetz, abbatissze. 

Signum manus Wilnode, abbatissx. 

Signum manus Herelwidee, abbatis- 
886. 


Signum manus Redempti, presbyteri. 
Signum manus Eastwaldi, presbyteri, 
ὥς. Ep.] 


89 C. 4. (t.4. p.758 b.) Ἔδοξεν μη- 
δένα μηδαμοῦ οἰκοδομεῖν, μηδὲ συνι- 
στᾷν μοναστήριον ἢ εὐκτήριον οἶκον 
παρὰ γνώμην τοῦ τῆς πόλεως ἐπισκό- 
που. 

Novel. 5.6.1. (t.5. P. 41. ad calc.) 
Illud igitur ante alia dicendum est, 
ut omni tempore, et in omni terra, si 
quis zdificare venerabile monaste- 
rium voluerit; non prius licentiam 
esse hoc agendi, quam Deo amabi- 
lem locorum episcopum advocet: et 
ille manus extendat ad ccelum, et 
per orationem locum consecret Deo, 
figens in eo salutis nostre signum : 

. Sicque inchoet edificum, &c.— 
Novel. 1321. 6. 7. (t. 5. p» 584.) Si 
quis autem voluerit fabricare vene- 
rabile oratorium, aut. monasterium, 
precipimus non aliter inchoandam 
fabricam, nisi locorum sanctissimus 
episcopus orationem ibi fecerit et ve- 
nerabilem fixerit crucem. 





es 


" —. 





of the monastic life. 375 
more fully in another place%; I shall therefore here only 


observe two or three mistakes committed by some modern 


authors in their descants upon the words of Bede, which are 
commonly alleged to prove the contrary. In one place Bede™, 
speaking of the Isle of Huy, and the monastery founded there 


_ by Columba, says, ‘the island was always governed by a 


presbyter-abbot, under whose power the whole province, and 
the bishops also, were subjected, after an unusual manner, pur- 
suant to the example of the first founder, who was not a bishop, 
but only a presbyter and a monk.’ Carolus ἃ Sancto Paulo” 
unluckily mistakes this island for Hibernia, and so makes all 
the bishops of Ireland subject to one abbot. Others mistake 
the province for all Scotland, and so make the same false de- 
duction in reference to that. Whereas, in truth, Bede is speak- 
ing only of one small part of Scotland, the country of the 
northern Picts, who were converted by Columba, in the time of 
King Bridius, who gave him the Isle of Huy to build a monas- 
tery in; whence that province of the northern Picts became 
subject to the abbot of that monastery. But that this subjec- 
tion was in spirituals, Bede says not; but it seems to have been 
an acknowledgment of some civil jurisdiction over the bishops, 
which may very well consist with their superiority in spirituals, 
as the learned Bishop of Worcester shews at large in his 
Discourse of the Culdees among his Antiquities of the British 
Church. Another passage in Bede, which has been grossly 
mistaken, is where he speaks of the Council of Herudford, anno 
673. In one of the Canons of this Council, according to some 
corrupt printed copies of Bede, there is this decree : ‘that 


91 B. 2. ch. 4. s. 2. v. 1. p. 87. φ. 156.) where he treats of fhe Cul- 
92 Hist. Anglor. 1. 3. c.4. See be- dei, Colidei, Ceelibes. Ep.] 

fore, b.2. ch. 4. 5.2. v.1. p.88. n.50. % Hist. Anglor. 1.4. c.5. capitul.5. 
98 Geogr. Sacr. 1. 6. (p.167.) Ab  juxt. Ed. Cantabr. 1644. per Abrah. 


his obstare videtur, quantum ad Ar- 
macham Beda hee de Hibernia scri- 
bens; Habere solet ipsa insula, &c. 
94 Bp. Lloyd’s Historical Account 
of Church Government, ch. 7. (pp. 
133, seqq.) A confutation of that 
i at, before there were bi- 
shops in Scotland, that Church was 
ed by a sort of monks called 

, that were only si fe 

—See particularly at p. 180. [c mp. 
also Spelman, . Archaiolog 


elocum. (p. 273.) Ut episcopi 
monachi non migrent de loco ad lo- 
cum, hoc est, de monasterio ad mo- 
nasterium, nisi per dimissionem [al. 
demissionem] proprii abbatis, sed 
in ea permaneant obedientia, quam 
tempore suze conversionis promise- 
runt. [So also according to the 


Ed. Basil. 1503. (ἔ 8. p. 122. 58.) 
I. 


. and the Ed. 


on. Agripp. 1 
12mo, (fol. 154 vers.) of t e Eccle- 


. siastical History alone. Ep.]| 


376 Laws and rules VII. iu. 


the bishops, who are monks, shall not wander from one monas- 
tery to another without leave of their abbot, but continue in 
that obedience which they promised at the time of their con- 
version.’ But this is nothing but a mere mistake of the first 
editors of Bede, who, not minding the abbreviations of the 
manuscript, read episcopi monachi, instead of ipsi monachi, as 
some later editions® rightly have it. So that there is nothing 
said in this place either for the exemption of monasteries, or ἴῃ 
derogation of the episcopal power, as some seem wilfully to 
have mistaken. Yet I deny not but that before this time there 
might be some monasteries exempt. For Habertus%7 is of 
opinion that the third Council of Arles, anno 455, granted an 
exemption to Faustus, abbot of the monastery of Lerins, which 
he thinks was the first that was ever granted. But from that 
time, the bishops of Rome took occasion to exempt monasteries 
in the West, as other patriarchs did in the East; whence such 
monasteries by the later Greeks are called patriarchal monas- 
teries, as being exempt from episcopal visitations, and only sub- 
ject to patriarchal jurisdiction. 


The spi- 15. But I return to the ancient monks; and haying given an 
ashe account of their bodily exercises, I proceed to speak of those 
monks: that were spiritual. For the improvement of the spiritual life 
oat § =i was the thing originally aimed at by men’s retiring from the 
pentance. world. Here they thought they should have more leisure and 


better opportunities for the great business of repentance. 
Upon which account the life of a monk is, by St. Jerom% and 
others, so often styled the life of a@ mourner. And in allusion 
to this, the Isle of Canopus, near Alexandria, formerly a place 
of great lewdness, was, upon the translation and settlement of 
the monks of Tabennesus there, called JInsula Metanwe, the 
Isle of Repentance ; as may be collected from St. Jerom%, who 


96 [ Vid, Ed. Colon. Agripp. 1612. 
(t. 3. p.89.)—Ed. Cantabr. cura et 
studio Joh. Smith, 1722. (p.148. 21.) 
Ut ipsi monachi, &c.—Conf. not. in 
loc. (ibid.) Mira fuit hic editorum, 
ignorantia, dicam, an oscitantia, qui 
legerunt episcopi ; unde absurdissi- 
mam dederunt eruditis controver- 
siam, ac si in hac etiam Ecclesia, sic- 
ut in Hiiensi traditur, episcopi ab- 
batibus obedientiam debeant. Ep. | 
_ 97 Archierat.ad Edict. pro Archi- 


mandr. observ. 2. (p.595.) Ceteris 
enim sui sunt limites: nullus Ro- 
mano, qui ab Arelatensis Synodi ter- 
tiz tempore, an. 404, in qua prima 
omnium exemptio monasterio Liri- 
nensi concessa est, innumeris toto 
orbe monasteriis immunitatem simi- 
lem concessit. 

98 Ep. 53. ad Ripar. See before, 
ch..2. 8,7. P. Goh. Ὁ aks 

99 Prolog. in Fee Pachom. (t. 
2. p. 53 b.) In monasterio Metanee, 





§ 15,16. of the monastic life. 377 


speaks of its changing its name upon the building of a monas- 

tery there ; and so both Valesius! and others understand it. 

' 16. To their extraordinary repentance they usually joined Secondly, 
extraordinary fasting. For the Egyptian monks kept every ca ok 
day a fast till nine o’clock,—that is, till three in the afternoon,— ἴδε. 
except on Saturdays and the Lord’s-day, and the fifty days of 
Pentecost, or other days when any brother came to visit them. 

For then they had their relaxations, as we learn from Cassian 

and St.Jerom. The fifty days of Pentecost they kept always 
festival, in compliance with the public rules and practice of the 
Catholic Church, whose custom was, as Tertullian? says, to 

keep all the time between Easter and Whitsuntide festival, in 
memory of our Saviour’s resurrection. Therefore St. Jerom3, 
speaking of their daily fasts, says, they fasted every day alike 
throughout the year, except in Lent, when their fasts were a 

little more strict; that is, not only till nine o'clock, but till 
evening; and in Pentecost, when they turned their suppers 

into dinners, in compliance with the custom of the Church. 
Cassian‘ often speaks of their daily fasts till nine; but then 

he excepts likewise the time of Pentecost, for the same reason 





ee ψγυν ΤῸ" 


quod de Canobo [4]. Canopo] in 
peenitentiam felici nominis conver- 
sione mutatum est, &c. 

1 Not. in Sozom. 1.3. c. 14. (v. 2. 

. 11g. n. 2.)....In Insula Canopo 

uit monasterium insigne Tabennen- 

sium. Ex quo factum est, ut Cano- 
pus, qui antea ob luxum ac deli- 
cias infamis fuerat, Insula Metanewe 
vocaretur, translatis illuc a Theo- 

hilo vel Cyrillo monachis, qui re- 

igiosam ac peenitentium similem vi- 

tam illic agebant. 

. 2 De Cor. Mil. c. 3. (p. 102 a.) Die 
Dominica jejunium nefas ducimus, 
vel de geniculis adorare. Eadem im- 
munitate a die Paschz in Pentecosten 
et gaudemus. 

_ 8 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. [al. 
35-] (t. 1. p. 118d.) Jejunium to- 
tius anni «quale est, excepta Qua- 
dragesima, in qua sola conceditur 
strictius vivere. A Pentecoste cen 
mutantur in prandia, quo et tradi- 
tioni ecclesiastice satisfiat, et ven- 
trem cibo non onerent duplicato. 

4 Collat. 2. c. 25. (p.253.) .. Non- 
nunguam hora nona, soluta jam 
statione jejunii supervenientibus fra- 


tribus, necesse est eorum obtentu, 


aut adjici aliquid ad statutam soli- 
tamque mensuram, aut certe huma- 
nitatem, quam jubemur omnibus ex- 
hibere, penitus abdicari.—Ibid. c. 
26. (p. 253.) Si vero nullus advene- 
rit, hunc quoque velut de canonico 
modo debitum nobis libere presu- 
memus ; qua parcitate nec stomachus 
vespere poterit aggravari; quippe 
hora nona uno paximacio jam pre- 
misso; quod plerumque his, qui 
districtiorem abstinentiam se tenere 
credentes, totam refectionem ad ves- 
peram differunt, evenire consuevit. 
—Ibid. 19. c. τό. (p. 542.) Hoe ab- 
bas Joannes, cum hore none re- 
fectionem imminere sensisset, colla- 
tionem fine conclusit.—Ibid. 21. c. 
23. (p. 568.) Ut ergo et diebus festi- 
vis statute consuetudo solemnitatis 
[al. statuta consuetudinis solemni- 
tas] conservetur, et saluberrimus 
parsimoniz modus minime tran- 
scendatur ; sufficit, ut indulgentiam 
remissionis eo usque progredi pa- 
tiamur, ut cibus, qui hora diei nona 
fuerat capiendus, paullo citius, id 
est, sexta hora, pro festivitate tem- 
poris capiatur, &c. 

5 Ibid. 21, c. 11. (p. 560.) Abbas. 


918 


Laws and rules 


assigned by St. Jerom; and Saturdays and Sundays also®, be- 
cause both these days were always festival in the Hastern 
Church, being days of solemn assembly, on which they received 


the eucharist at morning service. 


Some indeed exercised 


themselves with greater austerities, fasting two, three, four, or 
five days together: but these were not generally approved. 
St. Jerom? and Cassian® both express themselves against such 


Theonas cum, diebus Quinquage- 
simee, nos in nostra cellula visitas- 
set, vespertina orationum solemni- 
tate transacta, humi paullulum con- 
sidentes ccepimus diligentius per- 
contari, cur apud eos.tanta obser- 
vantia caveretur, ne quis penitus to- 
tis Quinquagesime diebus, vel genua 
in oratione curvaret, vel usque ad 
horam nonam jejunare presumeret, 
&c.—Ibid. c. 20. (p. 565.) Post as- 
censionem Salvatoris nostri, que 
quadragesimo resurrectionis ejus ac- 
ta est die, Apostoli reversi de monte 
Oliveti, in quo se ad Patrem per- 
gens prebuit intuendum, sicut et- 
iam Actuum Apostolorum lectio 
contestatur, ingressi Hierosolymam, 
decem diebus adventum Spiritus 
Sancti exspectasse referuntur; qui- 
bus expletis, quinquagesimo eum 
die cum gaudio susceperunt, et ita 
est per hec festivitatis hujus nume- 
rus evidenter impletus. Quem in 
Veteri quoque Testamento legimus 
figuraliter adumbratum, in quo, con- 
summatis hebdomadibus septem, pri- 
mitiarum panis per sacerdotes Do- 
mino jubebatur offerri, qui veracis- 
sime per Apostolorum predicatio- 
nem, qua in illo die concionati le- 
guntur ad populum, oblatus Domino 
comprobatur, verus scilicet primi- 
tiarum panis, qui nove doctrine in- 
stitutione prolatus, quinque millibus 
virorum esc suze munere satiatis, 
primitivum de Judzis Christiano- 
rum populum Domino consecravit. 
Et idcirco hi quoque decem dies, 
cum superioribus quadraginta pari 
solemnitate sunt ac letitia celebran- 
di. Cujus festivitatis traditio, per 
apostolicos viros ad nos usque trans- 
missa, eodem tenore servanda est. 
Ideo namque in istis diebus nec [in] 
genua in oratione curvantur, quia 
inflexio genuum velut peenitentiz ac 
luctus indicium est. Unde etiam 


per omnia eandem in illis solemni- 
tatem, quam die dominica, custodi- 
mus, in qua majores nostri, nec je- 
junium agendum, nec genu esse 
flectendum, ob reverentiam resur- 
rectionis dominice tradiderunt. 

6 Ibid. 3. c. 1. [This reference is 
apparently incorrect. Compare In- 
stit. 1. 3. 6. 9. (p. 45.) Ideoque et 
absolutio jejunii post vigiliarum la- 
borem totidem apostolicis viris in 
die Sabbati statuta non immerito 
presumitur per universas Orientis 
ecclesias, &c. See also ibid. c. 11. 
(p. 47.) ... Et nihilominus differen- 
tia quedam, &c. Ep. 

7 Ep. 4. [al. 25. ] ad Rustic. (t. 1. p. 
937 4.) Sunt qui humore cellarum 
immoderatisque jejuniis, tedio soli- 
tudinis, ac nimia lectione, dum die- 
bus ac noctibus auribus suis perso- 
nant, vertuntur in melancholiam, et 
Hippocratis magis fomentis quam 
nostris monitis indigent.—Ep. 7. 
[al.107.] ad Leet. (ibid. p. 680e. ult. 
syll. et p. 681 a.) Displicent mihi, in 
teneris maxime etatibus, longa et 
immoderata jejunia, in quibus jun- 
guntur hebdomades, oleum in cibo 
ac poma vetantur. Experimento di- 
dici, asellum in via, cum lassus fue- 
rit, diverticula queerere. .... Hoc in 
perpetuum jejunium sit preceptum, 
ut longo itineri vires perpetes supe- 
rent : ne in prima mansione curren- 
tes, in mediis corruamus. 

8 Instit. 1. 5. c.g. (p. 84.) Tantum 
enim debet unusquisque sibi fruga- 
litatis indicere, quantum corporez 
obluctationis pugna deposcit. Utilis 
quidem et omnimodis observanda 
est canonica jejuniorum custodia ; 
sed nisi hanc frugi [al. phe achat 
fuerit ciborum refectio subsecuta, a 
integritatis caleem non poterit per- 
venire. Longorum namque jejunio- 
rum inedia, saturitate corporis sub- 
sequente, lassitudinem potius tem- 


VII. ii, 


§ 16,17. of the monastie life. 879 


immoderate fasts; and Cassian® particularly notes it as a wise 
saying of Macarius, the famous Egyptian, ‘that a monk should 
so fast, and keep under his body, as if he were to live an hun- 
dred years; but so kill and mortify the affections of his soul, 
as if he were to die the next moment.’ By which it appears, 
that they did not think excessive abstinence of any use, but ra- 
ther a disservice to religion. And therefore St. Austin !° ob- 
serves, ‘ that the ancient rules imposed no absolute necessity in 
this matter upon them, but left it to every man’s power and 
every man’s will to fast at discretion; no one condemning 
others, that could not imitate his own austerities, but always 
' remembering that the Scripture had, above all things, recom- 
π᾿" mended charity to men.’ The rule of Pachomius was said to 
be given him by an angel; and there one of the angel’s di- 
rections to him was'!, that he should permit every man to eat, 
and drink, and labour according to his strength, and neither 
forbid them to fast nor eat. Accordingly Palladius’? tells us, 
there were among his monks, in Tabennesus, some that ate at 
seven o’clock, others at nine, others at ten, others not till even; 
some after two days, others after three, four, or five days: but 
all was matter of choice, not compulsion. 
, 17. Their fastings were accompanied with extraordinary and Thirdly, 
| frequent returns of devotion. The monks of Palestine had six Sra 


devo- 
or seyen canonical hours of prayer, so those in Mesopotamia, tions. 








poralem, quam puritatem castitatis 
acquirit. Integritas quippe mentis 
ventris segue Mes NX on habet 
perpetuam castimonie puritatem, 
isquis non jugem temperantiz 
itatem tenere contentus est. 
Quamvis districta sint jejunia, suc- 
cedente superflua remissione vacu- 
antur, et in gastrimargiz vitium 
protinus collabuntur. Melior est ra- 
tionabilis cum moderatione quoti- 
diana refectio, quam per intervalla 
arduum longumque jejunium. No- 
vit immoderata inedia non modo 
mentis labefactare constantiam, sed 
etiam orationum efficaciam reddere 
lassitudine corporis enervatam. 

9 Ibid. 1. 5. c. 41. (p. 104.) Ita, in- 
quit, debere monachum jejuniis ope- 
ram dare, ut centum annis in cor- 
pore commoraturum [al. duratu- 
rum,| &c. 


10 De Morib. Eccles, c. 33. (t. 1. 
p- 712 b.) Atque inter hec nemo 
urgetur in aspera, que ferre non 
potest; nulli quod recusat imponi- 
tur; nec ideo condemnatur a cete~ 
ris, quod in eis se imitandis fatetur 
invalidum, &c, 

11 Regul. ap. Pallad. Hist. Lau- 
βίδα. c. 38. (ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr.-Lat. 
t. 2. p. 955 d. 8.) Συγχωρήσεις é- 
κάστῳ κατὰ τὴν δύναμιν φαγεῖν καὶ 
πιεῖν" καὶ πρὸς τὰς δυνάμεις τῶν ἐσθι- 
ὄντων ἀνάλογα καὶ τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν ἐγ- 
χείρησον, καὶ μήτε νηστεῦσαι κωλύ- 
ons, pyre φαγεῖν. 

12 tid. τ, 39. (Ρ. 957 ἃ. τ.) Εἰσὶν 
οὖν οἱ εἰσερχόμενοι ἄτονοι ἔκτην ὥραν, 
ἐσθίοντες" οἱ ἀσθενέστεροι εἰσέρ- 

ονται ὥραν ἑβδόμην, ἄλλοι ὀγδόην, 
ἄλλοι ἐννάτην, ἕτεροι δεκάτην, ἄλλοι 
ἑσπέραν βαθεῖαν" ἄλλοι διὰ δύο" ἕτε- 
pot διὰ τριῶν᾽ ἄλλοι διὰ πέντε. 


980 VIL. iu. 


Laws and rules 


and other parts of the East. These were, morning prayer at 
the first hour of the day; then the third, sixth, and ninth 
hours, and after that the eleventh hour, which Cassian?° calls 
the lucernaris hora, or evening-prayer. Besides which they 
had their constant vigils, or nocturnal meetings, of which Cas- 
sian!4 gives a particular account in one whole book of his In- 
stitutions. . But, he says, the monks of Egypt were not tied to 
all these canonical hours, but only met twice a day for public 
devotion, that is, in their night assemblies, which was their 
morning prayer; and at nine o’clock, which was their evening 
prayer. But then the whole day was spent in devotion notwith- 
standing : for}, in their private cells, whilst they were at work, 
they were always repeating the Psalms, and other parts of the 
Holy Scripture, and intermixing prayers and supplications con- 
tinually with their labour. Which Cassian prefers before the 
observation of so many canonical hours, as being a more free 
and voluntary oblation. Some observed a course of constant 
devotion without intermission, as has been noted before 16 con- 
cerning the monks of Constantinople, and those of Lisieux 
founded by Columbanus, who were used to divide themselves 
into several classes or choirs, to succeed and relieve one an- 
other in their continued stations. And Cassian?’ tells us, ‘ that 
the first monks of Egypt were used to observe such a perpetual 
watch, to guard themselves against the assaults and incursions 
of midnight devils: for they durst not all betake themselves to 
sleep at once; but while some slept, others kept watch by 


- 13 Instit. 1. 2. c. 3. (p. 32.) In his adjectione spontanea celebrantur.. .. 


quoque moris etiam evangelicus ille 
paterfamilias opperarios conduxit in 
vineam suam. Ita enim et ille primo 
mane conduxisse describitur, quod 
tempus designat matutinam nostram 
solemnitatem: deinde tertia, inde 
sexta, post hec nona, ad extremum 
undecima, in qua lucernaris hora 
signatur. 

14 Τ014. 1. 2. (p.13.) De canonico 
Nocturnarum Orationum et Psalmo- 
rum modo. 

15 Thid. 1. 3. c. 2. (p. 30.) Apud il- 
los etenim heec officia, quee Domino 
solvere per distinctiones horarum et 
temporis intervalla cum admoni- 
tione compulsoris adigimur, per to- 
tum diel spatium jugiter cum operis 


Quamobrem exceptis vespertinis [ ho- 
ris] ac nocturnis congregationibus, 
nulla apud eos per diem publica 
solemnitas absque die Sabbati vel 
Dominica celebratur, in quibus hora 
tertia sacree communionis obtentu 
conveniunt. 

16 See ch. 2. ss. 10 and 13. pp. 
343 and 346. 

17 Collat. 7. c. 23. (p. 325.) Ita 
eorum [demonum] atrocitas gras- 
sabatur, et frequentes ac visibiles 
sentiebantur aggressus, ut non au- 
derent omnes pariter noctibus ob- 
dormire, sed, vicissim aliis degustan- 
tibus somnum, alii vigilias celebran-. 
tes psalmis et orationibus seu lecti-- 
onibus inherebant. 


81. 


of the monastic life. 381 


turns, and exercised themselves in singing psalms, reading, and 
prayer.’ Whence we may infer, that though all monks then 
did not observe precisely the canonical hours, yet they were 
no less constant to their devotions than those that did; and 
their intermixing prayers with their labour, or worshipping by 
turns, was equivalent to so many canonical hours, or rather did 
exceed it. St.Jerom!% seems also to say, that the Egyptian 
monks had a sermon made by the abbot every day after even- 
ing prayer; for thus he describes their devotions: ‘ At nine 
o'clock they meet together, then the Psalms are sung, and the 
Scriptures are read; and prayers being ended, they all sit 
down, and the father begins to discourse to them, whom they 
hear with the profoundest silence and veneration. His words 
make a deep impression on them, their eyes overflow with 
tears, and the speaker’s commendation is the weeping of his 
hearers. Yet no one’s grief expresses itself in any indecent 
strain; but when he comes to discourse of the kingdom of 
Christ, and future happiness, and the glory of the world to 
come, then one may observe how each of them, with a mode- 
rate sigh and eyes lift up to heaven, says within himself, O! 
that I had wings like a dove, for then would I flee away and be 
at rest!’ This was their continual exercise of public devotion 
every day. Their private vacancies and intervals of labour 
were also spent in reading and prayer: for they daily learned 
some portion of Scripture, and more especially made it their 
meditation on the Lord’s day, as St. Jerom!9 observes of them 
in the forementioned place; insomuch that many of them be- 
came so expert and well versed in the Holy Scripture, that 
they could repeat it by heart; which is particularly noted of 


18 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. [al. 
35.) (t-1. p.117.¢.) Manent eae 
rati, sejunctis cellulis, usque ad ho- 
ram nonam..... Post horam nonam 
in commune concurritur, Psalmi re- 
sonant, Scripture recitantur ex mo- 
re: et, completis orationibus, cunc- 
tisque residentibus, medius, quem 
patrem vocant, incipit disputare, 
quo loquente tantum silentium fit, 
ut nemo alium respicere, nemo au- 
deat exscreare. Dicentis laus in fletu 
est audientium. Tacite volvuntur per 
ora lacryme, et ne in singultus qui- 


dem erumpit dolor. Quum vero de 
regno Christi et de futura beatitu- 
dine et de gloria cceperit annuntiare 
ventura, videas cunctos moderato 
suspirio, et oculis ad coelum levatis, 
intra se dicere: Quis dabit mihi 
pennas, sicut columbe, et volabo et 


— 

9 Ibid. (p.118 ἃ.) Dominicis die- 
bus orationi tantum et lectionibus 
vacant: quod quidem et omni tem- 
pore completis opusculis faciunt. 
Quotidie aliquid de Scripturis dis- 
citur. 


382 Laws and rules VIL. iii. 
Hilarion, by Sozomen2®° and St.Jerom?!; and of Ammonius, 
Marcus Junior, Eros, Serapion, Solomon, and some others, by 
Palladius22.. And by this means they were qualified to enter- 
tain their souls with spiritual exercises, singing of David’s 
Psalms, and repeating other parts of Scripture, even at their 
bodily labours. Which practice is often mentioned with great 
commendation by Palladius 38, Cassian24, and St. Jerom5, who 
takes occasion, upon this account, to extol ‘the quiet retirement 
of Christ’s little village’ of Bethlehem above the noisy pomp and 
ambitious greatness of Rome, where so much time was spent in 
seeing and being seen, in receiving visits and paying them, in 
praises and detractions, things disagreeable to the life of a 
monk. Whereas at Bethlehem ‘there was nothing to be heard 
but psalms: one could not go into the field, but he should hear 
the ploughman singing his hallelujahs, the sweating mower so- 


. 3. Cc. 14. (Vv. 2. p. 114. 30.) 
Hes dis ᾿Ἐπίβολος ἀκριβὴς τῶν ἱερῶν 
αφῶν. 

21 γι. Hilar. c.7. [8]. το. (t. 2. 
p-17a.) Scripturas quoque sanctas 
memoriter tenens, post orationes et 
psalmos, quasi Deo preesente, reci- 
tabat. 

22 Hist. Lausiac. c.12. de Vit. Am- 
moni. (ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr.-Lat. t. 2. 
Ῥ. 9148. 9.)... Παλαιὰν δὲ καὶ καινὴν 
γραφὴν ἀπεστήθισεν.----Ο. 21. de Vit. 
Abb. Marci. (p.932 6.) Μακάριος οὗ- 
Tos νεώτερος ὧν παλαιὰν καὶ καινὴν 
γραφὴν ἀπεστήθισεν.---Ο. 32. de Vit. 

ronis. (p. 950 6. 10.) "Exeivos δὲ 
μηδ᾽ ὅλως γευσάμενος πεζὸς βαδίζων 
ἀπεστήθισεν Ψαλμοὺς δεκαπέντε, ἔπ- 
εἰτα τὸν Μέγαν, εἶτα τὴν πρὸς ᾿Ἐβραί- 
ous ᾿"πιστολὴν, εἶτα ᾿Ἤ σαΐαν, καὶ μέ- 
ρος Ἱερεμίου τῶν προφητειῶν, εἶτα 
Λουκᾶν τὸν Εὐαγγελιστὴν, ἔπειτα τὰς 
ΠΙαροιμίας.---Ο, 83. de Vit. Serap. (p. 
1005 d. 1.) Εὐγράμματος δὲ ὧν ἀπε- 

ήθισεν πάσας τὰς θείας ypapds.— 
C.96. de Vit. Abb. Salom. (p. 1019 c. 
3-) “Os ἔλεγεν ἔχειν πεντηκοστὸν ἔτος 
ἐν τῷ σπηλαίῳ, ἐπαρκέσας ἑαυτῷ ἐκ 
τῶν ἔργων τῶν χειρῶν, καὶ ἐκμαθὼν 
πᾶσαν ἁγίαν γραφήν. 

23 Hist. Tannese. c. 39. (ibid. p. 
957 ἃ. 7.) Ὁ μὲν ἐργάζεται γῆν yewp- 


γῶν" ἄλλος κῆπον, ἄλλος χαλκεῖον, 
ἄλλος ἀρτοκοπεῖον, ἄλλος τεκτονεῖον, 
ἄλλος γραφεῖον, ἄλλος βυρσεῖον, ἄλ- 
λος πλέκων σπυρίδας τὰς μεγάλας, 
ἄλλος τὰ λεγόμενα μαλάκια, τὰ σπυρι- 
δάλια τὰ μικρά" ἀποστηθίζουσι δὲ 
πάσας τὰς γραφάς. 

24 Instit. 1. 11. 6. 15. (p. 179.) Me- 
mini cujusdam senis, cum in eremo 
Scytize * commorarer, qui, cum ad 
cellam cujusdam fratris gratia visi- 
tationis adveniens ostio approximas- 
set, audissetque eum quiddam ob- 
murmurantem intrinsecus, paullu- 
lum _ substitit, cognoscere volens, 
quidnam de Scripturis legeret, vel, 
sicut est moris, operans memoriter 
recenseret. Cumque piissimus ex- 
plorator aure diligenter applicita cu- 
riosius auscultaret, ita eum reperit 
hujus spiritus [κενοδοξίας | impugna- 
tione pellectum, ut in ecclesia fa- 
cere se crederet exhortatorium plebi 
sermonem, &c. 

25 Ep. 17. [8]. 46.] ad Marcell. (t. 
I. p. 206 d.) In Christi villa tuta 
rusticitas est. Extra Psalmos silen- 
tium est. Quocunque te verteris, 
arator silvam retinens Alleluia! de- 
cantat, sudans messor Psalmis se 
advocat, &c. 


* [Or Scythia, or Scethis, and sometimes Scythus, or Scytus. See be- 
fore, ch. 2. 8. 8. p. 337, and ibid. p.39. See also Ed. Cassian. ap. Bibl. 


Max. t. 7. p.62 f. 2. Ep.] 


— SE ——-— - sl ee Θὰ» 


§ 17. 


of the monastic life. 383 


lacing himself with hymns, and the vine-dresser tuning Dayid’s 
Psalms.’ : 

Thus the ancient monks joined their bodily and spiritual ex- 
ercises together, and made their common labour become acts of 
deyotion to God. Their times of eating and refreshment were 
managed after the same manner. In some places they had the 
Scriptures read at table; which, Cassian?° says, was first 
brought up in the monasteries of Cappadocia, to prevent idle 
discourse and contentions: but in Egypt they had no need of 
that remedy, for they were taught to eat their meat in silence. 
But when supper was ended, St. Jerom says?7, they sung 
an hymn, and so returned to their cells. St. Chrysostom?® 
also takes notice of this, and recommends it to secular men, as 
proper for their imitation ; reciting the hymn which they used, 
which is in these words: ‘ Blessed God, that hast fed me from 
my-youth, that givest food unto all flesh, fill our hearts with 
joy and gladness, that we, having always what is sufficient for 
us, may abound unto every good work through Jesus Christ 
our Lord, to whom with Thee and the Holy Ghost be glory, 
honour, and power for ever. Amen.’ ‘Glory be to Thee, O 
Lord! Glory be to Thee, O Holy! Glory be to Thee, O King! 


ΓΟ who hast given us food for refreshment! Fill our hearts with 


thy Holy Spirit, that we may be found acceptable in thy sight, 
and not be ashamed, when thou renderest to every man accord- 
ing to his works!’ Thus their ordinary refreshments,—that is, 


26 Instit. 1. 4. ¢. 17. (p. 60.) ΠΙυὰ 
autem, ut reficientibus fratribus sa- 
cre lectiones in ccenobiis recitentur, 
non de typo Aigyptiorum proces- 
sisse, sed de Cappadocum noveri- 
mus. Quos nulli dubium est, non 
tam spiritalis exercitationis causa, 
quam compescende superfluz otio- 
seeque confabulationis gratia et max- 
ime contentionum, que plerumque 
solent in conviviis generari, hoc sta- 
tuere voluisse, videntes eas aliter 
-" se non posse cohiberi. Apud 
gyptios enim ἔτ maxime Taben- 
nensiotas, tantum silentium ab om- 
nibus exhibetur ut cum in unum 
tanta numerositas fratrum refectio- 
nis obtentu consederit, nullus nec 
mutire quidem audeat, preter eum 
qui suz decaniz (al. .decime] preest. 
27 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. [4]. 


35-] (t. 1. p. 117 6.) Nullus in cibo 
strepitus, nemo comedens loquitur. 
γφυνέν κα Dehinc consurgunt pariter, et 
hymno dicto ad pracepia redeunt. 

28 Hom. 56. [ Bened. 55. al. 56.] 
in Matth. (t. 7. Ρ- 561 a.) ΟΝ Εὐ- 
λογητὸς ὁ Θεὸς ὁ τρέφων με ἐκ νε- 
ότητός μου, ὁ διδοὺς τροφὴν πάσῃ 
σαρκί. Πλήρωσον χαρᾶς | καὶ εὐφρο- 
σύνης τὰς καρδίας ἡμῶν, ἵνα πάντοτε 
πᾶσαν ΠΡΌΣ» ἔχοντες περισσεύ- 
@pev eis may ν “ἀγαθὸν ἐ ἐν Χριστῷ 
Ἰησοῦ τῷ ἔν ἡμῶν, μεθ᾽ οὗ σοὶ 
δόξα, τιμὴ, κράτος, σὺν' Αγίῳ Πνεύματι 
εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας, ἀμήν. Δόξα σοι Κύριε, 
δόξα σοι “Aye, δόξα σοι Βασιλεῦ, ὅτι 
ἔδωκας ἡ ἡμῖν βρώματα εἰς εὐφροσύνην. 
Πλῆσον ἡμᾶς Πνεύματος ᾿Αγίου, ἵνα 
εὑρεθῶμεν ἐνώπιόν σου εὐαρεστοῦντες, 
καὶ μὴ αἰσχυνόμενοι, ὅτε ἀποδίδως 
ἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ. 


984 Laws and rules VII. iii. 
their suppers, for dinners, he says, they had none,—were sancti- 
fied with the word of God and prayer. And to express their 
humility, and avoid all contention about precedency and great- 
ness, they served one another mutually at table, all of them 
taking their weekly turns ; whence, in Cassian?9 and St. Jerom, 
they are called hebdomadarii, weeks-men, from their weekly 
service. On the Lord’s-day, they were more intent upon their 
devotions, and spent it wholly upon reading and prayer; for 
no other employment, St. Jerom®° says, was ever allowed 
among them on that day. Then every one received the com- 
munion, unless he was under some censure and suspension from 
it. And not only on Sundays, but on Saturdays also, it was 
customary for the Egyptian monks and others of the East to 
communicate: for the first and last days of the week were so 
appointed by Pachomius, the father of the Egyptian monks, to 
be communion-days among them, as appears from his Rule; in 
Sozomen®! and Palladius®?: and Cassian®® frequently speaks 
of it as their constant practice. Some were more strict, and 
let no day pass without receiving the eucharist. Palladius®4 
says the Egyptian monks, under Apollo, observed this rule: 
for Apollo was used to instil this notion into his disciples, that 


29 Instit. 1. 4. c. 19. (p.62.) Per 
eundem namque Mesopotamiam, 
Palestinam, et Cappadociam, ac to- 
tum Orientem, singulis hebdomadi- 
bus vicissim fratres ad hec officia 
sibi reddenda succedunt, ita ut se- 
cundum ceenobii multitudinem, mi- 
nistrorum ἐκ να numerus depute- 
tur.—Hieron. Prolog. ad Regul. Pa- 
chom. (t.2. p.54 b.) [Cf.s.2. et 8.6. 
(Ρ. 55 c.)... Per singulas hebdoma- 
das ratiocinia operum suorum ad 
patrem monasterii referunt. Ep.] 
—Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. [al. 
35.| (t. 1. p.117e.) Posthee conci- 
lium solvitur; et unaqueque decu- 
ria cum suo parente pergit ad men- 
sam, quibus per singulas hebdoma- 
das vicissim ministrant. 

30 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. ut supr. 
(t.1. p.118 ἃ.) Dominicis diebus ora- 
tioni tantum et lectionibus vacant. 

31 L. 3. c. 14. (v. 2. p. 112. 20.) 
... Τῇ δὲ πρώτῃ καὶ τελευταίᾳ ἡμέρᾳ 
τῆς ἑβδομάδας, ἐπὶ κοινωνίᾳ τῶν θεί- 
ὧν μυστηρίων, τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ προσ- 
ἐόντας, τὰς ζώνας λύειν, καὶ τὰς διφθέ- 


ρας ἀποτίθεσθαι. 

82 Hist. Lausiac. c. 38. (ap. Bibl. 
Patr. Gr.-Lat. t. 2. p. 956 a. 2.) 
Εἰσιόντες eis τὴν κοινωνίαν τῶν μυσ- 
τηρίων τοῦ Χριστοῦ κατὰ σάββατον 
καὶ κυριακὴν τὰς ζώνας λυέτωσαν, 
κιτ.λ. 

33 Collat. 18. c. 15. (p.528...... 
Cum duobus ferme hebdomadibus. 
ita se omni contentioni carnis ac 
spiritus subjecisset, ut die sabbati 
vel dominico, non ad percipiendum 
communionem sacram, sed ad pro- 
sternendum se in limen [8]. limine] 
ecclesie atque ad veniam simplici- 
ter postulandam matutinus accurre- 
ret, &c.—Collat. 23. c. 21. (p. 606.) 
Nec tamen ex eo debemus nos a 
dominica communione suspendere 
quia non agnoscimus peccatores, sed 
ad eam magis ac magis est et propter 
anime medicinam et purificationem 
spiritus avide festinandum. 

34 Hist. Lausiac. c.3. (ut supr. p. 
985 a. 6.) Ὅτι δεῖ εἰ δυνατὸν τοὺς μο- 
ναχοὺς καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν τῶν μυ- 
στηρίων κοινωνεῖν. 


δ 18. of the monastic life. 385 

a monk, if he had opportunity, ought to communicate every 

day; and accordingly he, with his fraternity, communicated 

every day at nine, or three o’clock in the afternoon, which was 

the time of their solemn assembly, before they went to their 

ordinary refreshment. Palladius?> mentions one instance more 

of their devotion, which was only occasional, viz. their psalmody 

at the reception of any brethren; for that, it seems, was the 

first entertainment they gave them, to conduct them with sing- 

ing of psalms to their habitation. Which has no relation to the 

processions of modern ages, but seems to be done in imitation of 

our Saviour’s entrance and reception into Jerusalem. 

18. These were the spiritual exercises of the ancient monks, Of laws 

) whose life was a life of repentance, fasting, and devotion, ver ca 

which, joined with continual bodily labour, kept them always offices, both 
virtuously and honestly employed. And their laws did not τὸς ρας ταν 

' allow them either to wander about as mendicants, or to interest “vil. 

themselves in civil or ecclesiastical offices, or any public affairs 

relating to Church or State. There are three canons in the 

Council of Chalcedon to this purpose. One * indifferently for- 

bids both clergymen and monks to take to farm any estate or 

‘office, or involve themselves in secular affairs, except they be 

4 unavoidably required by the law to take upon them the 

guardianship of minors. Another®? obliges monks particularly 

to live in their retirement, and to give themselves only to fast- 

ing and prayer, and not to leave their monasteries to engage 

themselves either in ecclesiastical or secular affairs, except the 

bishop of the city, upon some urgent occasion, permit them so | 

todo. And a third canon®’ forbids both monks and clergy to 


»» Ραμ νον 








ΞΘ ων. 


35 Thid. (p. 984 a. 3.) ᾿Ιδοὺ ἥκου- 
ow οἱ ἀδελφοὶ, περὶ ὧν ὁ πατὴρ πρὸ 
τριῶν ἡμερῶν προείρηκεν ἡμῖν, ὅτι 
μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἥξουσι πρὸς ἡμᾶς 
τρεῖς ἀδελφοὶ ἀπὸ Ἱεροσολύμων ἐρ- 

dpevor’ καὶ οἱ μὲν προῆγον ἡμᾶς, of 
3: ἠκολούθουν ὄπισθεν ἡμῶν ψάλλον- 
τες, ἄχρις οὗ πλησίον αὐτῶν ἐφθάσα- 


μεν. 

86 C.3. ((.4. Ρ- 7555.) Ὥρισε τοί- 
νυν ἡ ἁγία σύνοδος, μηδένα τοῦ λοι- 
ποῦ, μὴ ἐπίσκοπον, μὴ κληρικὸν, 
μονάζοντα, ἢ μισθοῦσθαι κτήματα, 
πράγματα, ἣ ἐπεισάγειν ἑαυτὸν κοσμι- 
καῖς διοικήσεσι' πλὴν εἰ μή που ἐκ 


BINGHAM, VOL. IL. 


νόμων καλοῖτο εἰς ἀφηλίκων ἀπαραί- 
τητον ἐπιτροπήν. 

87 C. 4. (ibid. p. 757 b.) Τοὺς δὲ 
καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πόλιν καὶ χώραν μονά- 
ζοντας ὑποτετάχθαι τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ, 
καὶ τὴν ἠσυχίαν ἀσπάζεσθαι, καὶ 
προσέχειν μόνῃ τῇ νηστείᾳ καὶ τῇ 
προσευχῇ, ἐν οἷς τόποις ἀπετάξαντο 
προσκαρτεροῦντας" μήτε δὲ ἐκκλησι- 
αστικοῖς, μήτε βιωτικοῖς παρενοχλεῖν 
πράγμασιν, ἢ ἐπικοινωνεῖν, καταλιμ- 
πάνοντας τὰ ἴδια μοναστήρια" εἰ μή 
ποτε ἄρα ἐπιτραπεῖεν διὰ χρείαν ἀναγ- 
καίαν ὑπὸ τοῦ τῆς πόλεως ἐπισκόπου. 


38 0,7. (ibid. p. 759 a.) Τοὺς ἅπαξ 


cc 


886 Laws and rules VIL. iii. 


take upon them any office, civil or military; anathematizing 
such as are guilty, and do not return to their first choice. So 
that monks were wholly excluded then from secular offices; and 
though some were called to ecclesiastical employments, yet 
then they were obliged to quit their monastery, and betake 
themselves wholly to a clerical life, only retaining so much of 
_ the former as would consist with the indispensable duties of the 
sacred function. Of these cases I have particularly spoken in 
the foregoing chapter®%, But of monks continuing in their 
cloisters, and taking upon them at the same time the offices of 
the Church, which did not concern their own monastery, we 
have scarce any instance in ancient history. Pope Pelagius, as 
he is cited by Gratian*°, would not permit a monk to be a de- 
Sensor, though that was but a low office in the Church, because 
it was contrary to the state of a monastic life, which was to be 
spent in retirement, prayer, and bodily labour; whereas the 
office of a defensor was wholly taken up in hearing of causes, 
and other acts of a public and litigious nature, which were 
things inconsistent with one another. ‘Till a monk, therefore, 
had first bid adieu to his monastery, he was not to be promoted 

to any such office in the Church. 
No monks 19. Much less were they then permitted to encroach upon 
anciently the duties, or rights and privileges of the secular clergy. For 
ing on the we find no complaints of this nature in ancient history, as too 
omen of trequently in after-ages. For the generality of monks being 
the secular only laymen, and refusing any other subsistence or revenues 
“ersy- μα what arose out of their own labour, as I have fully proved 
before, they could have no temptation then to intermeddle 
either with the business and duties, or the maintenance and re- 
venues of the clergy. And for such of them as were ordained 
presbyters or deacons, they were either only to serve their own, 
monastery, or else such as were taken out of monasteries by 
the bishops, and thenceforth reckoned among the secular clergy 


ἐν κλήρῳ κατειλεγμένους, ἢ ἢ καὶ povd-- 40 Caus. τό. quest. 1. 6. 20. (t. 1. 

σαντας, ὡρίσαμεν, μήτε ἐπὶ oTpa- Ῥ. TOgg. 13.) Omnimoda enim est 
τείαν, μήτε ἐπὶ ἀξίαν κοσμικὴν ἔρ- illius habitus δὲ istius officii diversi- 
χεσθαι" ἢ τοῦτο τολμῶντας, καὶ μὴ tas. Illic enim quies, oratio, labor 
μεταμελουμένους, & ὥστε ἐπιστρέψαι € ἐπὶ manuum: at hic causarum cogni- 

τοῦτο, ὃ διὰ Gedy πρότερον εἵλοντο, tio, conventiones, actus, publica li- 
ἀναθεματίζεσθαι. tigia, &c. 

89 Ch. 2. 5. 8. p. 337. 


§ 19. 


of the monastic life. 387 


of the Church. Valesius*', indeed, is willing to have it thought 
otherwise; for he says, in the latter end of the fourth century, 
it was very usual for monks to perform the offices of the 
clergy; and he alleges for proof the example of Eusebius Ver- 
cellensis and the church of St. Austin; which I have considered 
before 42, and shewed that they prove no more, but that some 
bishops and their clergy took up a way of living in common, in 
imitation of the monastic life, which is nothing to monks in 
cloisters intruding themselves into parochial cures. The only 
instance, that looks any thing this way, is what Sozomen 43 re- 
lates of the church built by Rufinus, the great statesman under 
Arcadius, at a place called Quercus, in the suburbs of Chalce- 
don, where, after he had built his church, he says, he placed 
some monks near it, whence the clergy of the church were 
supplied. But this may mean no more, but that when there 
wanted clergy in that church they were to be chosen out of 
that neighbouring monastery, which indeed was then no un- 
usual thing in the Church; but that monks living in a monas- 


tery should perform divine offices in other churches beside that 


of their own monastery, is not agreeable to ancient rules and 
practice. And therefore we meet with no instances of that 
kind, nor of tithes being received by monks, unless it was 
for the use of the poor; of which there is one instance in 
Cassian*#, and besides that I do not remember any other. 
Their way of living upon their own labour made them not 
solicitous to receive any thing from other men, and therefore 
some of them would not receive maintenance from their own 
parents, as Cassian*> relates of Antonius, lest they should 


41 Not. in Sozom, 1. 8. c.17. (v. 2. 
P- 347- 0.3-)..-.- Nemo ut novum 
mirari debet, quod monachi in ec- 
clesia clericorum munus obiisse di- 
cuntur. Id enim eo tempore usita- 
tum fuit, ut ex Ambrosio discimus 
in laudatione Eusebii Vercellensis 
episcopi, et ex Possidio in Vita Be- 
ati Augustini ubi dicit, eum mona- 
chos intra ecclesiam instituisse. 

42 See ch. 2. s.8. p. 341. 

43 L.8. c.17.(v. 2. p. 347. 22.)... 
*Heev εἰς Apiv’ Χαλκηδόνος δὲ προ- 
ἄστειον, Ῥουφίνου τοῦ ὑπατικοῦ νῦν 
ἐπώνυμον, ἐν ᾧ βασίλειά ἐστι, καὶ με- 
yarn ἐκκλησία, ἣν αὐτὸς Ρουφῖνος ἐπὶ 


τιμῇ Πέτρου καὶ Παύλου τῶν ἀποστό- 
wy ἐδείματο, καὶ ἀποστολεῖον ἐξ αὐ- 
τῶν ὠνόμασε' πλησίον δὲ μοναχοὺς 
συνῴκησεν fleg.? συνώκισεν of τῆς 
ἐκκλησίας τὸν κλῆρον ἐπλήρουν. 

44 Collat. 21. c. 2. (p. 555.) De- 
lector quidem, o filii, pia vestrorum 
munerum largitate, et devotionem 
κα ἐν oblationis, cujus dispensatio 
mihi credita est, gratanter amplector; 
quia fideliter primitias vestras ac de- 
cimas indigentium usibus profutu- 
ras velut sacrificium Domino bone 
suavitatis offertis, &c. 

45 Ibid. 24. c. 12. (p. 617.) Qui, 
inquit [Apostolus,] non operatur, 


σο2 


988. Laws and rules VII. in. 


seem to live upon any thing that was not the work of their. 
own hands. 


Not μον: 20. Beside all this, there was another reason then why 
. ieee monks could not ordinarily attend parochial cures, had they 


cities, but 

confined to 
the wilder- 
ness. 


been otherwise qualified for them. For by the laws of their. 
first institution, in all parts of the Hast, their habitation was. 
not to be in cities or places of public concourse, but in deserts 
and private retirements, where they might be sequestered from 
the noise of the world, and live in quiet and solitude, as their 
name seemed to imply. Whence St. Jerom‘®, writing to Rusti- 
cus, the monk, inveighs against those who were desirous to live. 
in cities, which was contrary to that singularity they made pro- 
fession of. And giving instructions to Paulinus, he says47, ‘If 
you desire to be really what you are in name,—that is, a soli- 
tary, or one that lives alone,—what have you to do in cities, 
which are not habitations for solitaries, but for the multitude?’. 
And it is observed both by him and Sozomen‘® of Antonius, 
‘that he was used to say, the wilderness was as natural to a 
monk, as water to a fish; and therefore a monk in a city was 
quite out of his element, like a fish upon dry land.’ By which 
it appears, that the monastic life, in the first design, was to ex- 
clude men from haying any thing to do in cities and places οἵ. 
public concourse. And there are laws in both the Codes to the 
same purpose. Theodosius49 enacted, ‘that all that made pro-. 
fession of the monastic life, should be obliged by the civil ma- 
gistrate to betake themselves to the wilderness and deserts, as 
their proper habitation.’ Baronius*° by mistake reckons this 


nec manducet. His Beatus Anto- utique non sunt solorum habitacula, 


nius adversus quendam usus_ver- 
bis etiam nos magisterii sui in- 
formavit exemplo, ut parentum per- 
niciosissima blandimenta, et omni- 
um, qui victui necessariam submi- 
nistrant agapen, etiam omnem a- 
moene habitationis gratiam devite- 
mus, &c. : 

46 Ep. 4. [4]. 125.1 ad Rustic. (t. 
I. p.931 4.) Quid desideramus ur- 
bium frequentiam, qui de singulari- 
tate censemur? 

47 Ep. 13. {5 58.] δὰ Paulin. 
(ibid. p. 320 d.) Sin autem cupis 
esse quod diceris monachus, id est 
solus, quid facis in urbibus, que 


sed multorum? 

43 L. 1. c. 13. (Vv. 2. 5, 25. 88.) 
Τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἰχθύας ἔλεγε τὴν ὑγρὰν 
οὐσίαν τρέφειν' μοναχοῖς δὲ κόσμον 
φέρειν τὴν ἔρημον" ἐπίσης τὲ τοὺς μὲν 


“ξηρᾶς ἁπτομένους τὸ ζῆν ἀπολιμπά- 


νειν, τοὺς δὲ τὴν μοναστικὴν σεμνό- 
τητα ἀπολλύειν τοῖς ἄστεσι προσι- . 
ὄντας. 

49 Cod. 1. 16. tit. 3. de Monachis, . 
leg.1.(t.6.p.96.) Quicunque sub pro- Ὁ 
fessione monachi reperiuntur, de- 
serta loca et vastas solitudines sequi - 
atque habitare jubeantur. 

0 An. 390. n. 48. (t. 4. Ρ. 642 ς.) 
Quicunque sub professione monachi . 


8 20, 21. of the monastic life. 889 


law a punishment, and next to a persecution of the monks: but 
Gothofred>! and Mr. Pagi®, with better judgment, correct his 
error, and observe with more truth, ‘that it was so far from 
being a punishment, that it was only obliging them to live ac- 
cording to the rules of their first institution.’ Leo and Anthe- 
mius, and after them Justinian 58, made laws to the same pur- 
pose, forbidding the eastern monks to appear in cities; but if 
they had any business of concern to be transacted there, they 
should do it by their apocrisiarii or responsales,—that is, their 
proctors or syndics,—which every monastery was allowed for 
that purpose. 

21. Not but that in some extraordinary cases they took 11- What ex- 
berty to dispense with this rule, when a just occasion required pedi 
their appearance. As in times of common danger to the Faith, admittedof. 
or great persecutions, or when it seemed necessary for them to 
interpose with the magistrate, and intercede for criminals in 
special cases. Thus St. Jerom* observes of Antonius, ‘ that he 
came to Alexandria at the request of Athanasius, to give testi- 





reperiuntur, &c. Hac statuta lege 
cogitur improbus heresiarcha [Jo- 
vinianus] ab urbe recedere. 

. δ᾽ In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 3. 


Βα, 6. p.97.) Compare the note 
Ὁ 


_ 52 Crit. in Baron. an. 390. n. 10. 
[al.r1.] (t.1. p. 580.) Caterum Lex 
. Codicis Theod. de Monachis lata 
non est occasione Jovinianistarum, 
qui e monasteriis ejecti in urbibus 
tamen cum habitu monastico vaga- 
bantur. Nam preterquam quod, ut 
inquit Gothofredus in hujus legis 
Commentario, hxc lex ad Orientem 
pertinet, (ubi Tatianus, cui ea in- 
scribitur, prefectus-pretorio erat,) 
non agitur in ea de monasterio e- 
jectis, verum de quibuscunque, qui 
sub professione monachi reperieban- 
tur, id est, de omnibus, qui vitam 
monasticam profitebantur, interim 
tamen civitates frequentabant; ut 
ostendit lex secunda ejusdem Codi- 
cis de Monachis, qua post bienni- 
um memorata lex abrogatur. Quare 
hac lege monachi quicunque, non 
oco ad deserta loca et solitu- 

dines confer sese jubentur, ut cre- 
dit Baronius ; verum pro vite suze 
instituto eo redire. Denique perti- 


net hee lex ad monachos, sive ere- 
mitas; cujusmodi in Avgypti potissi- 
mum Syrique solitudinibus, aliisve 
agebant, deserta loca et vastas soli- 
tudines sequentes. Qua de re plura 
Gothofredus in hujus legis Com- 
mentario. 

53 Cod. 1.1. tit. 3. de Episcopis, 
leg. 29. (t. 4. Ρ. 94.) Οἱ ἐν τοῖς pova- 
στηρίοις διατρίβοντες μὴ ἐχέτωσαν 
ἐξουσίαν ἐξιέναι τῶν μοναστηρίων, ἣ 
καὶ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αντιοχέων, ἢ καὶ ἐν ἑτέραις 
πόλεσιν ἀναστρέφεσθαι, ὑπεξαιρου- 
μένων μόνων τῶν καλουμένων ἀποκρι- 
σιαρίων, οἷς ἄδειαν παρέχομεν ἐθέλου-- 
σι διὰ μόνας ἀναγκαίας ἀποκρίσεις 
e£vevat.— Novel. 123. c. 42. (t. 5. Ρ. 
561.) Providere autem sanctissimos 
locorum episcopos, ut neque mona- 
chi, neque monache, circumeant ci- 
vitates: sed si quod necessarium 
responsum habuerint per proprios 
responsarios [Grac. ἀποκρισιαρίων 
hoc agant, in suis manentes mona- 
steriis. 

54 Ep. 33. [al. 68.] ad Castrut. 
(t. 1. p. 408 c.) Beatus Antonius, 
Te a Sancto Athanasio, Alexan- 

jz episcopo, propter confutatio- 
nem hereticorum in urbem Alexan- 
driam esset accitus, &c. 





390 Laws and. rules VIL. iii. 


mony and countenance to the Catholic faith, and to confute 
the Arian heresy.’ Theodoret>> makes the like observation 
upon the behaviour of Aphraates and Julian, two Syrian monks, 
who left their cells in the desert to live in Antioch, when their 
presence was thought necessary to support the Catholic doc- 
trine and its professors in the time of the Arian persecution 
under Valens. And of Aphraates he tells this remarkable story: 
‘That Valens once observing him to pass the streets in haste, 
though he was an old man, asked him, Whither he was going 
with so much speed? To whom he replied, I am going, sire, 
to pray for your empire. But, said Valens, it would more have 
become you to do that at home in your retirement, according 
to the laws of your solitary life. Yes, sire, said Aphraates, you 
say very true: I ought so to do, and I always did so, as long 
as my Saviour’s sheep were in peace; but now that they are 
disquieted, and brought into great danger, very necessity com- 
pels me to take another course for their safety, that they may 
not be torn in pieces by wild beasts. Were I a virgin, confined 
to a single room, it would not become me to sit still, when I 
saw my father’s house on fire, but to run abroad, fetch water, 
and extinguish the flame. Now this is our case. You, sire, 
have set fire to the house of our common Father, and we have 


55 L. 4. δ, 26. (v. 3 p. 184. 40.) 
Τοῦτον [᾿Αφραάτην] Saber ἐκ τῆς 
βασιλείου στοᾶς διακύπτων 6 βασι- 
λεὺς εἶδε σισύραν τε ἀναβεβλημένον, 
καὶ ἐν γήρᾳ βαθεῖ συντόνως βαδίζοντα" 
καί τινος εἰρηκότος, ὡς ᾿Αφραάτης οὗ- 
τος, οὗ τὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐξήρτηται πλῆ- 
bos, ἔφη πρὸς αὐτόν᾽ Hot σὺ βαδίζεις, 
εἶπέ. Ὃ δὲ σοφῶς ἅμα καὶ προσφόρως, 
Ὑπὲρ τῆς σῆς, ἔφη, προσευξόμενος 
βασιλείας. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οἴκοι σε μένειν χρὴ; 

ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔφη, καὶ ἔνδον κατὰ τὸν 
μοναδικὸν προσεύχεσθαι νόμον. Ὃ δὲ 
θεῖος ἐκεῖνος ἀνὴρ, Εὖ μάλα, ἔφη, λέ- 
γεις, ὦ βασιλεῦ: τοῦτό με δρᾷν ἔδει" 
καὶ τοῦτό δρῶν μέχρι καὶ νῦν διετέ- 
λεσα, ἕ €ws εἰρήνης ἀπέλαυε τοῦ Σωτῆ- 
pos τὰ πρόβατα" ἐπειδῆ δὲ πολὺν ὑ ὑπο- 
μεμένηκε θόρυβον, καὶ πολὺς ἐπικρέ- 
μαται κίνδυνος, μὴ θηριάλωτα γένηται, 
πάντα κινεῖν πόρον ἀνά KN kai διασώ- 
ζειν τὰ θρέμματα. Εἰπὲ γάρ μοι, ἔφη: 
ὦ βασιλεῦ, εἰ κόρη τὶς ἐτύγχανον ὧν, 
ἔνδον ἐν τῷ θαλάμῳ καθημένη καὶ τῆς 


οἰκίας ἐπιμελουμένη, εἶτ᾽ ᾿ἐθεασάμημ᾽ 
ἐμπεσοῦσαν φλόγα, καὶ τὴν πατρῴαν 
οἰκίαν ἐμπιπραμένην, τί με ταύτην δρᾶ- 
σαι προσῆκεν, εἶπέ μοι: ἔνδον καθη- 
σθαι καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐμπιπραμένην͵ πε- 
ριορᾷν, καὶ τῆς φλογὸς προσμένειν 
τὴν euBorny 3 ἢ τῷ θαλάμῳ χαίρειν 
εἰποῦσαν διαθέειν a ἄνω καὶ κάτω, καὶ 
ὑδροφορεῖν καὶ σβεννύναι τὴν φλόγα: ; 
δῆλον, 6 ὅτι τοῦτο ἐρεῖς" τοῦτο γὰρ κό- 
pns ἀγχίνου τε καὶ φρενήρους" τοῦτο 
δρῶ νῦν, ὦ βασιλεῦ" σοῦ γὰρ εἰς τὴν 
πατρῴαν ἡμῶν οἰκίαν ἐμβαλόντος τὴν 
φλόγα, περιθέομεν κατασβέσαι ταύτην 
ie eae c.27. (p.186. 18. .) 
. Καταλιπὼν γὰρ τὴν ἔρημον ἅπαν ἐ- 
κεῖνο περιήει τὸ ἄστυ, διδάσκων ἅπαν- 
τας, ὡς ; τῆς ἀποστολικῆς διδασκαλίας 
κήρυξ ἔστιν ᾿Αθανάσιος, καὶ ὡς ‘avti- 
maou τῆς ἀληθείας οἱ τῆς ᾿Αρείου 
συμμορίας. Οὕτως ἤδεσαν οἱ θεῖοι a ἄν- 
ρες ἐκεῖνοι τὰ πρόσφορα ἑκάστῳ 
προσαρμόττειν καιρῷ, καὶ πηνίκα δὲ 
προτιμᾷν τὰς πόλεις τῆς ἐρημίας. 


ee  — —mx«— 


§ 21. 


of the monastic life. 391 


left our cells with no small concern, and are come abroad to 
put it out.’ Thus bravely did Aphraates answer Valens, and 
apologize for his appearing in the city in the time of common 
danger, when Valens himself was the occasion of it. 

Nor was it only in defence of religion they thus made a pub- 
lie appearance, but sometimes they thought it necessary to in- 
tercede with the emperors and judges for condemned criminals. 
As Sozomen*® observes of Antonius, ‘that he was frequently 
compelled, by the complaints and lamentations of the distressed, 
to come and interpose his good offices with the princes and ma- 
gistrates for them, and as soon as he had done, he returned to 
the wilderness again.’ The reader may find a more remarkable 
instance of this kind in one of St. Chrysostom’s Homilies*7 to 
the people of Antioch, where he relates how the city was deli- 
vered from imminent ruin, (being under the displeasure of 
Theodosius for haying demolished the imperial statues, and 
committing other crimes of an high nature,) by the intercession 
of the neighbouring monks, who left their tabernacles and 
caves in the mountains, and came into the city, when other 
philosophers for fear were fled out of it, and, interceding with 
the judges, prevailed with them to spare the criminals; telling 


Pikes. c. 13. (v. 2. p. 28. _ 
Παροδυρόμενοι aut πολλοὶ ἐβι- 
άζοντο abeke ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν πρὸς 
τοὺς ἄρχοντας καὶ τοὺς ἐν τέλει. ..... 
εἰ δὲ βιασθεὶς ποτὲ εἰς πόλιν ἦλθεν 
ἐπικουρῆσαι δεομένοις, διαθεὶς ὅτου 

— αὐτίκα ἐπὶ τὴν 


1 Hho Ries. ἢ ad Pop. Antioch. p. 
215. (t. 2. p.172 a.)” Erect yap τοσού- 
τοις ἐν ταῖς αὐτῶν vBas συγκε- 
κλεισμένοι, οὐδενὸς παρακαλέσαντος, 
οὐδενὸς os cab ig ἐπειδὴ το- 
σοῦτον νέφος εἶδον τὴν πόλιν περι- 

, καταλιπόντες αὐτῶν τὰς 


νὲς λοι παραγενόμενοι. 
καὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν αὐτοῖς π λθόν- 


τες μετὰ παρρησίας διαλέχθησαν ὑπὲρ 
τῶν ς καὶ παρεσκευ- 


άσαντο πάντες ἐκχεῖν, καὶ τὰς κεφα- 


᾿ λὰς ἀποθέσθαι, ὥστε τοὺς ἁλόντας 


τῶν προσδοκωμένων ἐξαρπάσαι δει- 
νῶν" καὶ οὐκ ἔ 
πρότερον, ἕως ἂν 


φείσωνται τοῦ δή- 


σαν ἀποστήσεσθαι ᾿ 


μου τῆς πόλεως οἱ δικάζοντες, ἢ ἢ a 
μετὰ τῶν ὑπευθύνων αὐτοὺς πρὸς Ba 

σιλέα πέμψωσι. Θεοφιλὴς γάρ ἐστι, 
φησὶν, ὁ κρατῶν τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς οἰκου- 
μένης, πιστὸς, ἐν εὐσεβείᾳ ζῶν" ἡμεῖς 
οὖν αὐτὸν καταλλάξομεν πάντως" οὐκ 
ἐπιτρέψομεν ὑμῖν, οὐδὲ συγχωρήσο- 
μεν αἱμάξαι ξίφος, οὐδὲ ἀποτεμεῖν κε- 
φαλήν" εἰ δὲ μὴ ἀνάσχοισθε, καὶ 
ἡμεῖς μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀποθανούμεθα πάν- 
τως" δεινὰ μὲν τὰ τετολμημένα καὶ ἡ- 
μεῖς ὁμολογοῦμεν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὑπερβαίνει 
τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως φιλανθρωπίαν ἡ 
τῶν νημένων παρανομία. Aéyerai 


τις ἐξ αὐτῶν καὶ ἕτερον ῥῆμα γέμον 
φιλοσοφίας εἰπεῖν, ὅτι οἱ μὲν ἀνδρί- 


αντες οἱ κατενεχθέντες ἀ ἀνέστησαν πά- 
λιν, καὶ τὸ οἰκεῖον ἀπέλαβον σχῆμα, 
καὶ τὸ γεγενημένον διόρθωσιν ἔσχε 
ταχίστην" ὑμεῖς δὲ ἂν τοῦ Θεοῦ τὴν 
εἰκόνα ἀποκτείνητε, πῶς δυνήσεσθε 
πάλιν ἀνακαλέσασθαι τὸ πεπλημμε- 
λημένον ; ; πῶς ἀναστῆσαὶι τοὺς ἀπολ- 
λυμένους, καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς τοῖς σώμα- 
σιν ἀποδοῦναι ; : 


392 VIL. iii. 


Laws and rules 


them, ‘that the images of the Emperor might easily be re- 
stored to their pristine beauty, and be set up again; but if 
they slew the images of God, it would be impossible to raise 
them up again; since it was beyond the art of man to join body 
and soul together: and if they would not hearken to their in- 
tercession, they should execute them too; for if it must be so, 
they were resolved to die with them.’ After this manner they 
were used to intercede with the judges for criminals in some 
such special cases as this before us. And they commonly did 
it with such preyalency, that they seldom failed in their peti- 
tion, the magistracy expressing a particular reverence to them 
upon such occasions. But afterward, this thing grew into 
abuse, and they would not be content to petition, but would 
sometimes come in great bodies or troops,—per drungos,—and 
by force deliver criminals, after sentence of condemnation was 
passed upon them. To repress which tumultuous way of pro- 
ceeding, Arcadius, the emperor, was forced to publish a law°8; 
strictly forbidding both the monks and clergy to attempt any 
such thing, and commanding all bishops to prosecute the au- 
thors of such disorders, if any monks happened to be so en- 
gaged in their districts, under pain of his royal displeasure. 


Whether 22. There remains but one inquiry more to be made con- 
wie be cerning this order of men; which is, whether such as made 
take them- profession of the monastic life were afterward at liberty to 
ess tod alter their state as they thought convenient, and turn seculars 
again. again? To which it may be answered, that they were under 


no public vow to the contrary: many men embraced the life 
who never intended to continue all their days in it. Julian 
himself was once in the monastic habit, to please his cousin 
᾿ Constantius, who began to suspect his inclination toward the 
philosophy of the Gentiles. Socrates? says of him, ‘that he 
assumed the tonsure, and feigned the life of a monk in public, 
whilst he privately resorted to the lectures of Libanius, the 
sophist.’ And Orosius® observes the same of Constans, the son 


58 Cod. Theod. 1. 9. tit. 40. de 
Penis, leg. 16. (t. 3. p. 310.) Ad- 
dictos supplicio...... nulli clerico- 
rum vel monachorum, eorum etiam 
quos cenobitas vocant, per vim at- 
que usurpationem vindicare liceat 
ac tenere, &c. 

AL ge. (eR. 108,0.) ok 


Ἔν χρῶ τε κειράμενος τὸν τῶν μονα- 
χῶν ὑπεκρίνετο βίον. 

60 Hist. 1. 7. ὁ. 40. (ap. Galland. 
t. 9. p. 154 b.) Constantinus Con- 
stantem filium suum, proh dolor! 
ex monacho Cesarem factum ... in 
Hispanias misit. 





22. 


of the monastic life. 393 


of Constantine, who usurped the empire of Britain, in the time 
of Honorius, ‘ that he was first a monk, before his father made 
him Cxsar; and sent him into Spain to promote his interest 
there.’ These men had no need of the Pope’s dispensation to 
set them at liberty from their vow: for it does not appear they 
were ever under any such obligation. Monasteries were an- 
ciently schools of learning, and places of pious and religious 
education of youth; which, though Bellarmin® thinks fit to 
deny it, is evidently proved from St. Chrysostom’s third book 
against the Defamers of the Monastic Life®, which is chiefly 
spent in advising parents to send their children to be educated 
in monasteries, as the safest places of good education ; not with 
a design to oblige them always to continue in the monastic life, 
but only to train them up and settle them securely in the ways 
of virtue. And to the same purpose it is observed by Palla- 
dius®, that the monks of Mount Nitria had a wenodochium, or 
hospital, where for a week they entertained any one that came 
to them, without working; if he continued longer, they set 
him either to work at some bodily labour or to study; and, so 
employed, he might continue a year, or two, or three, among 
them, till he saw his own time to depart from them. This 
Palladius © calls ἄσκησις γραφικὴ, the exercise of letters, in op- 
position to that of bodily labour. So that men might enter a 


61 De Monachis, l. 2. c. 6. (t. 2. 


63 Hist. Lausiac. c.6. (ut supr, t.2. 
Ρ. 86ι a.) Secundo dicit [Melanc- 


Ρ. go8 d. 11.) Πρόσκειται τῇ ἐκκλη- 


7 monasteria olim fuisse scho- 
las sacrarum literarum et aliarum 
disciplinarum. At Basilius in Con- 
stitutionibus Monasticis, Cassianus 
de Institutis Ceenobiorum, Hiero- 
nymus in Epistola ad Rusticum et 
in alia ad Paulinum de Institutione 
Monachi, Augustinus, 1.1. de Mo- 
ribus Ecclesiz, c. 31, aliique Veteres, 
dum describunt instituta monaste- 
riorum, meminerunt orationis, jeju- 
niorum, psalmodiz, continentiz, o- 
bedientiz, paupertatis: de scholis 
literarum et dialectic aliarumque 
disciplinarum ne verbum quidem. 

62 Advers. Vituperat. Vit. Monast. 
1. 3. t. 4. 6. 11. ἄς, (t. 1. p. 96 c.) 
Πρὸς μὲν οὖν τὸν ἄπιστον ταῦτα dp- 
ket’ πρὸς δὲ τὸν πιστὸν καὶ ταῦτα, 
κι τ. A. 


σίᾳ ξενοδοχεῖον, εἰς ὃ τὸν ἀπελθόντα 
ξένον be ἰοῦνται πάντα τὸν χρόνον, 
Kav ἐπὶ διετίαν ἢ τριετίαν μείναι θε- 
λήσῃ, Béxpes οὗ αὐθαίρετος ἀναχωρῆ- 
σαι θελήσῃ" “συγχωρήσαντες ἐπὶ 
ἑβδομάδα μίαν ἐν ἀργίᾳ διάξας τὰς 
λοιπὰς ἡ is κα περισπῶσιν av τς λοι- 
mov ἐν ἔργοις, ἢ ἐν aire, he ἐν ἀρτο- 
κοπείῳ, Τῷ μαγειρείῳ" δὲ ἀξιόλο- 
γός τις εἴη, διδόασιν αὐτῷ ἐ νᾶ φ' ἀν- 
αγινώσκειν. 

64 Ibid. ς. 14. (p. 916 b.) ᾿Απολ- 
λώνιός τις ὀνόματι ἀπὸ mpayparev- 
τῶν, ἀποταξάμενος καὶ οἰκήσας τὸ 
ὄρος τῆς Νιτρίας, μήτε τέχνην τὸ 
λοιπὸν μαθεῖν δυνάμενος, μήτε ἐπὶ 
ἄσκησιν γραφικὴν, τῷ παραβεβηκέ- 
ναι τὴν ἡλικίαν, ζήσας ἐν τῷ ὄρει εἴ- 
κοσι ἔτη, ταύτην ἔσχε τὴν ἄσκησιν, 
K.T.A. 


804 VIL. iii. 


Laws and rules 


monastery for the sake of study, and leave it again when they 
pleased, if they laid upon themselves no further obligation. 

And they who tied up themselves stricter, and entered the 
monastic life with a design to continue in it, were never under 
any vow, unless a private resolution might be esteemed such, 
which might be altered at pleasure, especially if any unforeseen 
case or accident seemed to require a change in their way of 
living. As Cassian® tells us of one in Egypt, who, despairing 
to obtain the gift of continency, was preparing to enter into a 
married state, and return to a secular life again. The Rule of 
Pachomius, by which the Egyptian monks were governed, has 
nothing of any vow at their entrance, nor any punishment for 
such as deserted their station afterward. And there was one 
piece of discipline among the Egyptians, which I have men- 
tioned before ®, that seems plainly to intimate that they were 
under no solemn vow; for one of their punishments was expul- 
sion out of the monastery, which is inconsistent with a vow of 
continuing in a monastery for ever. So that at first the mo- 
nastic life seems to have been a matter of choice, not only at 
men’s first entrance, but in their progress and continuance also: 
and men might quit it without any other punishment, unless it 
were a note of inconstancy fixed upon them. 


Marriage 23. However, this is certain, that monks, who betook them- 
of monks selves to a married state, were not anciently obliged by any 
anciently i : : J ᾿ 

ποῦ annul- law to dissolve their marriage and put away their wives, under 
led. 


pretence of any preceding obligation, according to the new 
rules of the Council of Trent®, which pronounces such mar- 
riages null and void. In St. Austin’s time, some virgins and 
widows were under the obligation of a vow; yet, if they mar- 


65 Cassian. Collat. 2. c. 13. (p. 
247.)... Ut quia... monachus esse 
non posset, nec refreenare stimulos 
carnis, et impugnationis remedia 
consequi jam valeret [al. preevale- 
ret, | uxorem duceret, ac relicto mo- 
nasterio reverteretur ad szeculum. 

66 [S. 12. p. 372. n. 80. ex Instit. 
1.4. c.16..... Vel expulsione pur- 
gantur. Ep.] 7 

67 Sess. 24. 6. 9. (t. 14. p. 875 c.) 


Si quis dixerit, clericos in sacris or-. 


dinibus constitutos, vel regulares 
castitatem solemniter professos, pos- 
se matrimonium contrahere, con- 
tractumque validum esse, non ob- 
stante lege ecclesiastica, vel voto; 
et oppositum nihil aliud esse, quam 
damnare matrimonium, qui non sen- 
tiunt se castitatis, etiamsi eam vove- 
rint, habere donum, anathema sit ; 
cum Deus id recte petentibus non 
deneget, nec patiatur nos supra id, 
quod possumus tentari. 


§ 23, 24. of the monastic life. 395 


ried after that, he says®, ‘ they were not to be separated from 
their husbands as adulteresses: for their marriage was true 
marriage, and not adultery, as some falsely argued.’ He says, 
‘they offended highly in breaking their vow, but yet their 
marriage was valid; and in that case, to separate them from 
their husbands was only to make their husbands adulterers in 
marrying others whilst their wives were living.’ By parity of 
reason, then, the marriages of monks must be esteemed valid 
also, even supposing them under an equal obligation. And 
upon this account we find no instances of dissolving marriage 
in such cases left upon record in ancient history. 

24. Yet in process of time, because monks were presumed to What pun- 
be under some private obligation by assuming this way of liy- ‘saa 
ing, some punishments were thought of, as proper to be in- inflicted on 
flicted on such as relinquished their station, and returned to a concrters. 
secular life again. By the first Council of Orleans®, a monk 
that had entered himself in a monastery, if he afterwards mar- 
ried a wife was for ever after incapable of holy orders, but no 
other censure is passed upon him. St. Austin was for inflicting 
the same punishment on such as left their monastery without 
their own bishop’s leave, as appears from his letter to Aure- 
lius7°, bishop of Carthage, upon that subject. The Civil Law 
likewise excludes deserters from the privilege of ordination: 
for by a law of Honorius7! they were to be delivered up to the 
curia, or civil court of the city, there to serve all their lives; 
by which means they were rendered incapable of any office in 
the Church, because curial and clerical offices were inconsistent 
with one another, as has been shewed at large in another 
place7?. Justinian?* added another punishment: ‘ that if they 


68 De Bon. Viduitat. c. το. (t. 6. 
p- 375 f.) Proinde qui dicunt talium 
nuptias non esse nuptias, sed po- 
tius adulteria, non mihi videntur 
satis acute ac diligenter considerare 
quid dicant: fallit eos quippe simi- 
litudo veritatis, &c. 

69 C, 23. [al. 21.] (t. 4. p. 1408 b.) 
Monachus in monasterio conversus, 
si pellici postea [al. Monachus, si 
in monasterio conversus, vel pal- 
lium comprobatus fuerit accepisse, 
et postea] vel uxori fuerit sociatus, 
tante prevaricationis reus, nun- 
quam ecclesiastici gradus officium 


sortiatur. 

70 Ep. 76. [al. 60.] ad Aurel. (t. 2. 
p- 147 f. et 148.) Et ipsis enim faci- 
is lapsus, et ordini clericorum fit 
indignissima injuria, si desertores 
monasteriorum ad militiam clerica- 
tus eligantur, &c. 

71 . Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de 
Episcopis, &c. leg. 39. (t.6. p. 78.) 
..+.Si qui professum sacre religio- 
nis sponte dereliquerit, continuo si- 
bi eum curia vindicet, &c. 

72 B. 4. ch. 4. 8. 4. V. 2. p. 58. 

73 Novel. 5. c. 6. (t.5. Ρ. 46.) Si 
vero relinquens monasterium 


Laws and rules VIL. iii. 


396 


were possessed of any substance, it should all be forfeited to 
the monastery which they deserted; while they themselves 
should be obliged to serve personally among the officials of the 
judge of the province where they lived.’ For by this time mo- 
nasteries began to have estates and possessions in some places, 
though the most exact rules of the Egyptian monks were 
against it. The censures of the Church were likewise inflicted 
on deserting monks in the fifth century. Spalatensis74 thinks 
the first Council, that ever decreed excommunication against 
them, was the fourth Council of Toledo’5, under Honorius, 
anno 633. But he did not advert to a former canon of the 
Council of Chalcedon7®, made near two hundred years before, 
which decreed, ‘that neither virgins consecrated to God, nor 
monks, should marry; and such as did so should be excom- 
municated; only the bishop of the place might moderate the 
censure :’ that is, (if I rightly understand that canon, which is 
by some mistaken,) he might shorten the term of their penance 
at his discretion; which was the only way of granting in- 
dulgences in the primitive Church. And from hence again it 
appears, that when it was thought a crime for a monk to 
marry, yet they did not think it a nullity when done, or pre- 
sume to void it upon that score, but only obliged him to do 
penance for such a term as the bishop should think fit to im- 
pose upon him. And I suppose the Canons of St. Basil77 and 


quandam veniat militiam, aut ad a- 
liam vite figuram: substantia ejus 
etiam sic ..... in monasterio rema- 
nente, ipse inter officiales clarissimi 
provincie judicis statuetur, &c.— 
Cod. 1. 1. tit. 3. leg. 55. 8. 2. (t. 4. p. 
142.) Nam si qui eorum, de quibus 
presentem legem posuimus, sancti- 
monialem vitam elegerint, ad secu- 
larem autem conversationem postea 
remeaverint; jubemus, omnes eo- 
rum res ad jura ejusdem ecclesize 
vel monasterii, a quo recesserint, 
pertinere. 

74 De Republ. part.1. 1. 2. 6. 12. 
n. 48. (p. 367 e. 6.) Postea vero mo- 
nachos desertores a se penitus mo- 
nachismum abdicantes cceperunt a- 
liqui apostatas vocare, et in eos ex- 
communicationes fulminare. Quod 
ego primum observo in Concilio 4. 

oletano. ' 


75 C.54. [al.55.] (t.5. p. 1718 e.) 
..-Qui detonsi a parentibus fuerint, 
aut sponte sua, amissis parentibus, 
se ipsos religioni devoverunt, et 
postea habitum szcularem sumpse- 
runt, et iidem a sacerdote compre- 
hensi ad cultum religionis, acta prius 
penitentia, revocentur. Quod si re- 
verti non possunt vere, ut apostatz 
anathematis sententize subjiciantur. 

76 C. τό. (t.4. p. 763 b.) Παρθένον 
ἑαυτὴν ἀναθεῖσαν τῷ | Δεσπότῃ Θεῷ, 
ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ μονάζοντα, μὴ ἐξεῖναι 
γάμῳ προσομιλεῖν' εἰ δέ γε εὑρεθεῖεν 
τοῦτο ποιοῦντες, ἔστωσαν ἀκοινώνη- 
τοι" ὡρίσαμεν δὲ ἔχειν τὴν αὐθεντίαν 
τῆς ἐπ᾿ αὐτοῖς φιλανθρωπίας τὸν κατὰ 
τόπον ἐπίσκοπον. 

77 C. 60. [Oper. Basil. Ep. 217. 
Canonic. Tert.] (CC. t. 2. P-1349 b.) 
ἯἩ παρθενίαν ὁμολογήσασα, καὶ ἐκπε- 
σοῦσα τῆς ἐπαγγελίας, τὸν χρόνον τοῦ 


of the monastic life. 397 


the Council of Trullo, which speak of a penance of seven years 
or more, are to be understood with this limitation. 

I have-now put together all that I could think material to 
be said upon this subject of the monastic life; and some per- 
haps will think I have said too much, and others too little 
upon it: but I content myself to have said so much as seemed 
necessary to my own design, which was to give an account of 
ancient customs, and explain several laws and rules of the 
Church. They, whose curiosity leads them further, may easily 
have recourse to Cassian’s Institutions and Collations, and Pal- 
ladius’s Historia Lausiaca, and Theodoret’s Philotheus or Reli- 
gious History,—books written particularly upon this subject by 
professed admirers of the monastic life. My method now leads 
me to say something briefly of the virgins and widows, that 
were also reckoned among the ascetics of the Church. 


CHAP. IV. 


The case and state of virgins and widows in the ancient 
Church. 


1. As I have shewed before that there were ascetics in the Of the dis- ἡ 
Church long before there were any monks; so it must here be scampi 
noted, that there were virgins who made public and open pro- clesiastical 
fession of virginity before the monastic life or name was known 374,monas- 
in the world. This appears from the writings of Cyprian and gins. 
Tertullian, who speak of virgins dedicating themselves to. 

Christ, before there were any monasteries to receive them. 
These, for distinction’s sake, are sometimes called ecclesiastical 
virgins by the writers of the following ages, Sozomen’8, and 
others, to distinguish them from such as embraced the mo- 
nastie life, after monasteries began to multiply in the world. 
The ecclesiastical virgins were commonly enrolled in the canon 


or matricula of the Church,—that is, in the catalogue of ec- 


ἐπὶ τῆς μοιχείας ἁμαρτήματος ἐν τῇ 
οἰκονομίᾳ τῆς καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν ζωῆς πλη- 
ρώσει᾽ τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν βίον μο- 
ναζόντα a for a καὶ ἐκπι- 
πτόντων. d bbe’s reading slightl 

varies. |—Conf. C. Trull. c. 44. (t. ὃ 

. 1163 ἃ.) Μοναχὸς ἐπὶ πορνεί 

ἁλοὺς, ἢ πρὸς γάμου κοινωνίαν κα 
συμβίωσιν γυναῖκα ἀγαγόμενος, τοῖς 
τῶν πορνευόντων ἐπιτιμίοις κατὰ τοὺς 


κανόνας ὑποβληθήσεται. 

78 1,. 8. ς. 22. (ν. 2. Pp. 355. 44.) 
Ὑπὸ μετριότητος γὰρ τρόπων καὶ φι- 
λοσοφίας ἀεὶ λαιδάνειν ἐπετήδευεν 
[Νικαρέτη], ὡς μήτε εἰς ἀξίωμα δια- 
κόνου σπουδάσαι προελθεῖν, μήτε προ- 
τρεπομένου πολλάκις ᾿Ιωάννου ἕλέ- 

ποτὲ παρθένων ἐκκλησιαστικῶν 


ἡγεῖσθαι. 


908 The state and case VII. iv. 


clesiastics,—as we learn from Socrates79, who speaks of them 
under that title. And hence they were sometimes called ca- 
nonice, canonical virgins, from their being registered in the 
canon or books of the Church. They differed from the mo- 
nastic virgins chiefly in this, that they lived privately in their 
fathers’ houses, and had their maintenance from their fathers, 
or in cases of necessity from the Church; but the others lived 
in communities, and upon their own labour, as we learn from 
the third Council of Carthage®° and the writings of St. Aus- 
tin®!, Spalatensis 53 long ago observed this difference, and it 
is since acknowledged by Albaspinzeus 88, Valesius*4, Cotele- 
rius 85, and other learned men of the Romish Church. So that 
it is now out of dispute, that as the ascetics for the first three 
hundred years were not monks, so neither were the sacred 
virgins of the Church monastical heii or nuns confined to a 


Whether 
they were 
under any 
profession 
of perpetual 
virginity. 


cloister, as in after-ages. 


2. If it be inquired, how these were distinguished from other 
virgins that were merely secular /—I conceive it was by some 
sort of profession of their intention to continue in that state all 
their lives; but whether that was a solemn vow, or a simple 


79 Lr. C. 17. (ibid. Ρ. 47. 22.) Καὶ 
τὰς παρθένους τὰς dvayeypappévas ἐν 
τῷ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν κανόνι, ἐπὶ ἑστία- 
σιν προτρεπομένη,.. δι ἑαυτῆς λειτουρ- 
γοῦσα, τὰ ὄψα ταῖς τραπέζαις προσ- 
ἔφερε. 

80 C. 33. (t. 2. Ρ.1171 6.) Ut vir- 
gines sacre, si [8]. cum] parentibus, 
a quibus custodiebantur, private fu- 
erint, episcopi providentia vel pres- 
byteri, si [al. ubi] episcopus absens 
est, in monasterio virginum gravio- 
ribus foeminis commendentur, &c. 

81 De Morib. Eccles. c. 31. (t. 1. 
a 711 c.) Lanificio corpus exercent, 

— e sustentant, vestesque ipsas fra- 
tribus tradunt, ab iis invicem quod 
victui opus est resumentes. 

82 De Republ. 1. 2. c. 11. n. 25. 
(t. 1. p. 336 a.) Ego invenio olim 
virgines Deo sacratas, et vere ac 
proprie virginitatem professas, et- 
lam in propriis domibus habitasse ; 
et nihilominus habitum monacha- 
lem gestasse, et perfecte regulas mo- 
nasticas servasse. 

83 In C. Eliber. c. 13. (t. 1. p. 992 


d.) Virgines, que Deo sese voverant, 
a ceteris non removebantur, aut 
claustris includebantur, ut ex hoc 
canone et in Divo Cypriano et Ter- 
tulliano de Virginibus Velandis li- 
cet colligere. 

84 In Soz. 1.8. c. 23. (v. 2. p.355- 
n. 4.) Virgines ecclesiastice dicuntur 
ad distinctionem éarum, que dege- 
bant in monasteriis, que monac 
dicuntur in Epistola Siricii Pa 
He virgines locum separatum hes 
bebant in ecclesia, tabulis conclu- 
sum, ut docet Ambrosius in Ser- 
mone ad Virginem Lapsam. Obla- 
tiones item offerebant et communi- 
cabant seorsum a reliqua multitudi- 
ne, ut colligitur ex c. 25. Concilii 
Triburiensis. Ecclesiasticz porro di- 
cebantur, eo quod ascripte essent 
albo seu matricule ecclesiz ; κατάλο- 
you παρθένων, et τάγμα, vocat Basi- 
lius in Epistola Canonica ad Amphi- 
lochium. 

85 In Constit. Apost. 1.8.¢.13. See 
ch.1. 8.3. p. 325. n. 88. 


999 


profession, is not agreed among learned writers. The learned 
editor of St. Cyprian*® reckons they were under no obligation 
of any formal vow in the age of Cyprian, but yet were some 
way bound by the resolution and purpose of their own mind, 
and the public profession of virginity. And in this he seems to 
speak not only the common sense of Protestant writers, but the 
sense of that ancient author 57, who says, ‘they dedicated them- 
selves to Christ, yet so as that if either they would not, or 
could not persevere, it was better for them to marry than to 
burn,’ or to be cast into fire for their offences, as his words may 
literally be translated. From whence it may be collected, that 
then the profession of virginity was not so strict as to make 
marrying after be thought a crime worthy of ecclesiastical 
censure. 

3. But in the following ages the censures of the Church When first 
were inflicted on them. The Council of Ancyra*® determined [4° Hable 
universally against all such as having professed virginity after- —_ of the 
ward went against their profession, that they should be sub- hy 
jected to the same term of penance as digamists were used to sega 
be; that is, a year or two, as we learn from one of the Canons fession. 
of St. Basil*®. The Council of Chaleedon% orders them to be 
excommunicated, if they married, but leaves the term of their 
penance to the bishop’s discretion. The Council of Valence’, 
in France, is still more severe, forbidding them to be admitted 
immediately to penance ; and when they were admitted, unless 
they made full and reasonable satisfaction to God, their re- 
storation to communion was still to be deferred. Now from 


§ 2, 3. of virgins and widows. 


86 Not. in r. Ep. 4. (p. 174. 
n. 4.) Animi yk es et publica 
virginitatis professione, non voto 
astricte. 

87 Ep. 62. [al. 4.1 ad Pompon. (p. 
174.) Quod si ex fide se Christo di- 
caverunt, pudice et caste sine ulla 
fabula perseverent ; ita fortes et sta- 
biles premium virginitatis expec- 
tent. Si autem perseverare nolunt, 
vel non possunt; melius est nubant, 
quam in ignem delictis suis cadant. 

88. C. το. (t. 1. p. 1464 b.) Ὅσοι 
παρθενίαν ἐπαγγελλόμενοι, ἀθετοῦσι 
τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν, τὸν τῶν διγάμων 6- 
ρὸν ἐκπληρούτωσαν. 

89 C. af reg Basil. Ep. 188. 
Canonic. Prim.] (CC. t. 2. p. 


1721 b.) Περὶ τριγάμων καὶ πολυγά- 
pov τὸν αὐτὸν ὥρισαν [ἃ]. ὡρίσαμεν 
κανόνα, ὃν καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν διγάμων, ἀνα- 
λόγως" ἐνιαυτὸν μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ διγάμων, 
ἄλλοι δὲ δύο ἔτη" robs. δὲ τριγάμους 
ἐν τρισὶ καὶ τετράσι πολλάκις ἔτεσιν 
ἀφορίζουσιν. 

C.16. See before, ch. 3. 8. 24. 
Ρ. 306. n. 76. 

Cy'ai (€. 2. P.9°5 c.) De puel- 
lis vero, que se Deo voverunt, si ad 
terrenas nuptias sponte transierint, 
id custodiendum esse decrevimus, 
ut peenitentia his non [al. nec] sta- 
tim detur: et cum data fuerit, nisi 
plene satisfecerint Deo, in quantum 
ratio poposcerit, earundem commu- 
nio differatur. 


400 The state and case VIL. iv. 


these canons, to mention no more, it evidently appears, that in 
the following ages next after the time of Cyprian,—that is, in 
the fourth and fifth centuries,—the censures of .the Church 
were severer against the marriage of professed virgins than 
they were before; and they seem to have risen in proportion 
to the esteem and value which men began to set upon tie 
and the monastic life. 


The mar- 4. Yet two things are very observable amidst all the seve- 
riage of 8 y 

professed ity and rigour of those ages. First, that there never was any 
veer de. cDurch-decree for rescinding, or pronouncing null, such mar- 
clared null. riages. The Emperor Jovian, indeed, as Sozomen 93 relates, 


made it a capital crime by law for any one to commit a rape 
upon a devoted virgin, or so much as to solicit her to forsake 
her present state of life, and forego her resolution and pur- 
pose; which law is still extant m both the Codes%. But then, 
as Valesius himself rightly observes, ‘ this law was only made 
against ravishers, and such as solicited those virgins to marry 
against their own will; but if a virgin did voluntarily quit her 
purpose and station, and then marry after that, there was no- 
thing in this law to prohibit her, much less to punish her for 
so doing.’ And for the laws of the Church, though they ap- 
pointed a spiritual punishment, yet they did not cancel or dis-_ 
annul the act, but confirmed and ratified such marriages, 
though done against the rules then prevailing in the Church. 
Of which the testimony of St. Austin, alleged before in the 
last chapter, sect. 23, is abundant proof; not to mention the 
silence of all ancient laws in the case, which speak of no other 
punishment beside excommunication, and penance as the conse- 
quence of that, in order to be received into the communion of 


92 L.6.c.3. (v.2. Ρ.222. 3-) Προσ- 
εφώνησε δὲ καὶ Σεκούνδῳ, τῷ τότε τὴν 
ὕπαρχον ἐξουσίαν διέποντι, γενικὴν 
νομοθεσίαν, εἰς κεφαλὴν τιμωρεῖσθαι 
παρακελευομένην τὸν ἱερὰν παρθένον 
μνᾶσθαι πρὸς γάμον πειρώμενον, ἢ καὶ 
ἀκολάστως μόνον προσβλέποντα, μήτι 
γε διαρπάζειν ἐπιχειροῦντα. 

98. Justin. 1.1. tit.3. 166’. 5. (t.4. p. 
74 ad calc. et 75.) Si quis, non di- 
cam rapere, sed attentare tantum 
jungendi causa matrimonii sacratis- 


simas virgines ausus fuerit, capitali 


pena feriatur.—'Theod. 1. 9. tit. 


25. de Rapt. Sanctimonial. aa 2. 

(t. 3. Ρ. 197.) Si quis, non dicam ra- 
pere, sed vel attentare matrimonii 
jungendi causa, sacratas virgines, 
vel invitas, ausus fuerit, capitali sen- 
tentia ferietur. 

94 Not. in Sozom. 1.6. 6. 3. (v. 2. 
p- 222. n.1.) Lex igitur Joviani ad- 
versus raptores virginum lata est: 
sed si sanctimonialis relicto propo-. 
sito postea nubere voluisset, non. 
prohibebatur hac lege. 

% De Bon. Viduitat. cc. 8, 9, 10. 


(t. 6. pp. 374, 375.) 


δ4,}.. 


of virgins and widows. 


401 


the Church again. Epiphanius®® is very express and parti- 
cular in the case, ‘that if any professing virginity fell from 
their state-by fornication, they had better marry publicly ac- 
cording to the laws, and then submit themselves to a course 
of penance, in order to obtain the communion of the Church 
again, rather than live perpetually exposed to the secret darts 


of the Devil.’ 


Which, I think, he would not have said, had it 


then been the custom of the Church to disannul the marriages: 
of professed virgins, under pretence of any preceding vow or 


obligation. 


_. δ. The other thing proper to be considered in this case is, Liberty 
that by the imperial laws great liberty and indulgence was 
granted to all virgins that were consecrated before the age of to many, if 
forty. For though some canons allowed them to be conse- 
erated at twenty-five, and others% at sixteen or seventeen, before the 
which were reckoned to be years of discretion, yet time 
quickly shewed that neither of those terms were so conve- 
niently fixed as they might be; and therefore other canons 
required virgins to be forty years old before they were veiled, 
as may be seen particularly in the French and Spanish Councils 
of Agde and Saragossa. And the imperial laws not only re- 
quired that age in consecrated virgins, but further decreed, 
‘that if any virgin was veiled before that age, either by the 
Niolence or hatred, of her parents, which was a case that often 


ma 1 penis : 


ha Se: Apostol. n. 7. (t. 1. p. 
512 ἃ, Ὁ.) Κρεῖττον τοίνυν ἔχειν a- 
yal dh μίαν, καὶ μὴ περισσοτέρας" 


Κρεῖττον πεσόντα ἀπὸ δρόμου φανε- 


᾿ρῶς ἑαυτῷ λαβεῖν γυναῖκα κατὰ νόμον, 
καὶ ἀπὸ παρθενίας πολλῷ χρόνῳ με- 
tavongavra εἰσαχθῆναι πάλιν εἰς τὴν 
_ ἐκκλησίαν, ὡς κακῶς ἐργασάμενον, ὡς 
᾿παραπεσόντα, καὶ κλασθέντα, καὶ χρεί- 
av ἔχοντα ἐπιδέματος, καὶ μὴ καθ᾽ ἑκά- 
στην ἡμέραν βέλεσι κρυφίοις κατατι- 


κεσθαι, καὶ πονηρίας ὑπὸ διαβόλου 


τ 
. αὐτῷ ἐπιφερομένης. 

Vid. G. Carth. 3. οἵῳ: (ee Ὁ. 
. 1167.) Placuit, ut ante viginti quin- 
_ que annos etatis nec diaconi ordi- 
“nentur, nec virgines consecrentur. 
- % Basil. c.18. [Ep. 199. Canonic. 


. Seeund.] (CC. t. 2. p. 1733 b.) Tas δὲ 
ὁμολογίας τότε ἐγκρίνομεν, ἀφ᾽ οὗπερ 


- ἂν ἡ ἡλικία τὴν τοῦ λόγου συμπλήρω- 
BINGHAM, VOL. II. 


ow ἔχῃ" οὐδὲ γὰρ τὰς παιδικὰς φωνὰς 
πάντως κυρίας ἐπὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἡγεῖ- 
σθαι προσῆκεν [8]. προσήκει" ἀλλὰ 
τὴν ὑπὲρ τὰ δεκαὲξ ἢ δεκακαιεπτὰ 
γενομένην ἔτη, κυρίαν οὖσαν τῶν λο- 
γισμῶν [al. τοῦ λογισμοῦ, ἀνακριθεῖ- 
σαν ἐπὶ πλεῖον, εἶτα παραμείνασαν καὶ 
λιπαροῦσαν διὰ ἱκεσιῶν πρὸς τὸ παρα- 
δεχθῆναι, τότε ἐγκαταλέγεσθαι χρὴ 
ταῖς παρθένοις, καὶ τὴν ὁμολογίαν τῆς 
τοιαύτης κυροῦν, καὶ τὴν ἀθέτησιν αὐ- 
ns ἀπαραιτήτως κολάζειν. 

99 Vid. C. Agathens. c. 19. (t. 4. 
p- 1386 c.) Sanctimoniales, quan- 
tumlibet vita earum et mores pro- 
bati sint, ante annum etatis suze 


granted by 


they were 
consecrated 


age of forty. 


aaa S non velentur.—C. . 


saraug. c. 8. (t. 2. p. τοῖο d.)... 
Non velandas esse virgines, que se 
Deo voverunt, nisi quadraginta an- 


norum probata etate, &c. : 


pd 


VII. iv. 
happened, she should have liberty to marry ;’ as appears from 
the Novel of Leo and Majorian}, at the end of the Theodosian 
Code, which says, ‘ that no virgin in such circumstances should 
be judged sacrilegious, who, by her honest marriage, declared 
that either she never intended to take upon her any such vow, 
or at least was not able to fulfil it; forasmuch as the doctrine 
and institutes of the Christian religion have declared, that it 
is better for a virgin to marry than to burn, and forfeit her 
virtue by leading an unchaste life after she has made profes- 
sion of virginity.’ Now if these two things be rightly consi- 
dered,—first, that the consecration of a virgin was not to be 
reputed valid till she was forty years of age; and, secondly, 
that if she married after her consecration at that age, yet her 
marriage was then reputed valid and never disannulled,—there 
will appear a very wide difference between the practice of the 
ancient Church and that of the Church of Rome in this matter. 
For which reason I have spoken distinctly of this profession of 


virgins, both to explain the nature of their vow, and shew the 
measures of its obligation. 


402 The state and case 


Of their 6. As to their consecration itself, it had some things very 
"ey »" peculiar in it. For it was usually performed publicly in the 
manner of 


church, and that with some solemnity, by the bishop himself, 
or at least some presbyter particularly deputed by the bishop 
for that purpose. For by the ancient canons this act among 
others was reserved to the office of the supreme minister of 
the Church, and therefore a presbyter, without his commission 
or leave, was not to intermeddle in it. The sixth canon in the 
African Code? seems universally to prohibit presbyters these 
three things,—the making of chrism, the public reconciliation 
of penitents, and the consecration of virgins. But this last 
point is to be interpreted by what is said in the third Council 
of Carthage®, ‘that a presbyter is not to consecrate a virgin 


consecra- 
tion. 


1 Novel. 8. ad calc. Cod. Theod. 
(t. 6. append. p. 36. col. dextr.) Ne- 
que enim sacrilega judicanda est, 
quze se hoc ante noluisse, aut certe 
non posse complere appetiti conjugii 
honestate prodiderit; cum Christi- 
anz religionis instituta atque doc- 
trina melius esse censuerit virginem 
pubere, quam, impatientiz ardore 


naturali, profess pudicitiz non ser- 
vare virtutem. 

2 Ὁ. 6. (t.2. p. 1051 6.) Xpioparos 
ποίησις, καὶ κορῶν καθιέρωσις, ἀπὸ 
πρεσβυτέρων μὴ γένηται. μήτε δὲ 
καταλλάξαι τινὰ εἰς δημοσίαν λειτουρ- 
γίαν πρεσβυτέρῳ ἐξεῖναι, τοῦτο πᾶσιν 
ἀρέσκει. 


5. Ο..46. (ibid. p. 1172 b.) Ut 


§ 6. 


of virgins and widows. 403 


without the bishop’s leave ;’ which implies, that he might do it 
by his direction ; and-so Ferrandus, in his Abbreviations‘, un- 
derstands it. So that this was one of those things which bi- 
shops thought fit to reserve to themselves in those times, and 
did not allow their presbyters, without special direction, to 
perform it. Whence I conclude it was a thing esteemed of 
some weight, and the bishop’s character was concerned in it, to 
use an exact caution in the consecrating of virgins, as St. Am- 
brose® words it, ‘that nothing might be done rashly to the dis- 
honour of the Church.’ 

Now when a virgin had signified her purpose to the bishop, 
and her desire of the usual consecration, she was wont to come 
and make a public profession of her resolution in the church ; 
and then the bishop, or presbyter appointed at the altar, put 
upon her the accustomed habit of sacred virgins, by which they 
were known and distinguished from all others. The matter is 
thus represented by St. Ambrose, who, speaking of his sister 
Marcellina, who was consecrated at Rome by Liberius, says®, 
that on Christmas-day, in St. Peter’s church, she signified the 
profession of virginity by the change of her habit, Liberius 
making an exhortation or discourse of her, suitable to the oc- 
casion, containing the duty of virgins; which the reader may 
find there recorded. This change of habit is frequently men- 
tioned in the ancient Councils’, and the Civil Law® also takes 


7 Ὁ. Carth. 4. c.12. (t.2. p. 1200 
e.) Sanctimonialis virgo, cum ad 


presbyter, inconsulto yo Ny vir- 


non consecret, c ma vero 


nunquam conficiat. 

4 Breviat. Canon. c. gt. (ap. 
Justell. t. τ. p. 451.) Ut presbyter, 
inconsulto episcopo, virgines non 
‘consecret, chrisma vero nunquam 


5 De Virginibus, 1.3. p. 124. [al. 
de Virginitate Liber, c.7.] (t. 2. p. 
223 a.) Neque ego abnuo, sacerdotalis 
esse cautionis debere, ut non temere 
puella veletur. 

6 Ibid. p. 112. [al. ut supr. ec. 
1.] (ibid. p. 173 b.)...... Cum in 
Salvatoris natali, ad Apostolum Pe- 
trum, virginitatis professionem ves- 
tis quoque mutatione signares, &c. 
.. Conf. Eund. ad Virg. Laps. c. 5. 
tot. (t.2. p. 309 c.) Non es memorata 


consecrationem suo episcopo offer- 
tur, in talibus vestibus applicetur, 
qualibus semper usura est, profes- 
sioni et sanctimoniz aptis.—Ibid. c. 
104. (p.1207e.) Si que vidue, quan- 
tumlibet adhuc in minoribus annis 
posite et matura ztate a viro relicte, 
se devoverunt Domino, et veste lai- 
cali abjecta sub testimonio episcopi 
et ecclesiz religioso habitu apparu- 
erint, &c.—C. Arausic. 1. c. 27. (t.3. 

.1451b.) Viduitatis servande pro- 
essionem, coram episcopo in secre- 
tario habitam, imposita ab episcopo 
veste viduali indicandam. 

8 Lex Arcadii in Cod. Justin. 1.1. 
tit. 4, de Episcopal. Audient. leg. 5. 
(t. 1. p. 148.) Mime, et que ludi- 

rio corporis sui questum faciunt, 


pd2 


404 The state and case VII. iv. 


notice of it, forbidding all mimics and lewd women the public 
use of such habit as was worn by virgins consecrated to God : 
which implies, plainly, that such virgins were known by some 
particular habit peculiar to themselves. One part of this was 
a veil, called the sacrum velamen; whence the phrase, velare 
virginem, to veil a virgin, is the same as consecrating her to 
God, in some ancient? writers. Though I must note, that Ter- 
tullian’s book De Velandis Virginibus is not so to be under- 
stood: for he writes, not to devoted virgins, but to all virgins 
in general, persuading them to use the grave habit of matrons; 
that is, to go veiled, according to the Apostle’s direction. 
Whence we must say, that the veil of consecrated virgins had 
some note of distinction from the common veil of others, and 
thereupon the name of sacred affixed to it, because it was a 
token or indication of their resolution. Optatus particularly ob- 
serves this of another part of their habit, which he calls their 
purple and golden mitre. He says, ‘they did not use it for any 
sacrament or mystery, but only as a badge of distinction, and 
to signify to whose service they belonged, that no one might 
pretend to ravish, or so much as court them.’ And therefore 
he blames?® the Donatists for their blind and mad zeal in 
making the virgins of Christ do penance, and cast away their 
veils, and change their mitres, which were only innocent tokens 
of their profession. Eusebius takes notice of the same habit 
under the name of coronet: for speaking! of one Ennathas, a 
virgin of Scythopolis in Palestine, who suffered martyrdom in 
the Dioclesian persecution, he says of her, ‘that she was 
adorned with the coronet of virginity:’ alluding to what Opta- 
tus calls their golden riband, or little mitre; unless he speaks 
metaphorically, and means the crown of virginity added to the 
crown of martyrdom in another world, of both which great 


publice habitu earum virginum, que 
Deo dicate sunt, non utantur.— Vid. 
Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 17. leg. 12. 
(t.5. p. 375-) His illud addicimus, 
ut mime, &c. 

9 Vid. Innocent. Ep. 2. ad Victric. 
c. 13. (CC. t.2. p.1252 e.) He 
vero que nondum sacro velamine 
tectee, &c.—Gelas. Ep. 9. ad Episc. 
Lucan. See n. 36, following. 

10 Cont. Parmenian. 1.6. p.9g6. (p. 
115.) Jam illud quam stultum, quam 


vanum [est]... ut virgines Dei age- 
rent pcenitentiam discentes [8]. age- 
re penitentiam discerent;] ut jam- 
dudum professz, signa voluntatis ca- 
pitibus, postea vobis jubentibus, im- 
mutarent; ut mitrellas aureas [al. 
mitellas alias] projicerent, alias acci- 
perent, &c. 

11 De Martyr. Palestin. c.g. (v. rT. 
Ρ. 424. 18.)....Tis γυνὴ, παρθενίας 
στέμματι καὶ αὐτὴ κεκοσμημένη. 


§ 6. 


of virgins and widows. 405 


things are often said in the ancient writers. Albaspinzeus ” 
thinks Optatus speaks of another custom, which he says is still 
in use in the consecration of virgins, which is untying the hair, 
as was customary in secular marriages, in token of the woman’s 
subjection to her husband. But Optatus’s words seem only 
to be a bare allusion to that secular custom: for the marriage _ 
of virgins to Christ was only figurative, or, as he words it, spi- 
ritual and heavenly ; and consequently the custom referred to 
must be understood to be of the same nature,—that is, not real 
and proper, but figurative only; which seems to be most 
agreeable to the mind of the author. 

Baronius'* and Habertus!> express themselves patrons of 
another custom, which began to creep in among some, but 
was never allowed or approved by the Catholic Church. 
Eustathius, the heretic, was for having all virgins shorn or 
shaven at their consecration. But the Council of Gangra 
immediately rose up against him, and anathematized the prac- 
tice, passing a decree! in these words: ‘If any woman, 
under pretence of an ascetic life, cut off her hair, which 
God hath given her for a memorial of subjection, let her 
be anathema, as one that disannuls the decree of subjection.’ 
Habertus and Baronius pretend, that this decree was made 
only against married women and seculars, and not such 
as betook themselves to a monastic life: but the words of 


ut Vestales imitentur Romanorum 
virgines, — incisos sibi capillos ad 
arborem loton suspendebant: sed 
aliis ex causis, que Hieronymus re- 


12 In Optat. 1. 6. p. 159. (p. 116. 
n. n.) et hodie in virginibus 
consecrandis hic ritus observatur. 

13 1|, 6. p.g7. (Ρ. 116.) Spiritale 


nubendi hoc genus est: in nuptias 
sponsi jam venerant voluntate et 
professione sua, et ut szcularibus 
nuptiis se renunciasse monstrarent, 
spiritali sponso solverant crinem, 
jam ccelestes celebraverant nuptias. 
Quid est quod eas iterum crines 
solvere coegistis? 

M4 An. 57. 0. 93. (t. τ. Ρ. 473 9.) 
In aliquibus item ecclesiis, praser- 
tim opie et oo Dep tam virgo 

vidua, se vovissent 
Ὁ esate vc chat’ inguit Hi- 
eronymus, crinem monasteriorum 
matribus offerunt desecandum, non 
intecto postea, contra A postoli volun- 
tatem, incessure capite, sed ligato 
pariter et velato ....nec id quidem, 


citat: immo et propter mysterium, 


&e. 

15 Archierat. ad Edict. pro Archi- 
mandr. observ. 7. (p. 598.) Tonden- 
tur et foeminz, etsi olim tonderi ne- 
fas. Concilium Gangrense, can. 17: 
Εἴ τις ἱκῶν, x.T.r. (See next 
note.) Sed hic canon de feeminis in 
seculo et conjugio vitam agentibus 
intelligitur, non vero de iis, qui τὴν 
μοναδικὴν ἀπόκαρσιν, tonsuram mo- 
nasticam, elegerunt. 

16 C, 17. (t. 2. p.424 [corrige, 420] 
a.) Ei τις γυναικῶν διὰ τὴν νομιζομέ- 
νην ἄσκησιν ἀποκείροιτο τὰς κόμας, 
ἃς ἔδωκεν ὁ Θεὸς εἰς ὑπόμνησιν τῆς 
ὑποταγῆς, ὡς ἀναλύουσα τὸ πρόσταγμα 
τῆς ὑποταγῆς, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. 


406 The state and case VIL. iv. 


the canon are positively against such as did it upon pretence 
that they were entered upon an ascetic, or, as some call it, a 
religious life; and Valesius!7 ingenuously confesses this to be 
the true sense of the canon, proving hence that anciently the 
sacred virgins were not shaven: as neither were they in France 
to the time of Carolus Calvus, as he shews from other canons, 
citing Hugo Menardus'* for the same opinion. But the Council 
of Gangra was not of sufficient force to repress this custom in 
all places; for in St. Jerom’s time it prevailed.in some mo- 
nasteries of Syria and Egypt, though upon another principle,— 
of cleanliness, not religion,—as appears from his Epistle against 
Sabinian!9 the deacon. Yet it did not prevail every where in 
Egypt in the days of Athanasius: for Sozomen™, giving an 
account of the barbarous usage which the holy virgins met 


17 In Sozom. 1.5. 6. 10. (v. 2. p. 
194. n. 2.) Porro sciendum est, sa- 
cras virgines olim intonsas fuisse, ut 
constat ex Concilio Gangrensi. Id- 
que etiam in Gallia usitatum fuit 
temporibus Caroli Calvi; ut docet 
Canon Concilii in Verno Palatio. 

18 In Sacramentar. Greg. M. (ap. 
Greg. M. t. 3. part. 1. p.442 d. 11.) 
Tandem virginum crines sparsi et 
soluti erant instar sponsarum, ut 
manifestum est ex eodem Optato, 
1.6. Spiritali sponso solverant cri- 
nem, jam celestes celebraverant nup- 
tias. Et infra: Invenistts igitur hu- 
jusmodi virgines, que jam spiritali- 
ter nupserant ; quasi secundas co- 
egistis ad nuptias; ut crines iterum 
solverent, imperastis. Nam schisma- 
tici catholicas virgines ad suas par- 
tes raptas vel allectas, pcenitentia 
prius imposita, iterum consecrabant. 
Ex hoc Optati loco manifestum est, 
olim virgines non fuisse tonsas, quod 
etiam confirmatur ex S. Ambrosio, c. 
8. libr. ad Virginem Lapsam. Ampu- 
tentur crines, qui per vanam gloriam 
occasionem luxurie prestiterunt. Ibi 
enim injungit Virgini Lapsz, pceni- 
tentiam acture de peccato, crinium 
tonsionem, juxta priscum morem ; 

uem etiam observare est, ex 1. 6. 
ptati, quod signum est, eam ante 
lapsum intonsam fuisse; et ex S. 
Hieronymo Epist. ad Sabinianum, 
ubi refert de quadam virgine Rome 


professa, que, cum Bethlehem ve- 
nisset, ut morem gentis servaret, 
tonsa est, crinemque amatori Sabi- 
niano dedit. Et ex Concilio Gan- 
grensi, can.17, Εἴ τις γυναικῶν διὰ 
τὴν νομιζομένην ἄσκησιν ἀποκείροιτο 
τὰς κόμας, K.T.A. ἀνάθεμα ἔστω, id 
est, Si qua mulier propter eam, 
que existimatur exercitatio, id 
est, ob vitam monachicam, tondeat 
comam, &c., excommunicetur. At 
contrarius usus fuit in partibus At- 
gypti et Syriz; siquidem illic olim 
sanctimoniales, seu virgines, seu vi- 
duz, tondebantur, ut docet 5. Hi- 
eronymus Epist. citata: Moris est 
Aigypti et Syrie monastervis, ut 
tam viryo, quam vidua, que se Deo 
voverint, et seculo renuntiantes om- 
nes delicias seculi conculecarint, cri- 
nem monasteriorum matri offerant 
desecandum. Refertque causam, ne 
a pediculis opprimantur, quia bal- 
nea non adeunt, nec oleo unguntur. 
Quod hodie apud nos observatur, 
etiam apud Grecos, ut scribit The- 
odorus Balsamon in canonem cita- 
tum. 

19 Ep. 48. [al 147.| cont. Sabin. 
(t.1. p.1083 ἃ.) Moris est in AL- 
gypti et Syriz monasteriis, &c. See 
the latter part of the preceding 
note. 

20 L. 5. c. 10. (v. 2. p. 194. 17.) 
᾿Εμπαροινήσαντες δὲ πρότερον 7 ἐδό- 
Ket... τὸ τελευταῖον ἀνέκειρον αὐτάς. 


of virgins and widows. 407 


with from the heathen at Heliopolis, says, ‘ they added this in- 
dignity above all, that they shaved them also.’ Which plainly 
implies that it was not then any approved custom of the 
Church. Nor did it ever prevail by any law: for Theodosius 
the Great?! added a civil sanction to confirm the ecclesiastical 
decree made against it, commanding all women, that under 
pretence of their profession cut off their hair, to be cast out of 
the church, and not to be allowed to partake of the holy 
mysteries, or make their supplications at the altar; and fur- 
ther laid the penalty both of deposition and excommunication 
upon any bishop that should admit such women to communion. 
From all which it manifestly appears, that the pretended ton- 
sure of virgins and widows was anciently no allowed custom of 
the Church, but rather an abuse, which both the civil and ec- 
clesiastical laws endeavoured to correct and exterminate, how- 
ever it came to prevail in the contrary practice of later ages. 

The Ordo Romanus has also a long form of prayer, and the 
ceremony of a ring and a bracelet at their consecration; but 
the ancient Liturgies having nothing of this, their silence 
seems to be an argument against the antiquity of them. And 
lest any one should think the virgins were ordained to some 
special office in the Church, as the deaconesses were, it is par- 
ticularly remarked by the author of the Constitutions??, that 
their consecration was not an ordination, and therefore imposi- 
tion of hands, for ought that I can find, was not any ancient 
ceremony belonging to it. I must note further, that as the 
society of virgins was of great esteem in the Church, so they 
had some particular honours paid to them. 

7. Virgins and widows were commonly excused capitation- of some 
money, together with the clergy, by the imperial laws of Va- Privileges 


i of bestowed 
lentinian?* and others. Their persons were sacred ; and severe them. 


21 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit.2. de E- permiserit, dejectus loco etiam ipse 
pisc. leg. 27. (t.6. p. 60.) Foemine, cum hujusmodi contuberniis arcea- 
que crinem suum, contra divinas tur. 
humanasque leges, instinctu per- 22 L. 8. c. 24. (Cotel. v. 1. p.409.) 
suase professionis abscinderint, ab Παρθένος οὐ χειροτονεῖται, κ. τ. X. . 
ecclesiz foribus arceantur. Non il- 25 Cod. Theod. 1. 13. tit. το. de 
lis fas sit sacra adire mysteria, ne- Censu, leg. 4. (t. 5. p. 118.) In virgi- 
que ullis supplicationibus merean- nitate perpetua yiventes et eam vi- 
tur veneranda omnibus altaria fre- duam, de qua ipsa maturitas polli- 
quentare. Adeo quidem, ut episco- cetur etatis nulli jam eam esse 
“pus, tonso capite feeminam siintroire nupturam, a plebeie capitationis in- 


s 


408 VIL. iv 


The state and case 


laws were made against any that should presume to offer the 
least violence to them: banishment, and proscription, and 
death?+, were the ordinary punishments of such offenders. 
Constantine paid them a particular respect, by charging his 
own coffers and exchequer with their maintenance; and his 
mother, Helena2>, was used to entertain them herself, and wait 
upon them at her own table. The Church gave them also a 
share in her own revenues, and. assigned them, by way of re- 
spect, a particular place or apartment in the house of God, 
whither, as St. Ambrose says2®, the most noble and religious 
matrons were used to resort, with some earnestness, to receive 
their salutations and embraces. But of this I shall have oc- 
casion to discourse further in the next Book, when I come to 
treat of churches, and the distinct places of every order in 


Of the 
name νονὶς 


and nonne, 


and its sig- 
nification. 


them. 


8. I have but one thing more to observe, which relates to 
an ancient name of these virgins, voris and nonne, whence, I 


presume, comes our English name, nun. 


Moniales and asce- 


trie and sanctimoniales are common names for them in 


ancient writers. 


St. Jerom once uses the name nonne, and 


Palladius, of Meursius’s edition 27, vovis, but in Fronto-Duczeus’s 


edition 35 it is γραῦς, an old woman. 


juria vindicandas esse, decernimus. 
—Leg. 6. (p. 12.) Nulla vidua..... 
exactionem plebis agnoscat. Simili 
autem devotione habeantur immu- 
nes, et sl quz se sacre legis obse- 
quio perpetuo dedicarunt. 

24 Ibid. 1. 9. tit. 25. de Raptu 
Sanctimonialium, leg. 2. (t. 3. p. 
197.) Si quis, non dicam rapere, sed 
vel attemptare matrimonii jungendi 
causa, sacratas virgines, vel invitas, 
ausus fuerit, capitali sententia ferie- 
tur.—Leg. 3. (p. 199.) Si quis dica- 
tam Deo virginem, prodigus sui, 


-raptor ambierit, publicatis bonis de- 


portatione plectatur. 
25 Socrat. 1. 1. 6. 17. 


8. 1. p. 398. 0.7 
26 Ad Virg. foe. G.. 6..{t. 2. Ῥ. 


See before, 


.311 b.) Nonne vel illum locum tabu- 
_lis separatum, in quo in ecclesia sta- 


bas, recordari debuisti, ad quem re- 
ligiose matronz et nobiles certatim 


-currebant, tua oscula petentes, que 


Hospinian?9 says it is an 


sanctiores et digniores te erant. (al. 
quasi sanctioris et dignioris. 

27 Hist. Lausiac. ¢. 46. [al. 86.] 
Περὶ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ πα θένου (Lugd. 
Bat. 1616. p. 108.) Δεδώκει᾽ δὲ αὐτῷ 
ἀπόκρισιν ἡ νόνις, κι τ. A. [Οὐοηΐξ. 
Meurs. Lexic. Greecobarb. p. 368. in 
voce. Ep. | 

28 Ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr.-Lat. s. Auc- 
tar. Duczan. Paris. 1624. c. 65. (t.2. 
p. 1008 d. 7.) Δεδώκει δὲ αὐτῷ p ἀπόκρι- 
σιν ἡ γραῦς, K.T.X. 

29 De Monachat. 1.1. 6.1. p.3. (p. 
3. ad im.) Exstat apud Hlierony- 
mum nonne vocabulum, quo id ge- 
nus hominum insignitur, in Epistola 
ad Eustochium virginem: Quia ma- 
ritorum, inquit, experte dominatum, 
&c. Apparet autem hoc verbum ab 


_A&gyptiis in vulgi sermonem ve- 


nisse. Solent enim aliquoties res 


ejus gentis sortiri vocabula, in qua 


precipue fuerint, aut inde nate sint. 
AAgyptus autem preeter ceteras pro-~ 


§ 8, 9. 409 


Egyptian name, and signifies a virgin: but St. Jerom° seems to 
extend the signification alittle further, to denote indifferently 
widows professing chastity after a first marriage, as well as 
virgins; for he particularly applies it to women living in 
widowhood after their first husband’s decease. The names . 
agapete and sorores 1 pass over, as being rather names of 
reproach, and deriving their original from a scandalous abuse 
and unwarrantable practice of some vain and indiscreet men 
in the Church, of which I have given a full account in another 
place}. 

9. Concerning the widows of the Church we have not many Some par- 
things further to be observed distinctly, they being generally pears 
under the same laws and rules as the ecclesiastical virgins relating to 
were, as to what concerned their habit, consecration, profes- prepay 
sion, maintenance, and the like. The sum of which is thus Church. 
expressed in one of the canons of the first Council of Orange ®?, 

‘that a widow having made profession of continuing in her 
widowhood before the bishop in the church, and having her 
widow's garment put on by the presbyter, ought never after to 
violate her promise.’ That which was particular in their case 
was, ist, That they must be such widows as had a long time 
ago lost their husbands, and lived many years a chaste 
unblameable life, ruling their own houses well, as the author of 
the Constitutions®* expresses himself, almost in the words of 
the Apostle; but such widows as had but lately buried their 
husbands were not to be trusted, for fear their passions should 
one time or other prove too strong for their promise. 2dly, It 


of virgins and widows. 


vincias monachorum gregibus abun- 
davit ab initio et Hieronymi adhuc 
etate. Quorum lingua, puto, mo- 
nachos et sanctos nonnos fuisse vo- 
catos: monachas et virgines non- 


nas. 
80 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 6. [al. 
c. 16.] (t. τ. p.98 d.)... Maritorum 
cpertes dominatu [al. experte do- 
μι ἡ ἡκουξ viduitatis preeferunt liber- 
tatem te vocantur et nonne, 
et post cenam dubiam Apostolos 
somniant. 
81 B. 6, ch. 2. s. 13. v. 2. p. 224. 
82 C.27. Viduitatis servandis pro- 
fessionem coram episcopo in secre- 
BINGHAM, VOL. I. 


tario habitam, imposita a presbytero 
veste viduali, non esse violandam. 


τὸν ἄνδρα, καὶ σωφρόνως καὶ ἀκατα- 
γνώστως ἔζησε, καὶ τῶν οἰκείων ἄρι- 
στα ἐπεμελήθη, ὡς ᾿Ιουδὶθ καὶ Ἄννα, 
ai σεμνόταται, κατατασσέσθω εἷς τὸ 
χηρικόν. Ei δὲ νεωστὶ ἀπέβαλε τὸν 
μόζυγον, μὴ πιστευέσθω" ἀλλὰ χρό 
νεότης κρινέσθω" τὰ γὰρ πάθη ἔσ 
ὅτε καὶ [8]. δὲ] συγγηρᾷ ἀνθρώποις, 
εἰ μὴ ὑπὸ κρείττονος χαλινοῦ εἰργό- 
μεθα. 


Ee 


410 The state and case VIL. iv. 


may hence be reasonably concluded, that the younger widows 
were generally refused by the Church, and not allowed to 
make any solemn profession before they were forty or fifty 
years old, though this term be nowhere precisely fixed. For 
since, as I have shewed before, virgins in some ages were not 
allowed to make their profession before forty, it is probable 
the same term was generally observed in the case of widows, 
or perhaps sixty required according to the rule of the Apostle. 
The widows that were chosen to be deaconesses in the Church, 
were to be fifty or sixty years of age, as I have shewed be- 
fore3+ in speaking of their order; who, though they were not 
the widows we are now speaking of, yet being generally chosen 
out of them, and thence termed widows also, it may be pre- 
sumed there was no great difference in point of age betwixt 
them. 3dly. Widows were to be such only as had been the 
wives of one man; that is, only once married, as the Ancients 
generally understand it; though Theodoret gives a different 
sense of the words, only excluding such as had scandalously 
married a second time after having divorced themselves from a 
former husband; which seems to be the true sense and mean- 
ing of the Apostle, as learned men®> now understand it. 4thly, 
There was some difference between widows and virgins in the 
ceremony of their consecration, at least in the Church of Rome 
in the time of Gelasius. For in one of his Canonical Epistles 86, 
where he speaks of veiling of virgins on certain holidays, and 
not at other times, except in case of sickness, he peremptorily 
forbids the veiling of widows at any time, as contrary to cus- 
tom and law, for no canon had prescribed it. Which seems to 
argue, that this particular ceremony was not used in their con- 
secration. Though it came into use by the time that the Ordo 
Romanus was written: for there?” the form of consecrating 


84 Β͵ 2. eh. 22. 8. 4. v. ¥. p. 287. 

35 See b. 2. ch. 22. 8.5. ν᾿, p. 
288. nn 23—29. 

“6 Ep. 9. ad Episc. Lucan. e. 14. 
fal. c.12.| (CC. t.4. p. 1191 ¢.) De- 
votis quoque virginibus, nisi aut in 
Epiphaniarum die, aut in Albis Pas- 
chalibus, aut in Apostolorum Nata- 
litiis, sacrum minime velamen impo- 
natur, &e.—C. 15. [al. c. 13.] (ibid. 
d.) Viduas autem velare pontificum 


nullus attentet, quod nec authoritas 
divina delegat, nec canonum forma 
prestituit. 

37 De Consecrat. Vidue, p. 167. 
(ap. Bibl. Max. t. 13. p. 739 d. 3.) 
Vidua,. ... si seipsam vult Deo dare, 
debet et a presbytero velari, vel et- 
iam consecratum ab episcopo vela- 
men de altari accipere, et ipsa sibi, 
non episcopus, illud debet impo- 
nere. 





§ 9. 


of virgins and widows. 411 


widows prescribes that they shall be veiled by the presbyter, 
or else take a veil, consecrated by the bishop, from the altar 
and yeil themselves. But it is no wonder to find such a change 
as this in the Roman Church. A diligent inquirer may find 
many other that are more considerable, which I shall no fur- 
ther pursue, but here put an end to the discourse concerning 
the ascetics of the ancient Church. 


END OF VOL. II. 










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